Chapter XIV (2)

Argos, Argolis, 226, 235, 237, 240, 243 f., 250 _n._, 253, 351, 353, 379, 444, 545, 565, 567, 575

Ariamnes, 404

Aristagoras, 47, 78, chap. iii. _passim_, 159, 299

Aristides, 202, 386, 388 ff., 403, 461, 470, 496, 547

Aristocratic traditions, 170, 175, 203

Aristodemos, 274 f., 312

Aristomenes, 12

Aristophanes, 170, 179 _n._, 523, 563

Aristotle, 175, 177 f., 255, 358, 420

Artabanos, 209, 217 f.

Artabazos, 428 ff., 475, 476 _n._, 508, 514, 518, 546

Artaphernes, 42, 69, 74, 76, 78 ff., chap. iii. _passim_, 147 ff., 159, 201 _n._

Artaphernes (younger), 160, chap. iv. _passim_, 200

Artauktes, 531 ff.

Artemisia, 113 _n._, 220, 374, 402 f., 410, 577

Artemisium, 265 f., 270, 271, 276, 298, chap. viii. _passim_, 351, 353 f., 355, 358, 359, 374, 383, 404, 441 _n._, 538, 541, 562, 569, 576 f.

Artybios, 105

Asea, 444

Asia Minor, Geographical, 7, 13

Asopos, R., Bœotia, 448 and chap. xi. _passim_, especially 470 and _n._, 473

Asopos, R., Malis, 260 ff., 277 ff., 299 ff., 345 f., 348

Assyria, 8 f., 10, 12, 14–16, 39

Astyages, 16, 17

Atalanta, 261, 279, 309, 346, 349

Atarneus, 140 f., 217

Athens, Athenians,

Ægina, 53, 98, 154 f., 158 _n._, 202, 240, 562, 574 f.

Army, 431, 461, 468, 469 _n._, at Platæa, 500 ff., 503 ff., 519; at
Mykale, 527, 529–532

Constitutional, 174 ff., 389, 431

Fleet, 93, 198,
203 ff., 237, 265, 270 f., 320, 337, 351, 354, 355, 365, 368, 393,
405, 552 f.

General, Delphi, 232, 240, 262 _n._; siege, 356 ff., 436 ff., 530, 545

Internal politics, 76 f., 166 ff., 199, 201 ff., 388, 416, 419, 563

Ionian revolt, 92–98, 133, 167

Persia, 72, 74, 76, 77 f., 81, chap. iv., 214, 224 ff., 232, 241 f.,
357, 546

Strategy, 270 f., 275, 359 f., 523, 549, 550 f.

Trade, 367

Athenian sources, 54, 98, 155, chap. iv., 319, chap. viii. _passim_, 321, 324, 340, 341, 405, 477, 491 f., 508 _n._, 510, 563, 567, 574, 575, 576

Athos, Mt., 151, 153, 212, 221

Atossa, 72

Attaginos, 517

Attica, 159, 162, 234 f., 353, 355, 356, 358, 372, 444, 445, 526, 549

Atyadæ, 6

Avlona (valley), 164 f., 174, and chap. iv. _passim_

Axios, R., 221

B

Bactrians, 418

Bakchylides, 28

Bithynia, 18, 60

Bœotia, Bœotians, 77, 228, 229 and _n._, 231, 252, 257, 262 _n._, 275, 346 f.; routes, 346, 347, 350, 374, 407, 410, 439, 440, 445, and chap. xi. _passim_ (especially 452, 455, 471, 477, 498, 505, 507, 512, 513, 519 ff.), 527, 544, 547, 549

Bosphorus, 50, 115

Boudenitza 265, 276, 346

Branchidæ [Temple of the], 22, 89

Brennus, 262 _n._, 265, 268 _n._, 281

Brygi, 150 f.

Bury, Prof., 357 _n._, 389, 390 _n._

Busolt, 155 _n._

Byzantion, 49, 50 _n._, 51 _n._, 56, 69, 99, 120 f., 135, 145, 518

C

Cadmus, 254 _n._

Cambunian Mts., 231, 257

Cambyses, 36 f., 55, 255, 538

Cappadocia, 213

Caria, 18, 29, 31, 91, 99 ff., chap. iii. _passim_, 219, 338

Carrhæ, 426

Carthage, Carthaginians, 131, 245 ff., 254 ff. _n._, 355, 421–428, 523, 540

Cenchrea, 379

Chabrias, 456 _n._

Chæronea, 347, 544

Chalkidike, 151, 429

Chalkis, 77, 134, 162, 265, 277, 320, 323 ff., 331, 332 and _n._, 342 f.; route, 347, 354 _n._, 469 _n._

Charadra, 163 f. and chap. iv. _passim_

Charopinos, 94

Chileos, 442

Chilon, 344

Chios, 30, 83, 118, 120, 125, 129, 136 ff., 433, 530

Chronology, 107 f., 111, 114; revolt, chap. iii. _passim_, and 142–144, 151, 172 f., 197 _n._, 198, 203 _n._, 229, 235, 237, 239, 240, 250, 251, 253 _n._, 271 f., 272 _n._, 319 f., 320 _n._, 330 f., 332 and _n._, 342, 343, 377, 388, 390 _n._, 417, 427, 448

Cilicia, Cilicians, 106, 123, 148, 160, 219, 336 _n._, 343, 393, 402

Cimmerians, 10, 12

Clinton (Fasti), 203 _n._

Constantine, 515

Constantinople, 515

Corcyra, 240 ff., 355 and _n._, 369 _n._, 576

Corinth, 21, 37, 77, 78, 205, 241, 270, 273, 306, 320, 328, 329, 339, 354 _n._, 355, 364 f., 367 f., 389 f., 398 _n._, 405, 469 _n._; at Platæa, 506, 517, 528, 535, 543, 563 f.

Cornelius Nepos, 184 _n._

Corsica, 131

Creasy, Sir Edward, 407

Crete, Cretans, 235, 237, 240, 242

Crœsus, 18–28, 55, 97, 214, 349

Croiset, 362

Cyaxares, 15

Cyclades, 82

Cyprus, 36, 99 _n._, 100 ff., 123, 125, 219, 393, 402

Cyrene, 74, 75

Cyrus, 16, 17, 33

D

Dardanos, 110, 217

Darius (special references), organization, 39 ff.; policy, 58, 148 f., 160, 201 _n._; last years and death, 200, 201, 205, 206, 362

Daskylian satrapy, 428

Datis, 160 ff., chap. iv. _passim_, 200

Daulis, 349

Daurises, 110 ff., 115

Dekeleia, 448, 449

Delbrück, 210 _n._, 267 _n._

Delian League, 530

Delos, 161, 433, 524, 529

Delphi, Delphic Oracle, 11, 14, 22, 25–27, 77, 197; war, 232–240, 242, 243, 244, 246 f., 262, 305, 307, 347, 348; topography, 349 f., 353, 356, 419, 514, 515, 567, 572 f., 575

Demaratos, 77, 154 f., 220, 296, 344 f.

Demarete, 428

Demokedes, 72 f.

Demophilos, 306

Demosthenes, 262 _n._

Diodorus, 27, 228 ff. _n._, 244, 250; sources, 250 _n._; 251, 255 f., 272, 275, 294, 329, 330 _nn._, 334, 336 _n._, 337, 357, 369 ff.; sources, 373, 377, chap. ix., 378 onwards _passim_ (especially 388, 392, 393, 394, 404, 406, 421–428), 498; on Platæa (518, 519 _n._), 570, 575

Dionysios (of Phokæa), 31, 126 ff., 334 _n._

Dionysios (of Halikarnassos), 203

Dirphys, Mt., 453

Dolonki, 145

Dolopians, 226, 229 _n._

Dorians (of Asia), 18, 29, 31, 99, 219, 220, 561, 574

Doris, Dorians, 257, 261, 264 _n._, 267 _n._, 302, 345 f., 348 and _n._, 374, 567

Doriskos, 212, 218, 220

Drakospilia (old), 301, 303

Drakospilia (new), 303–305, 307, 309 f., 312 _n._

Dryoskephalæ, 356, 447–449 452, and chap. xi. _passim_ (especially 475, 493 _n._)., 538

Dyras, R., 278 ff., 281

E

Eclipses, 15, 217 and _n._, 443 _n._

Egypt, Egyptians, 24, 32, 35, 36, 46, 74, 75, 123, 201 f., 205, 209, 211, 214, 219, 381 and _n._, 387, 523, 538

Eion, 212, 220, 419

Elatæa, 265, 276, 346

Eleusinian Demeter, temple of, site, 494 ff., 503, 507, 508, 520

Eleusis, 352, 371, 375, 385, 391, 447, 452 and _n._, 549

Eleutheræ, 447, 452 _n._, 456 _n._, 465 _n._

Elis, Eleians, 513, 514

Enneahodoi, 220

Epaminondas, 195

Ephesus, 14, 94, 98, 101, 108, 122, 125, 130, 535

Ephoros, 197 _n._, 249, 250 _n._, 254 _n._ f., 294 f., 518 _n._

Epialtes, 268, 299 f., 310, 569

Epidaurus, 320, 354 _n._, 469 _n._

Epirus, 241

Eretria, 72, 94, 98, 142 ff. (_i.e._ chap. iv. _passim_), 320, 336 _n._, 354 _n._. 434, 469 _n._

Eryihræ (Asia), 125

Erythræ (Bœotia), 447, 449 _n._; site, 458 and _n._, 459 ff., 465 _n._, 467 _n._, 512, 518 _n._

Ethiopia, 38

Eubœa, 82, 161 f., 183, 257, 263 _n._, 265, 318, and chap. viii. _passim_; “Hollows,” 335 and _n._, 343, 374, 384, 453, 538

Euesperides, 74

Euphrates, 426

Euripus, 162, 228, 261, 264, 265, 269, 276, 277, chap. viii. _passim_, 347, 542

Eurybiades, 320, 328 ff., 355, 362 ff., 376, 389, 413, 543, 545 f.

Euxine (colonies), 54, 56, 57

Euxine (Sea), 58, 120, 145, 215 _n._

Evænetos, 229, 231

Evalkides, 98

G

Gargaphia Spring, 454, 463, 465 ff.; site, 465 _n._; 470, 478 and _n._, 480, 485, 489, 499

Gauls, 262 _n._, 267 _n._, 281, 288

Gaumata, 38

Gelo, 240, 244–256, 355, 421–428, 575

Geraneia, Mt., 369, 375, 378, 446

Getæ, 51, 59

Giona, Mt., 260

Goodwin, Professor, 370 ff.

Gorgo, 92

Gorgos, 101 f.

Gourgo-Potamo, 278 f., 282

Greeks of Asia, character, 45 ff., 85, 118; literature, 133

Greek legend in history, 32, 48

Grote, 371, 373, 385

Gyges, 10 ff.

H

Hæmus, 51

Haliartos, 544

Halikarnassos, 113 _n._, 220, 402, 561, 577

Halos, 228, 231, 259, 279, 567

Halys, 12, 13, 15, 23, 96 f., 213

Hamilcar, 254 _n._, 421–428

Harpagos, 31, 140 f., 148

Hauvette, 155 _n._, 187 _n._, 278, 362

Head [Hist. Numm.], 428

Hebros, R., 218, 221

Hecatæus, 89, 91, 116

Hegesistratos, 524

Helicon, Mt., 347, 452, 544

Hellespont [region], 18, 56, 57, 64, 83, chap. iii. _passim_, 145 and 219, 527, 530 ff.

Hellespont, 7, 212; bridge, 214 ff. and _n._, 250 _n._; wind, 324, 408, 412, 414, 418, 562

Heraklea Trachinia, 261, 263 _n._, 264 _n._, 268 _n._, 282 f., 430, 525

Herakles, Precinct of, 164, 174, 179, 181 ff., 190

Hermionians, 354 _n._, 469 _n._

_Herodotus_,

Anachronisms, 127, 156, 333 _n._

Autopsy. 213, 220, 277 ff., 313, 436, 457, 472, 569, 571 f.

Fact and motive, 85, 291 ff., 293, 306, 308, 323, 326, 338, 568

Historical element in fiction, 102 ff., 208, 218, 433 f.

Influence of his contemporaries, 292, 294, 328, 334 _n._, 345, 360,
369 _n._ 444, 515, 516, 557, 559, 563 f.

Judgments, 93, 101, 103, 125, 129, 132, 231, 244, 431, 441 _n._, 518,
529, 561, 566

Omissions, 79 f., 156, 256, 451, 538, 549 f., 559 f.

Prejudice, 80, 86, 89, 104, 115, 116, 126 ff., 137, 328, 329 _n._,
340 f., 358, 360, 362, 400, 401, 411 f., 413 f., 490 f., 501 _n._,
506, 510, 511, 516 _n._, 536, 560, 561 ff., 564

Rationalization, 16

Religion and philosophy, 55, 195 f., 209, 226, 247 f., 274, 293,
306 f., 338, 358, 562, 565

Sources of information, 53, 65, 69, 70, 80, 98, 104, 113, 125, 127
and _n._, 128 f., 146 _n._, 162 _n._, 167, 175, 197, 198, 203, 206,
210 _n._, 213, 214, 218, 219, 232, 245, 249, 254 _n._, 266 f., 273,
314, 318 f., 321, 324, 332 _n._, 344 f., 360, 373, 374, 414, 417,
428 f., 436, 457, 472, 477, 501 _n._, 508 _n._, 509, 510, 514, 516
and _n._, 560 and chap. xiv. _passim_ (especially 564 ff.)

Topography, 216, 223, 267, 277 f., 291 f., 335 _n._, 457, 468, 506 f.,
559, 568

Treatment of evidence, 89, 110, 156 f., 169, 180 f., 184, 189, 190 f.,
193 f., 267, 273, 332 _n._, 340 f., 373, 374, 377, 382, 383, 386, 405,
428, 457, 458, 558, 565, 567

Himera, 246, 251, 254 _n._, 422 ff.

Hipparchos, 168

Hippias, 49 _n._, 74, 77 f., 81, 92, 159, 166, 168 f., 173

Histiæa, 339, 374

Histiæotis, 257

Histiæus, 54 f., 66, 68 f., chap. iii. _passim_; character, 141–2

Hogarth, 262 _n._

Hunt, Irving, 520 _n._

Hyampolis, 262 _n._, 346, 349

Hydarnes, 196, 269 _n._, 299 f., 309, 311 _n._, 313, 317, 419

Hymeës, 110, 115

Hypata, 278

Hysiæ, 456, 459 _n._, 463, 464; site, 464 _n._, 467 _n._, 497

I

Iatragoras, 91

Ida, Mt, 216, 217 and _n._

Ilium, 217

Imbros, 69

India, Indians, 32, 418

Ionian Greeks, 51, 54 f., 102 f., 119, 124 ff., 137, 147, 148 ff., 159, 208, 213, 218, 219, 338, 339, 385, 393, 401 f., 405 f., 408, 414 _n._, 433 ff., 517, 522, 525 ff., 535, 560 f.; sources, 567, 577

Ionian revolt, 47, 48, 53, chap. iii., 146, 147, 199, 210, 242, 434, 528, 560 f., 574

Ionian Sea, 247

Isagoras, 74, 166

“Island” at Platæa. _Vide_ Nesos

Ister, 51 ff.

Isthmus (of Corinth), 226, 228, 238; defence, 253, 257, 270, 272–275, 295, 298, 351, 352, 353, 355 ff., 369, and chap. ix., _passim_ (especially 404), 440 ff., 446, 449, 451, 452, 506, 515, 541, 544, 546, 549

Italiot Greeks, 131, 255, 355, 421

Italy, 365

J

Jason (of Pheræ), 227

Justin, 184

K

Kaïkos, R., 140, 217

Kalamoi, 524

Kalauria, 353

Kalchedon, 50, 58 _n._, 56, 69, 145

Kale Akte, 134

Kallatebos, 214

Kallias, 243, 575

Kallidromos, Mt., 261, 286, 289, 312

Kallimachos, 174 ff., and chap. iv. _passim_

Kalyndos, 402

Kandili, Mt., 324; 325 _n._

Kane, 217

Kardia, 218

Karystos, 161 f., 374, 416, 417

Kasthanea, 322

Kaukasa, 83

Kaunos, 99

Kelænæ, 213

Keos, Keians, 320, 354 _n._

Keos (Salamis), 383 ff.

Kephallenia, 469 _n._

Kephisia, 164

Kephissos, R., 348

Kimon (elder), 49

Kimon (younger), 105, 198, 524, 552

Kissians, 297

Kithæron, Mt., 252, 351, 410, 443 _n._; passes of Kithæron-Parnes, 445–448, 449 _n._, 451, 453 f., chap. xi. _passim_, 527

Klazomenæ, 14, 115

Kleidemos, 519

Kleisthenes, 74, 166, 175, 177

Kleisthenes (of Sikyon), 166

Kleombrotos, 379, 443 and _n._

Kleombrotos (younger), 456 _n._

Kleomenes, 74, 76, 77, 91 ff., 154 f., 243, 253, 299

Knemis, Mt., 261

Koës, 52, 66, 91

Kokla, 484

Kolophon, 11, 14

Kolossæ, 213

Konvelo, 283

Kopais, L., 347, 351, 452, 544

Koresos, 94

Koronea, 347

Kotroni, Mt., 180

Kourion, 106

Krannon, 227, 258

Kreusis, 347, 446

Kriekouki, 446 _n._, 454, and chap. xi. _passim_

♠ “Kreikouki” replaced with “Kriekouki”

Kritalla, 213

Kroton, 73, 133 f. 354 _n._, 355

Ktesias, 52, 56, 409 _n._

Kybebe, 97

Kydrara, 214

Kyme, 14, 30, 115, 430

Kynosura (Marathon), 163, 180, 384

Kynosura (Salamis), 371, 375, 383 ff., 392 ff., 403

Kythera, 128, 344 f.

Kytinion, 349 f.

Kythnians, 354 _n._

L

Labraunda, 113 f.

Labynetos, 15

Ladé, 50 _n._, 122 _n._, 124 ff., 135, 151, 334 _n._, 406

Lamia, 258 f., 277, 279, 347

Lampon, 514

Lamponium, 56, 69

Lampsakos, 110

Larisa, 207, 258, 347

Laurion, 203, 205, 368, 562

Leake, Preface, 281 ff., 285, 291, 301 f., 310 _n._, 449 _n._, 456 _n._, 458 _n._, 466 _n._, 471 _n._. 481, 482 f., 484, 498, 520

Lebadeia, 436

Lechæum, 379

Lemnos, 69

Leonidas, 272 _n._, and chap. vii. _passim_, 329, 514, 544, 573

Leontiades, 295

Lepreans, 469 _n._

Leras, 116

Lesbos (Mytilene), 66, 69, 91, 120 f., 125, 130, 135, 137, 140 f., 530

Leukadians, 354 _n._, 469 _n._

Leuke Akte, 212

Leuktra, 195, 471 _n._, 481

Leutychides, 155, 431, chap. xii. _passim_, 548

Libya, Libyans, 38, 254 _n._, 422

Ligyes-Ligurians, 254 _n._

Limni, 325 _n._

Livy, 260 _n._, 264 _n._, 279, 335 _n._

Locri (Opuntii), 229 _n._, 231, 232, 257, 273 ff., 293, 300 and _n._, 306, 313, 320, 354 _n._, 374

Lolling, 165

Lycia, 31, 219, 393, 402

Lydia, Lydians, 5 ff., 28, 29–31, 95, 97, 166, 214, 529

Lykides, 440

Lykos, 213

Lysagoras, 196

M

Macan, Herodotus, iv., v., vi., 65 _nn._, chap. iii. various notes, 155 _n._, 161 _n._

Macedonia, 65, 70, 145 ff., 207, 212, 221, 226, 262 _n._, 268 _n._, 279, 450, 523, 533, 555, 567

Mæandrios, 37

Magna Græcia, 367

Magnesia (near Sardes), 11, 31, 37

Magnesia, Magnetes (Thessaly), 226, 229 _n._, 320 _n._, 322, 326

Malea, Cape, 355 _n._

Malene, 140

Malis, Malians, 226, 229 _n._, 257, 264 _n._, 267 _n._, 277 ff., 299, 300, 303, 320 _n._, 348 _n._, 354 _n._, 551

Mantinea, Mantineans, 273, 306, 493 _n._, 513, 514

Marathon, 50 _n._, 53, 72, 79, 145, chap. iv. _passim_; topography, 155 _n._, 204; legend, 224 f., 353, 362, 389, 407, 415, 476, 511, 535, 560, 574

Mardonius [expedition of 492], 48, 148 ff., 159, 206–208, 211, 219, 407, 409 f., chap. x. _passim_, chap. xi. _passim_; death, 502, 503, 515, 545 ff., 549 ff.

Marengo, 513

Marsyas, R., 113 and _n._ f.

Masistios, 461 f., 488, 519

Mausolos, 113 _n._

Mavra-neria, 278, 282

Mazares, 30, 31

Media, Medes, 15, 219, 297, 418, 426

Medism, 166 ff., 201, 207, 226 ff., 270, 272, 275 f., 294, 347 f., 439 f., 444, 450, 505, 516 f., 530, 547 f., 550

Megabates, 83 ff.

Megabazos 64 ff.

Megara, Megareans, 262 _n._, 320, 354 _n._, 365, 366, 368, 378, 387, 393, 445, 446, 448, 449, 456, 461, 469 _n._, 507, 519, 564

Megistios, 306, 313

Mekistos, Mt., 324 _n._, 453

Melas, R., 218

Melas, R. (Malis), 278 f., 293

Mesembria, 51

Mesembria (on N. Ægean), 220

Messenia, 442 _n._

Metiochos, 146

Miletus, 14, 29, 37, 54, 80, chap. iii. _passim_, 168, 526, 528

Miltiades, 49, 52 f. (trial), 55, 56, 145, chap. iv. _passim_, 195–199, 204

Mnesiphilos, 363 ff., 562

Moloeis, R., 494 ff., 499

Munro, 155 _n._, 172 _n._

Munychia, 385, 395 _n._

Murmex, 324 f.

Mykale, 124, 130, 163 f., 184 _n._, 267, chap. xii. first part _passim_, 551, 555, 561, 572, 577 f.

Mykenæ, 273, 306, 469 _n._

Mykonos, 197 _n._

Mylassa, 113, 115

Myrkinos, 66, 68 f., 116 f.

Mysia, 18, 115, 217

Mytilene. _Vide_ Lesbos

Myus, 125

N

Nabonidus, 16, 24, 27, 32

Naxos, 47, 69, 81–89, 158, 161, 354 _n._

Nebuchadrezzar, 15, 16

Neokles, 456 _n._

“Nesos” at Platæa, 466 _n._, 472, 479; site, 480–487, 488, and rest of chap. xi. _passim_ (especially 507, 519)

Nicæa, 262 _n._

Nikias, 345

O

Oarus, 52

Œroë, R., 450, 454, 455 _n._, 467, 480, 481, 484 ff.

Œta, Mt., 226, 227, 232, 252, chap. vii. _passim_; description, 257 ff., 345 f., 452, 542, 551

Œtæans, 261, 264 _n._, 300 _n._, 348 _n._

Olympia, 514, 515

Olympos, Mt., 221, 228; passes, 231

Olynthos, 429 f.

Onesilos, 101 f.

Onomakritos, 206

Orchomenos [Arcadia], 273, 469 _n._

Orchomenos [Bœotia], 346

Orestheion, 442 _n._, 444, 452

Orœtes, 37, 39

Oropos, 162

Ossa, Mt., 221

Otanes, 65, 69 f., 71, 76, 83, 110, 115, 148, 219

Othrys, Mt., 258, 303

P

Pæeonians, 66 ff., 93

Pagæ, 446, 448

Pagasætic Gulf, 228, 321 ff.

Paisos, 110

Paktyas, 30

Pallene, 429

Pamphylia, 100, 109, 125, 219, 393, 402

Pan, Cave of, 190

Panakton, 445, 447

Pangæus, Mt., 70, 220

Panormos, 422

Panopeus, 356

Parapotamii, 346, 349, 356

Parasopia, 449 _n._, 455

Parnassus, Mt., 348 ff., 452, 471

Parnes, Mt., 351, _Vide_ Kithæron

Paros, 196 ff., 201, 205, 416 f.

Pausanias (Sparta), 105, 443, and chap. xi. _passim_, 548, 555

Pausanias (author), 165, 190, 192 and _n._, 262, 265, 267 _n._, 281, 286, 288, 306, 312, 355 _n._, 448, 449 _n._, 456 _n._, 459 _n._, 463 _n._, 465 _n._, 485, 496, 497, 515, 520

Pedasos, 114 ff., 119, 123, 134

Peisistratidæ, 158, 201, 206, 307

Peisistratos, 166, 168

Peloponnesus, Peloponnesians, strategy, 232; hegemony, 243; strategy, 270 ff., 298, 321, 329, 344, 351, 359, 379, 391, 514, 530

Peloponnesian League, 78, 154 _n._, 544

Peloponnesian War, 273, 334 _n._, 345

Peneius, R., 221, 231, 321

Perikles, 157, 176

Perinthos, 65, 145, 212

Perkote, 110

Perrhæbi, 226, 229 _n._

Persia, Persians, 16; civilization, 33–35; organization, 39 ff., 82, 147, 211, 222, 249; army, 44, 49, 50, 109, 113, 121, 160 (Marathon), 184 _n._, 186, 200 (B.C. 480), 210 f., 211 _n._, 217, 218 f.; policy, 58 f., 64, 66, 146 and _n._, 147 ff., 153, 158, 208, 218, 232 ff., 249, 411; fleet, 50, 101, 151, 153 f., 160, 204 (B.C. 480), 218 ff., 222, 276, 374, 406, 430, 524; strategy, 368, 406, 409 f., 451, 471, 540; army, 222, 374, 554; policy, 449 ff., 535; fleet, 538; organization, 537 f.; sources, 577

Phalæcus, 262 _n._

Phalara, 259

Phaleron, 186, 190 ff., 374, 376 ff., 404, 412, 545

Philaid family, 146

Philip of Macedon, 262 _n._, 268 _n._

Philip of Macedon (younger), 263 _n._

Philippides, 172, 173

Philius, 273, 306, 469 _n._, 507

Phocis, Phocians, 257, 262 _n._, 265, 273, 274 ff.; wall, 287–289, 293, 299 ff., 345 ff., 347 f., 450, 471, 477, 508

Phœnicia, Phœnicians, 35, 36, 99 ff., 119, 129, 131 ff., 145 f., 214, 219, 249, 250, 254, 255 f., 373, 385, 393, 397, 400, 402, 405 f., 523, 524, 525

Phœnix, R., 280–284

Phokæa, 31, 125, 126 ff.

Phormio, 395, 398 _n._

Phrygia, 6, 7, 10, 213

Phrynichos, 133, 167

Phyle, 447

Pieria, 220, 272, 292

Pindar, 167, 249, 254 _n._

Pindus, Mt., 241, 258

Piræus, 371, 374, 375, 385

Platæa, 163, 179 ff., 184 _n._, 211, 230, 267, 320, 356, 407, 410, 418, 427, chap. xi. _passim_ (especially 469 _n._, site of town, 489 _n._), 526, 527, 537, 538, 554 f., 568, 579 f.

Pliny, 525

Plutarch, 95, 100, 173 _n._, 204, 205, 294 f., 358, 362, 369 ff., 388, 392, 398, 467 _n._, 468 _n._, 496, 497 f., 519, 520 _n._, 521

Pogon, 353 _n._

Poikilé Stoa, 190

♠ “Poikile” replaced with “Poikilé”

Polichne, 137

Polybius, 216, 263 _nn_.

Polykrates, 35–37, 55, 72

Potidæa, 429 ff., 469 _n._

Potniæ, 496

Prasias, Lake, 67 and _n._, 68

Priene, 14, 31, 125

Propontis, 64, 70, 99, 107, 214

Pseudo-Smerdis, 38, 148

Psyttaleia, 372 ff., 375, 382, 384, 385, 392 ff., 403

Pteria, 15, 27

Ptoon, Mt., 436, 453

Pythios, 213

R

Rawlinson, 282

Rhegion, 254 _n._

Rheitoi, 452

Rhodope, Mt., 220

Rhoetion, 217

Romans, 268 _n._

Routes, Ephesus to Sardes, 94; Ægean, 35, 153; Marathon, 164 f., 174; Asia Minor, 213 ff.; Thrace, 220, 221; North Greece, 221 f.; Thessaly, 231; North Greece, 232; Greece to Sicily, 241; Mount Othrys, 258 f.; Thessaly, 258 f.; Mount Œta, 260, 261; Delphi, 262; road through Thermopylæ, 288–289; Thermopylæ to Thebes, 345 f.; Thermopylæ to Delphi, 349, 350; Schiste, 349; Thermopylæ-Phocis, 349 _n._; Bœotia, 356; Geraneia, 378; Ægean, 431; North Ægean, 437; Lakonia, 442 _n._; Peloponnese, 444; Attica and Bœotia, 445–448; Kreusis to Isthmus and Megara, 446; Platæa-Megara, 446 and _n._; Platæa-Athens, 446 f.; Thebes-Eleusis-Athens, 447; Thebes-Phyle-Athens, 447 f.; Athens-Dekeleia-Bœotia, 448; South Bœotia, 448; Eleutheræ-Eleusis-Athens, 452 _n._; Platæa-Athens, 456 _n._; Platæa-Megara, 456 _n._; Thespiæ-Dryoskephalæ, 460; Dryoskephalæ-Thebes, 462; Platæa-Thebes, 467 _n._; Leuktra to Dryoskephalæ, 505; Platæa-Megara, 515

S

Sakæ, 57, 189, 219, 418

Salamis (Cyprus), 101 ff., 577

Salamis (Attica), 205, 236, 238 f., 251, 267, 352, chap. ix. _passim_; topography, 375 ff., 408–412, 419, 431, 434, 440, 441 _n._, 443 _n._, 452, 508, 516, 518, 522; general strategy, 544 ff., 561, 570

Salmydessos, 51

Samos, Samians, 31, 35–37, 51 _n._, 81, 106, 125 ff., 161, 401, 430, 433, 522 f., 534 f., 529, 530

Samothrace, 218, 220, 400, 406

Sandokes, 327

Sardes, 25, 27, 30, 68, 69 f., 70, 74, 82, 94 f., 108, 213 f., 228, 240, 535, 537

Sardinia, 116, 118, 254 _n._, 422

Saromata, Mt., 303

Saronic Gulf, 253, 352, 538, 545

Sarpedon, 218

Salræ, 220

Scythians, 10, 57, 145

Scythian expedition, 48 ff., 70, 72, 75, 85, 146 _n._, 209, 210, 415, 535

Selinus, 424

Selymbria, 145

Sepias, 322, 323 ff., 342, 374

Seriphians, 354 _n._

Sestos, 56, 215, 218, chap. xii. latter part. 538, 551

Sicily, 131, 134, 244–256, 321, 355, 367, 421–428, 540, 567, 575

Sideroporto, 263 _n._, 264, 268 _n._, 282

Sidon, 73, 219

Sigeon, 49 _n._, 78

Sikinnos, 379

Sikyon, 320, 354 _n._, 469 _n._, 528

Simonides, 313

Siphnians, 354 _n._

Siris, 365, 369 _n._

Sisimakes, 115

Skiathos, 318, 321 f., 331, 335 _n._, 342, 384

Skione, 429

Skironid Way, 378

Skolopœis, 525

Skolos, 449 and _n._, 463, 496

Skopadæ, 227

Skyllias, 331, 343

Smerdomenes, 219

Smyrna, 14

Soli, 106

Soros (at Marathon), 165 ff.

Spaniards, 425

Sparta, 25, 29, 37, 76, 91 ff., 154 f. and _n._, 159, 168, 172 f., 182, 193, 220, 225 f.; Tempe 229, 231, 237, 240; Argos, 243; Sicily, 245, 252; Argos, 253; Sicily, 254 _n._; strategy, 271; Thermopylæ, chap. vii. _passim_; people and government, 315; fleet, 320, 344, and North Greece, 348 _n._; fleet, 354 and _n._, 385, 401, 420, 433, 438; policy, 440 ff.; army, 442 and _n._, 443, 456, 469 _n._; at Platæa, 492 ff.; army, 493; at Platæa, 498 ff., 508, 512 ff.; at Mykale, 527 ff.; characteristic, 530, 531, 541; strategy, 549; sources, 567, 569 _n._, 576

Spercheios, R., 258, 263 _n._, chap. vii. _passim_

Sphendale, 449

Stagiros, 220

Stamata, 164

Stein, 282, 389, 443 _n._

Stentoris, Lake, 218

Stesenor, 106

Stesilaos, 190

St. George Island, 371 f., 375, 384, 386, 405

Strabo, 23, 52, 106 _n._, 113, 215, 283, 335 _n._, 525

Strategic questions, Artemisium, 318, 331 f.

Attica. 440, 445

Bœotia, 544

Cyprus, 105

Eubœa, 265

General, 113, 124, 153, 157, 266 f., 267 _n._, 298 f., 321, 351,
359 ff., 365, 406, 409 f., 413, 415, 416, 422, 432, 437, 449 ff.,
462, 522, 524, chap. xiii. _passim_

Greece, 159, 171 f. (Marathon), 178, 179 ff., 185, 193, 226

Hellespont, 530

Isthmus, 378

Kithæron-Parnes, 445–448, 450, 451

North Greece, 268

Œne, 447

Peloponnesian, 270 ff.

Peloponnesus, 345, 444

Persian, 344 f.

Platæa, 473 ff., 476 _n._, 488, 492, 510, 511

Platæa town, 446

Salamis, 352, 380 f., 386

Thebes, 347

Thermopylæ, 263 ff., 269, 298, 316

Thermopylæ and Artemisium, 543

Thessaly, 230 _n._, 232, 541

Thracian Chersonese, 531

West Asia, 7, 13, 90, 96, 105, 112

Strattis, 433

Stryme, 220

Strymon, 66 ff., 72, 120, 136, 139, 212, 220, 221

Stylida, 259, 327 _n._

Styreans, 320, 354 _n._, 469 _n._

Suidas, 179 _n._, 183 _n._, 184 _n._

Sunium, Cape, 181 ff., 190, 376

Susa, 69, 72, 75, 76, 102 f., 109, 121, 141, 149, 243, 537

Sybaris, 133 f., 369 _n._

Syloson, 37

Synetos, 229 _n._

Syracuse, 244 ff., 421–428

Syria, 219

Syrtis, Greater, 255

T

Tabalos, 30

Tacitus, 62, 63, 149 _n._

Tactics and equipment, 92, 126, 129 f.; Marathon, 183 ff., 193, 195, 208, 269 _n._, 270 f., 297, 299, 322, 334 and _n._; Salamis, 386, 394, 396, 399, 400, 425–427, 437, 441, 442, 462, 473 ff., 477, 478, 500, 501, 502, 508, 510, 512 ff., 525, 528, chap. xiii. _passim_

Tanagra, 448, 449, 451 _n._

Tanais, 52

Tarentum, 73

Taurus Mountains, 7 f., 12, 15, 24, 426

Tearos, 51

Tegea, Tegeans, 273, 306, 468, 469 _n._, 471, 494, 500, 502, 509

Tempe, Vale of, 221, 228 and _n._ and ff., 231 f., 235, 252, 253 ff., 257, 271 _n._, 279, 294, 541, 571

Tenedos, 141, 146

Tenos, 161, 374, 389

Teos, 125

Terillos, 246, 254 _n._

Thasos, 137, 139, 141, 152, 220

Thaumaki, 258 f., 279, 298, 453

Thebes, 179, 273, 293; attitude at Thermopylæ, 294–296, 306, 308 f., 313, 314, 347, 356, 439, 445, 447, 448, 451, 456, chap. xi. _passim_ (especially 476, 505, 512, 516 ff., 518 _n._), 527, 546

Thebes in Pthiotis, 258, 279

Themistocles, 203 ff., 229 _n._, 231, 236, 238 f., 270, 328 ff., 337 ff., 343, 352 and rest of chap. ix. _passim_ (especially 358, 359 ff., 368, 369 _n._, 391). 411 ff., 417, 419 f., 431, 543 ff., 561 ff.

Theomestor, 401

Theopompos, 156

Therma, town sand gulf, 151, 221, 228, 319, 320 _n._, 321 f., 327 _n._, 331

Thermopylæ, 128, 163, 223, 227, 229, 232, chap. vii. _passim_; description, 277 ff., 318 ff., 320 _n._, 323, 328 f., chap. viii. _passim_. 345 ff., 351, 374, 441, 514, 516, 541 ff., 568; sources, 569 _n._, 576

Thero, 246, 254 _n._, 423

Thespiæ, 273, 293, 306, 308 f., 313, 314, 356, 460

Thesprotis, 287

Thessaly, 207, 221, 223, 226 f., 229 _n._, 239, 252, 257 f., 271, 272, 276, 287, 298, 299, 346 ff., 347 f., 359, 369, 384, 410, 417, 419, 437, 439, 450, 453, 472, 516 f., 518, 541, 546, 566

Thirlwall. 55

Thrace, Thracians, 50, 60, 64 ff., 69, 93 f., 118, 120, 136, 141, 145 ff., 218–220, 418, 450, 532, 551

Thracian Chersonese, 49, 54, 65, 145 f., 218, 531

Thriasian Plain, 166, 441, 447, 452 _n._

Thucydides, 116, 161 _n._, 174 _n._, 241, 261, 264 _n._, 273, 298, 333 _n._, 345, 360 ff., 459 _n._, 460 _n._, 465, 466 _n._, 493 _n._, 498, 555

Thurii, 369 _n._

Thyreatic Plain, 444

Tigranes, 525

Timegenides, 475, 517

Timo, 197

Timodemos, 420

Timon, 236

Tithorea, 348

Tmolos, Mt., 94

Torone, 429

Trachis, 260, 264 _n._, 277 ff., 280; site, 281 f., 286, 293, 300, 348 _n._

Trade questions, 53, 94, 97 _n._., 105, 120, 134, 198, 241, 249, 367, 369 _n._, 434, 435, 523, 529, 530, 552

Trœzen, 320, 321, 353 and _n._, 354 _n._, 469 _n._, 528

Tyrants (Greek), 52, 54 ff., 86, 87, 91, 124 ff., 148, 169, 202, 247 f., 252

Tyras, 52

Tyrodiza, 212

Tyrrhenians, 131

V

Valerius Maximus, 335 _n._

Vergutiani Spring, 456, 472, 485, 520

Villa, 446 _n._

Vischer, 481 ff., 487

Vrana, 164

W

War, the great, issues, 1 ff., 21

Woodhouse, W. J., 467 _n._

X

Xanthippos, 198, 431 f., 531 ff., 548 f., 551 f.

Xenophon, 188 _n._, 297, 299, 446, 487, 542

Xerxes (special references), 205 f., 214, 398, 403, 408, 509

Z

Zanklé, 134

♠ “Zankle” replaced with “Zanklé”

THE END.

* * * * *

PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS LIMITED, LONDON AND BECCLES.

London: John Murray, Albemarle Street.

_Stanford’s Geographical Establishment, London._

]

London: John Murray, Albemarle Street.

_Stanford’s Geographical Establishment, London._

]

Footnotes.

[1] See note at the end of the Preface.

[2] It would be misleading to claim any exact accuracy for the chronology of this period. All that can be said is that the dates given are nearly correct. It is, therefore, undesirable to use the preposition “in” when the preposition “about” represents in reality the extent of our knowledge.

[3] Herodotus, speaking probably of the earlier part of the reign, mentions twenty. The Behistun inscription enumerates twenty-three; the inscription of Naksh-i-Rustem twenty-eight.

[4] Any date after 511 is highly improbable, because in that year Hippias was driven out of Athens and retired to Sigeum. Had the expedition taken place after his arrival there, it is almost certain that he would have accompanied Darius. Other considerations tend in the same direction.

[5] Herodotus says seven hundred thousand men and six hundred ships. This would imply that somewhat more than the ordinary general levy of the Empire was called out for the expedition. The numbers are almost certainly exaggerated.

The number of ships, viz. six hundred, as stated by Herodotus, is somewhat suspicious. The Persian fleet at Ladé is stated to have been six hundred (H. vi. 9). At Marathon it is the same (vi. 95). These may be mere vague calculations without any real foundation; it may be that six hundred was the ordinary official number of vessels that belonged to the Persian war fleet, and that Herodotus has assumed that on each of these occasions the whole fleet was employed. In the present instance, he does not mention any save the Greek contingents. It is extremely unlikely that the Greeks could furnish six hundred vessels. They could only raise three-fifths of that number at the time of the battle of Ladé. Still, Herodotus knows so little about the present expedition, that his omission to mention other contingents, if not a mere oversight, may be due to the want of information.

♠ “at Lade” replaced with “at Ladé”

[6] As it is important to note the exact nature of the traceable evidence on which Herodotus bases the various details he gives of the campaign, it may be pointed out in the present case that he states that Darius set up pillars with bilingual inscriptions at the point of crossing, and that the Byzantians removed them to their city, and used them for the altar of the temple of Artemis Orthosia. One stone, covered with Assyrian letters, was left in the temple of Dionysus.

This is apparently the statement of one who has seen them there; and the sentence which follows, in which Herodotus gives his own view as to the position of the bridge, tends to confirm this impression.

Those who have seen the terrific current off Seraglio Point at Constantinople will understand that the bridge could hardly have been constructed opposite Kalchedon.

Herodotus’ residence at Samos would enable him to obtain some sort of information with regard to the work of a Samian architect. He must have seen, too, the picture of the bridge, with the accompanying inscription, dedicated by Mandrocles, the engineer, in the temple of Hera.

[7] Probably further up, since there are great marshes on the north side of the river near the mouths of the Sereth and Pruth. It is more probable that it was between Tchernavoda and the great bend to the Delta.

[8] An examination of the map will show that this point, though its exact identification has not yet been satisfactorily ascertained, must have been on or close to the direct route from Byzantion northwards.

[9] It may seem strange to suppose for one moment that the words could apply to those cities whose subjection to Persia is certainly _implied_ in the earlier part of the account of the Scythian expedition. It must be remembered, however, that Herodotus never mentions the circumstances or even the fact of their previous reduction.

[10] I take it that the Lake Prasias of Herodotus is to be identified with the lower of the two lakes of the Strymon, and not with the Upper, as in Kiepert’s recent Atlas.

[11] Οὐκ ... ἀρχὴν Translation very uncertain, _vide_ Liddell & Scott’s Lexicon. _May_ mean “not originally,” or even “not at all.”

[12] I would refer those who wish to examine it in detail to the excellent notes on the subject in Macan’s “Herodotus,” vol. i p. 162, _ff_.

[13] Macan, _ad loc. cit._

[14] Manuscript text ἄνεως or ἄνεος gives no sense. Restorations proposed ἄνεσις or ἀνανέωσις. _Vide_ Macan, note, vol. i. p. 170.

[15] In attempting to write the history of the revolt, I have been immensely aided and considerably influenced by the acute analysis of that section of Herodotus’ history which is contained in Mr. Macan’s edition of H. iv., v., vi. I have not in all cases, as will be seen, adopted his conclusions in detail. The very excellence of Mr. Macan’s work renders it all but impossible to avoid plagiarism in matter if not in actual words. But if I am guilty, I am guilty of the sincerest form of flattery.

[16] Cf. H. v. 96, _ad fin_. and 97, where Herodotus clearly _implies_ that the demand had been made no long time before Aristagoras arrived at Athens, which was, of course, after the events at Naxos, and after the die of revolt had been cast.

[17] As Macan points out, the story was in all probability a celebrated story of the period; and “the man with the tattooed head” played the same part in Greek legend as “the man with the iron mask” in that of later days.

[18] _Vide_ Macan, “Herod.”

[19] Cf. H. v. 49. Ὡς Λακεδαιμόνιοι λέγουσι.

[20] The detail of the “guides” is improbable. The road the expedition followed was the high road from Ephesus to Sardes.

[21] The ἐβοήθεον τοῖσι Λυδοῖσι in H. v. 102 is a somewhat remarkable expression. It might have been thought that it was Artaphernes, cooped up in the citadel of Sardes, who would be first in the thoughts of the Persian commanders. Did the Lydians still remember against the Greek the betrayal of Crœsus? Or had Persia been favouring the Lydian against the Greek trade, and so forwarded the conspiracy of revolt? It appears as if we have a faint trace of one of those numerous lost motives of the history of the fifth century.

[22] The προπυνθανόμενοι indicates that they had early information of the attack. It cannot, however, have reached them prior to the landing near Ephesus, for Artaphernes was caught unprepared, and it cannot be supposed that he received later intelligence than the commanders farther inland.

[23] Another possible cause may have been a change in the preponderance of political parties at Athens during this year.

[24] Cf. opening words of v. 103.

[25] Mr. Macan attributes the spread of the revolt from Cyprus to Byzantion to the autumn of 498 (vol. ii. p. 69). I do not understand his reasons for so doing. Herodotus (v. 103) seems to cite the expedition to Byzantion as an example of the energy which the Ionians threw into the revolt in spite of the refusal of the Athenians to give further aid, a refusal which must be attributed to the winter of 498–97.

[26] I am fully aware of the significance of the words ὡς καὶ τοὺς Ἴωνας ἐπύθετο ἀπεστάναι. But I would suggest that, reading them with their context, they point to the beginning of a plot of revolt, rather than to its actual outbreak.

[27] Mr. Macan proposes an Athenian origin for this tale of the events at Susa. Yet the Athenians were not likely to suggest to the world that they had brought on Greece all the trouble of the period of the great war. Herodotus may have simply reproduced, with additions by himself, a pan-Hellenic version of a famous tale.

[28] Herodotus applies the name to a promontory, but Strabo, 682, says that the Keys are two islands off the east coast of Cyprus.

[29] To show the utter confusion of Herodotus’ narrative in this respect, it is only necessary to point out that he implies that Daurises immediately (v. 116) after the battle near Ephesus proceeded to reduce part of the Hellespontine district, which, if his previous account of the course affairs is to be credited (v. 103) did not revolt until months after the battle. Moreover, Daurises (v. 117) wins rapid successes in this region, and then is recalled by the revolt in Caria, which cannot have been brought about (v. 103), at the most moderate calculation, within six months of the battle near Ephesus.

[30] My view, stated briefly, is that the events recounted in H. v. 116, _ff_., cannot be earlier than 496.

[31] Ταύτας μὲν ἐπ᾽ ἡμέρῃ ἑκάστῃ αἵρεε.

[32] Not the celebrated stream of the Marsyas legend.

[33] Herodotus mentions Pixodaros of Kindys, a son of Mausolos, as proposer of the first of those alternative plans. The connection of the name Mausolos with Halikarnassos a century later, 377–353 (_vide_ Macan), suggests the possibility that this man had also a connection with Herodotus’ native town, and that the story, like those tales of Artemisia in the narrative of the campaign of 480, is a part of the historian’s work which can be definitely assigned to a Halikarnassian source.

[34] H. v. 120, Μιλήσιοι τε καὶ οἱ τούτων σύμμαχοι cannot mean a Pan-Ionian force. The nearness of Labraunda seems to have encouraged the Milesians and their nearest neighbours to venture on an attempt to save Caria. The other Ionians, in all probability, had their attention occupied by a Persian army sufficiently large to make it necessary for them to stay and guard their homes.

[35] On the manifest improbability of Hecatæus having proposed anything of the kind, _vide_ Macan, vol. i., note on p. 267.

[36] Ἐπιστάμενος seems to be used emphatically.

[37] I think it best to postpone the discussion of the evidence on this point until, taken in its chronological order, it is complete.

[38] The taking of Miletus is evidently assumed by Herodotus to have occurred in the same campaigning season as the battle of Ladé. There is no trace of a winter intervening between the battle and its capture. Cf. H. vi. 18.

[39] Ἀγνωμοσύνῃ τε διεχρέωντο.

[40] Chapter 17.

[41] The existence of such a tale in Herodotus suggests the possibility that his anti-Ionian bias was founded on something more than Halikarnassian or Dorian prejudice; that it was, indeed, largely based upon the colouring given to the story of the revolt by those sections of the populations of the Ionian towns who were dissatisfied with the way in which the operations were carried on, or whose conduct had been such as to excite the criticism of those insurgents who had shown a more persistent courage.

[42] Cf. Οὐκ ἔχω ἀτρεκέως συγγράψαι; ἀλλήλους γὰρ καταιτιῶνται.

[43] “In column,” probably a detail in accordance with Herodotus’ previous statement as to the “manœuvre of cutting the line;” in fact, a conjecture of the historian’s own. The Chians are described as “διεκπλέοντες” in the course of the battle. Had Dionysios of Phokæa, then, so convinced them of the value of this manœuvre that they practised it, in spite of the fact that they had forty marines on board each vessel, _i.e._ were prepared for a wholly different form of tactics?

[44] As Macan and others point out, this dedication was probably made after Mykale.

[45] H. vi. 23, 24.

[46] The emphatic mention of these Lesbians in this passage has suggested the idea that this attack on Chios was an act of spite on the part of the Æolian Lesbians against the Ionian Chians.

Those who maintain this view seem to leave out of account two difficult questions which it must raise:—

(1) What conceivable object can the Lesbians have had—

(_a_) In making such an attack for such a motive;
(_b_) In running the great risk it involved at a time when the
victorious Phœnician fleet was within a few hours’ sail of
Chios?

(2) Taking Herodotus’ tale as it stands, who are the Ionians (Chap, xxviii., _ad init._) who accompany Histiæus and the Æolians in their attack on Thasos, if they are not from Chios?

[47] _Vide_ Kiepert’s most recent map of Asia Minor.

[48] Artaphernes there, and therefore campaigning season probably over.

[49] Like many other geographical names of ancient and modern times, this was used in both a wider and a narrower sense. It is applied by Herodotus in some passages to the whole region from the Pontus to the Hellespont; in others to the immediate neighbourhood of the Hellespont. It is used here in the wider sense.

[50] The practical difficulties of the history are rendered all the greater by the uncertainty of the interpretation of the text in the opening of H. vi. 40.

[51] The all but complete absence of any details of Miltiades’ life between the time of the Scythian expedition and the end of the Ionian Revolt seems to me to support the view that there is very little _documentary_ evidence underlying Herodotus’ history, save that of inscriptions and of other official documents, demonstrable instances of whose use are rare. Had the historian made large use of private memoirs, supposing such existed, it is unlikely that he would have omitted to have recourse to the records of the Philaid family.

[52] The significance of this last assertion is very striking. The reference is to the Ionian towns especially, which, on the indication of purely general evidence, might be supposed to have been tributary to Athens at the time to which Herodotus refers.

The question raised belongs obviously to a period much later than 479 B.C., and must be left for discussion in a work dealing with the period between the Persian and Peloponnesian wars.

Meanwhile I would refer English students of Greek history to the long note on the subject in Macan, “Herod.” iv., v., vi., vol. i. p. 302.

[53] _E.g._. Strattis of Chios., H. viii. 132.

[54] Cf. H. vi. 43.

[55] The employment of Mardonios on this political business, in a case in which Artaphernes might have been expected to be the agent for the carrying out of this particular act of policy, suggests that Darius had in his mind considerations similar to those which are described by Tacitus as having influenced the Roman Government in the settlement of Britain after the revolt of the Iceni: “Missus igitur Petronius Turpilianus tanquam exorabilior et delictis hostium novus, eoque pœnitentiæ mitior” (Tac. Agric. xvi.).

[56] It has sometimes been assumed that this was, on the part of Athens, a direct recognition of Sparta, not merely as the chief power in Greece, but as exercising some sort of control over Athens itself. The assumption is possible, but not necessary.

[57] The second part of the objection seems inconsistent with Herodotus’ own statement, v. 75, that a law had been made some years before in Sparta to the effect that the two kings might not both accompany a military expedition. It is, however, possible that this law applied merely to the command of the army in time of war (_cf_. the circumstances under which it was made), and that when other important Government business abroad was on hand, the custom of the Spartan constitution provided that both kings should take part in it, that each might act as a check upon the other. It is evident in this instance that Kleomenes was not in a position to enforce his demands, and even on the second occasion there is no suggestion of armed interference.

[58] It is not a part of the design of this chapter to discuss in detail either (_a_) the various palpably unhistorical references to incidents of the campaign made by the orators of the fourth century, as well as by later classical authors;

or (_b_) the numerous and varied reconstructions of the history of the time which have been attempted by modern writers.

The policy thus adopted with regard to the latter is not due to want of respect, but to want of space. Any full discussion of these theories would make a book in itself.

They are very fully explained and discussed in—

(1) Busolt’s “Griechische Geschichte;”

(2) Macan, Herod. iv.–vi, vol. 2, Appendix 10,

(3) Hauvette’s “Hérodote;”

and to these I would refer any student who wishes to survey the whole field of possible and impossible theory.

I owe much to these able summaries of critical discussion, as well as to other papers which I have read at different times in various German periodicals.

A very valuable article on the constructive side of the history of the campaign is that by Mr. J. A. R. Munro, in the _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, vol. xix., Part II., 1899.

With respect to the ancient authorities, the majority of modern critics seem to be in agreement that the amount of reliable evidence outside Herodotus is very small.

The topographical details observable at the present day which have a bearing on the history of the actual fight are few, though important.

[59] It must at the same time be pointed out that the statement is not above suspicion in certain respects. Herodotus says, for instance, that “many of the continentals” and “all the islanders” gave earth and water. ◆_Cf_. H. vi. 96.◆ Did Naxos give “earth and water”? It is a very remarkable exception. Who were these “continentals”? Of all the states only one is mentioned by name—Ægina. Did Ægina really Medize at this time, or was it merely that Athens feared she might do so, or might, at any rate, take the opportunity afforded by a Persian attack to pay off old scores?

[60] The same number as on the Scythian expedition, and at Ladé; and therefore not on this account very reliable.

[61] Cf. H. vi. 94: Ἐσβαλόμενοι δὲ τοὺς ἵππους ἐς ταύτας [τὰς ἱππαγωγοὺς νέας] Καὶ τὸν πεζὸν στρατὸν ἐσβιβάσαντες ἐς τὰς νέας, ἔπλεον ἑξακοσίῃσι τριήρεσι ἐς τὴν Ἰωνίην.

[62] Various exaggerated estimates of these numbers are given in later historians. Modern authorities have formed estimates varying from 30,000 to 50,000.

6400 Persians fell at Marathon, when the Persian centre must have been almost wiped out, but when not more than half the Persian army was engaged in the battle. This would suggest 20,000 as the number of Persians at Marathon, and about 40,000 as the number of the whole expedition.

[63] Thuc. ii. 8 is, of course, irreconcilable with this statement. I do not propose to discuss a question which really does not admit of any certain solution. There is, of course, a mistake somewhere, but we cannot pretend at the present day to say where it lies. For discussion, _vide_ Macan, vol. i. p. 353.

[64] The tale, or, at any rate, certain elements of it, manifestly originate in a source at Chalkis.

[65] I adopt Stein’s suggestion that κατέργοντες is used intransitively, as being the most probable of the suggestions which have been made with regard to the translation or amendment of this doubtful passage.

[66] _Vide_ “Zur Topographie von Marathon” in the Mittheilungen des Deutschen Archæologischen Instituts, i. pp. 67–94 (1876).

[67] H. vi. 124: ἀνεδέχθη μὲν γὰρ ἀσπίς· καὶ τοῦτο οὐκ ἔστι ἄλλως εἰπεῖν, ἐγένετο γάρ· ὃς μέντοι ἦν ὁ ἀναδέξας, οὐκ ἔχω προσωτέρω εἰπεῖν τούτων.

[68] Sparta, doubtless, would not act with the Alkmæonidæ.

[69] As represented in some histories of Greece.

[70] As the object of this chapter is not to refute the theories of others, but to examine and explain the evidence bearing on the campaign, I do not propose to point out defects in theories which differ from my own. I am most nearly in agreement with Mr. J. A. R. Munro. I had formed my opinions on the main questions of the campaign before I read his article, but it has supplied me with arguments of an important character which certainly had not occurred to me before I read it.

[71] In the accepted text of Herodotus the name is Pheidippides, which is almost certainly a textual error.

[72] These chronological details are important, as they enable us to construct a diary of events, which is not without its significance in the narrative of the truce.

[73] It is impossible to say how far this excuse for delay was genuine.

[74] The Persian dead are still unburied when the Spartans visit the field. ◆H. vi. 120.◆ They leave Sparta on the 15th, and arrive at Athens on the 17th. A period of several days intervened between the arrival of the Athenians at Marathon and the battle.

Plutarch (De Herod. Malign. 26) asserts that the battle took place on the 6th of Boedromion. He accuses Herodotus of suppressing the fact that the Athenians held a festal procession in honour of the battle on the 6th of this month.

It is true that the festival did take place on this date; but the day was chosen, not because it was the date of the battle, but because it was the festival of Artemis Agrotera, to whom a vow had been made in case of success, probably before the army started from Athens.

[75] Cf. (Arist.) Athen. Polit. 22.

[76] The original passage in which this is mentioned is the scholion on Aristophanes, Knights, 778: ἐν Μαραθῶνι: τόπος τῆς Ἀττικῆς εἰς ὃν ἐνώρμησαν Δᾶτις καὶ Ἀρτάβαζος Μηδικοὶ σατράπαι, etc.

Suidas, a very late author in the 10th and 11th centuries of our era, reproduces the information, drawing it evidently from the above-mentioned source.

[77] The fact that the Persians were in battle array seems to invalidate the theory which has been put forward, that the Persians, when the Greeks rushed upon them, were marching towards the lower road, with intent to reach Athens that way. If that had been so, it is not possible to imagine that the battle could have been the set battle which it appears to have been according to Herodotus’ description. His description of the main incidents of the fight seems the most absolutely reliable part of his narrative.

[78] In the late author Suidas there is a note which gives a positive support to this negative fact of Herodotus’ silence. He says that the expression χωρίς ἱππεῖς had become a proverbial expression, originating from the fact that when Datis invaded Attica, the Ionians who were with him informed the Athenians that the cavalry were away, and so Miltiades attacked and won the victory.

[79] The total loss of the Persians is given by Herodotus at 6400. This is not likely to be an understatement in that 6400 must have been included the greater part of the Persian centre, which seems to have been all but annihilated, if the circumstances of the battle be taken into consideration. It is thus against probability that more than 20,000 Persian troops took part in the engagement.

The comparative smallness of the Persian numbers is further indicated by the words which tradition attributed to Miltiades. He is said in the course of his appeal to Kallimachos (ch. 109) to have spoken confidently of success in case the Greeks took the offensive. There is no reason to insist on such words having been actually used by Miltiades. The important historical point is that in the tradition of the battle which Herodotus followed such language was attributed to him, language which could not conceivably have been used had the Persians very greatly outnumbered the Greeks.

[80] Numbers varying from 100,000 to 500,000 are given by various later authors.

[81] Cornelius Nepos, Justin, Suidas, give estimates of from 9000 to 10,000 Athenians, and 1000 Platæans. Herodotus (ix. 28, 29) gives the Athenian numbers at Platæa as 8000 hoplites and 8000 light-armed, and this at a time when many citizens were serving on the fleet at Mykale. The number 10,000 at Marathon is probably an understatement, though not one of a gross character.

[82] The Persian position is indicated by three circumstances:—

(1) The position of the “Soros,” which would presumably be situated where the majority of the Athenians must have fallen, _i.e._ in the centre of the line; and where, too, the decisive blow of the battle was struck.

(2) The fact, expressly mentioned by Herodotus, that the Greek centre was (Chap. 113) driven inland (ἐς τὴν μεσόγαιαν).

(3) The fact that (Chap. 115) the barbarians who escaped seem to have reached their ships without difficulty.

Hauvette, in assuming the Persians to have been in a position close to the Charadra, parallel to it, and south of it, ignores these three points, and places the Persians in about the most disadvantageous position they could have chosen in the whole plain.

[83] This seems the most probable translation of the word δρόμῳ. Apart from the physical impossibility of a heavy-armed infantryman advancing a space of nearly one mile “at a run,” or “at the double,” the word δρόμῳ seems to be used in a technical sense, taken, as it were, from the Greek infantry “drill-book” of Herodotus’ own time, implying a pace faster than that denominated by the technical word βάδην. (For βάδην, _vide_ Xen. Hell. v. 4. 53, etc.) There cannot be any certainty on this point, because we know so little of Greek infantry drill at this period.

Another possible explanation of the passage may be that Herodotus has ascribed to the whole length of the advance a form of movement which was only adopted when the Greeks came within range of missiles.

[84] Cf. Paus. i 15. 3, where he is describing the picture: Τὸ δὲ ἔσω τῆς μάχης φεύγοντές εἰσιν οἱ βάρβαροι καὶ ἐς τὸ ἕλος ὠθοῦντες ἀλλήλους. Those who met this fate must presumably have belonged to the Persian centre, who would be cut off from the ships by the closing in of the Greek flanks.

[85] Cf. Paus. i. 32. 3: Καὶ ἕτερος [τάφος] Πλαταιεῦσι Βοιωτῶν καὶ δούλοις. ἐμαχέσαντο γὰρ καὶ δοῦλοι τότε πρῶτον.