Chapter XII: The Nations of Asia Minor (3)

In the Homeric poems, Proetus, king of Argos, sends Bellerophontes of Ephyra (Corinth) to the king of the Lycians, to be put to death. The king bade him slay the Chimaera, a monster which was a lion in front, a goat in the middle part, and a dragon behind, and when he succeeded in this he sent him to fight against the Solymi and the Amazons. But afterwards he gave him half his kingdom and his daughter, who bore him Hippolochus and Laodameia. The son of Hippolochus was Glaucus, and the son of Laodameia was Sarpedon, the chieftains who led the Lycians to the aid of the Trojans.

Beside the supposed immigration of the Lycians from Crete and the poetry of Homer we know nothing of the history of the Lycians beyond the fact that they did not submit to the army of Cyrus without a most obstinate resistance. And even under the supremacy of the Persians the Lycians managed their internal affairs independently. They formed a federation which was in existence at Strabo's time, and then included twenty-three places. Each city was represented at the assembly; the six larger cities had three votes each, the next largest had two, and the smaller cities had one.[854]

The name Milyas, which, according to Herodotus, was borne by the valley of the Xanthus, clung even in later times to the spur under the ridge of Mount Taurus, which runs out eastward towards Mount Solyma. Hence the Lycians could easily be represented as in conflict with the Solymi. The name Chimaera is given to a high mountain valley on Mount Kragus.[855] If the Greeks call the inhabitants of the valley of the Xanthus Lycians, the name has not arisen among them from the supposed Lycus, the brother of AEgeus, but rather from the Grecian god of light, Apollo Lyceus. According to the mythus of the Greeks, Apollo Bellerophontes (who was worshipped at Corinth), dashes down from his cloud-horse and with his crown of rays breaks through the thick clouds which obscure the sun; he overcomes Bellerus, the spirit of darkness. In the mind of the Greeks, Lycia was free from the clouds of winter; and, as a fact, the climate of the valley of the Xanthus is excellent. Into this bright land, therefore, the god was thought to have marched when he had become a hero; here he overcame the Chimaera, the creature of mist and cloud. The Greeks went still further in this conception. The east, the land of sunrise, was in itself the land of light, of the god of light, Lyceus. The god of light was thought to pass the winter in the brighter east, in the home of the sun. When the Greek colonists had settled on the western coasts of Asia Minor, they regarded the valley of the Xanthus as the eastern land of light, they gave it this name, and supposed that Apollo passed the winter in Lycia, and gave oracles during the six winter months at Patara in Lycia.[856] In spite of the eastern situation and the climate of Lycia, this idea would hardly have taken root had not the Lycians at Patara, and probably at other places in Lycia, worshipped a god in whom the Greeks could recognise their own god of light. The Homeric poems place the Lycians in the closest connection with the Teucrians. There is a Xanthus in Lycia and in the Troad, and the name Tros seems to be identical with the name of the Lycian city of Tlos, which lies high up in the valley of the Xanthus under Taurus. In any case, from this close combination of the Teucrians and Lycians in Homer, we may conclude that with the Greeks of the coast the Lycians passed for a tribe who had already been for a long time in possession of their settlements. None but native Asiatic tribes could be represented as fighting beside the native Teucrians as their closest confederates.

The Lycians developed a peculiar civilisation and a peculiar art, of which numerous monuments, and many of them accompanied by inscriptions, have come down to us. The alphabet in these inscriptions closely resembles the Greek. With the aid of some inscriptions written in the Greek and Lycian languages, scholars have succeeded in fixing the value of the Lycian letters--of which there are ten for vowels and diphthongs, and twenty for consonants.[857] By this means we have become acquainted with the name by which the Lycians called themselves. They were not merely called Termilians, as Herodotus supposed, in the most ancient times, but even in their own inscriptions they call themselves Tramele. The city which the Greeks calls Xanthus is in the language of the Tramele, Arna; the city of Patara is Pttarazu; Pegasa is Begssere.[858] In fixing the character of the Lycian language, it was at first supposed that the Lycians might have been a branch of the Phrygians, who had forced their way over the Taurus to the south coast--an assumption which seems to be supported by the fact that the Lycian monuments resemble the Phrygian in plan and style; and that the Lycians, like the Phrygians, loved to excavate walls of rock and that in Lycia, as in Phrygia, the influence of the Greeks was felt at an early time. But the Lycian idiom, so far as the remains of it have been examined at present, was distinctly different from the Phrygian language. While some of our scholars find in the Lycian language words and inflexions allied to the Albanian, _i.e._ to the remains of the language of the ancient Illyrians, others are more inclined to place the Lycian in close connection with the Iranian languages.[859] In either case the Lycians, like the Armenians and Phrygians, belong to the Indo-Germanic stock, and not only the Armenians and Phrygians, but along with them the forefathers of the Lycians came into Asia Minor from the north-east.

The Lycians were settled in a region of strong natural boundaries, and of a very defined and picturesque form. The position of their land, protected as it was by strong natural boundaries, secured for them a more undisturbed development than was possible to the other tribes of Asia Minor. Their cities and towers, Xanthus, Phellus, Myra, Telmissus, Patara, Pinara, and Tlos were surrounded by strong walls of Cyclopian architecture, and the splendid remains are evidence of great skill in masonry. The noble ruins of Xanthus, not far from the mouth of the river of the same name, still proclaim, even at a distance, the ancient metropolis of the Lycians. How far back the monuments of Lycia extend cannot be determined as yet. The oldest of which the date can be fixed go back to the reign of Darius II., the Itariayush of Lycian inscriptions. The reliefs exhibit the Chimaera, as described in Homer; and they repeatedly exhibit a lion slaying a bull.[860] The Lycians themselves are represented in long garments, just as in works of Greek art; and even to this day the peasants on the Xanthus are to be seen in the caftan.[861] Pictures of battles, of agricultural and pastoral occupations are frequent on the monuments; but so far as the inscriptions have been deciphered at present, they afford no single instance in support of the statement of Herodotus that the Lycians were not named after the father, but after the mother.[862] The most important remains are the tombs, which are evidence of the great industry and care which the Lycians devoted to the repose and memory of the dead. A considerable number of these tombs lie within the walls of the city, and are surrounded by the ruins of other buildings. Hence the dwellings of the dead and of the living were not separated among the Lycians. Besides sarcophagi, made of blocks brought for the purpose, we also find detached rocks, which are changed into great sarcophagi, rocky peaks transformed into sepulchres, and extensive walls of rock, in which grave-chambers have been cut. The face of the rocky wall, thus hollowed out for tombs, is provided with facades which rise up in rich variety to the number of many thousands, over and alongside of each other, sometimes advancing, sometimes receding, according to the nature of the rock. The style of these tombs, which is for the most part very delicate and slender, is an imitation of a kind of wooden structure, which must have been common in Lycia in ancient times, and the simplest forms of which are still in use among the peasants of the region which corresponds to Lycia;[863] sometimes the structure is simpler, at others more complicated, and the effect is strengthened by delicate and luxuriant ornamentation. The faces of the rock-tombs sometimes end with a flat framework of beams, at others with a gable in low relief. The detached sepulchres exhibit the same imitation of a wooden building. Many of these sepulchres are obviously intended for three corpses; in the single chamber included in them are generally found two stone benches in the sides and at the back a receptacle for a corpse in a recess.[864] The detached sarcophagi are the most numerous. On a sub-structure, or immediately on the ground, stands a long stone coffin, closed by a high massive cover, the section of which exhibits a Gothic pointed arch. On these sarcophagi also the ornamentation is almost always rich, and carried out with neatness even to the smallest detail. Beside the sarcophagi we also find pillars and obelisks among the ruins. The tympana, friezes, and surfaces of all these monuments are covered with reliefs, which represent with much truth and liveliness the life of animals as well as the life of men. Evident remains of colouring on all the monuments show us that a layer of lively and even startling colours was laid upon these buildings. The reliefs also were painted, and some are treated almost as pictures. The inscriptions upon the tombs prove that the Lycians erected these tombs in their lifetime for themselves, wives, and children, and that this was done by several families in common; they invoke the anger of a goddess Phate--whom the Greeks call Leto--on those who might dare to violate them. From the nature and solidity of these tombs and sarcophagi, it is clear that the Lycians were almost at as much trouble to give a secure resting-place to their dead as the Egyptians were to give rest to their mummies, while the ornaments show that the Lycians must have regarded the life after death as a state of peaceful repose; the sculptures on the tombs invariably represent friendly scenes of family life, of occupation in the country, of social life or festal enjoyment. We see mothers with their children, carriage journeys, riders, processions, banquets, and feasts, and finally battle-pieces, in which the combatants are partly armed as Lycians and partly as Greeks. Nothing, not even in the pictures of battles, reminds us of the horrors of death, or of a judgment in the under world. The monuments of Lycia prove that the supremacy of the Persians did not interrupt the progress of Lycian art. But the creations of the later period enable us to see that Greek art, in her bloom, obtained and exercised the strongest influence over the Lycians. The most beautiful monument of Lycia, the tomb of Harpagus, the Persian satrap, which belongs to the first half of the fourth century, exhibits a preponderance of Greek forms.

FOOTNOTES:

[688] Strabo, pp. 525, 530, 532, 559.

[689] Kiepert, "Monatsberichte der B. Akad.," 1869, s. 238.

[690] Kiepert, _loc. cit._ s. 239.

[691] Von Gutschmid, "Saechs. Gesell. d. W." 1876, p. 5, _seqq._

[692] Mos. Chor. 1, 10-22.

[693] Mos. Chor. 1, 23-30.

[694] Kiepert, "Monatsberichte der B. Akad.," 1869, s. 222.

[695] Kiepert, _loc. cit._ s. 236.

[696] Kiepert, "Monatsberichte der B. Akad.," 1869, s. 226.

[697] Jer. li. 27; Ezek. xxvii. 14; xxxviii. 6.

[698] Moses Chor. c. 24-30, in Le Vaillant's translation.

[699] Anab. 4, 5.

[700] G. Rawlinson, "Monarch.," 2, 64, 79; Menant, "Annal.," pp. 49, 64, 73, 82.

[701] G. Smith, "Zeit. fur. aegypt. Sprache," 1869, s. 9-13, 98.

[702] Oppert, "Inscript. des Sargonid.," p. 22, _et seq._, 37; "Inscript. de DurSarkayan", pp. 14, 21. G. Rawlinson, "Monarchies," 2, 188. According to Oppert's reading the two gods of Arsissa were called Haldia and Bagabarta.

[703] Joseph. "Antiq.," 1, 3, 6; Kiepert, "Monatsberichte der B. Akad.," 1869, s. 236.

[704] G. Smith, "Assurb.," 61, 75, 84 _seqq._

[705] Botta, "Monum. de Ninive," 2, pl. 140, 141.

[706] Lenormant, "Lettr. Assyr." 1, 121, 142, reads Belitdur and Menuas Hincks read Niriduris and Kinuas.

[707] Mordtmann, "Zeit. d. d. M. G.," 26, 484 ff.

[708] Herod. 7, 73; 8, 138.

[709] Strabo, p. 471.

[710] Herod. 7, 75; Thucyd. 4, 75; Xenoph. "Anab." 6, 4, 2; Strabo, p. 541, 542.

[711] Otto Abel, "Makedonien," s. 57 ff.

[712] Lassen, "Zeit. d. d. M. G.," 10, 369 ff.

[713] Herod. 2, 2.

[714] Justin, "Hist.," 11, 7; Plut. "Alex.," c. 18; Arrian, "Anab.," 2, 3; Steph. Byzant, [Greek: Gordieion]; Pausan. 1, 4, 5.

[715] Aristoph. "Plut.," 287; Ovid, "Metamorph.," 11, 146.

[716] Arist. "Pol." 8, 55.

[717] Diod. 3, 59.

[718] Herod. 7, 26; Xenoph. "Anab." 1, 2, 8.

[719] Fragm. 128, ed. Mueller.

[720] A communication from Kiepert.

[721] Pollux, 9, 83; Heracl. Pont. Fragm. 11, ed. Mueller.

[722] Euseb. "Chron." 2, 82, ed. Schoene.

[723] [Plato, "Phaedr." 264 D. (Jowett.)]

[724] Diog. Laert. 1, 89; Simonid. Fragm. 57, ed. Bergk; Herod. 1, 14, 35; Strabo, p. 61; "Bergk-Griech. Litteratur-Gesch." 1, 779. The date of the second Midas is fixed by the observation of Herodotus that the dedicatory offerings of Midas were older than those of Gyges, and by the date of the first invasion of the Cimmerians, which will be ascertained below: the second invasion of the Cimmerians took place far later, in the time of Ardys of Lydia, _i.e._ at a time when monarchy was no longer in existence in the Greek cities. Hence I believe that the Midas of the tomb must be distinguished from the Midas of the dedicatory offering.

[725] The upper inscription of this tomb is as follows: "Ates arkiaevos akenanogavos Midai lavaltaie vanaktei edaes;" the lower is: "Baba memavais proitavos kphizan avozos sikeman edaes."--Leake, "Asia Minor," p. 22-36; Barth, in Petermann "Geog. Mittheilungen," 1860, s. 91-93; Lassen, in "Zeit. d. d. M. G." 10, 372. For "lavaltaie" R. Stuart reads "na-" or "gavaltaie."

[726] Strabo, p. 569; Vitruvius, 2, 1, 5.

[727] Perrot, "Exploration," pp. 218, 224.

[728] Hamilton, "Asia Minor," 1, 95-98, 401, 451; 2, 233-252.

[729] Lucian, "Jup. Trag." c. 8. 42.

[730] Etym. Magn. [Greek: Amma.]

[731] Diod. 3, 59; Livy, 29, 14.

[732] Arist. "Rhet." 3, 2; Ovid. "Fast." 4, 265; Arnoh. "Adv. Gent." 9, 5, 4.

[733] Diod. 3, 59.

[734] Herod. 1, 94. In Hippolytus ("Philosoph." 5, 9, p. 118, ed. Miller) Atys is called the sun of Rhea. Agdistis appears to have been androgynous; Paus. 7, 17, 5. Hesych. [Greek: Agdistis]. The chief priests at Pessinus were always called Atys, according to the inscriptions of Sivrihissar, cf. Polyb. 22, 20.

[735] Plut. "De Isid." 69.

[736] Arnob. "Adv. Gent." 5, 16; Herodian, 1, 10.

[737] Hippolyt. _loc. cit._, p. 119.

[738] "Il." 3, 187; Hym. Ven. 112.

[739] "Bacch." 55 ff., 120 ff.; Diod. 3, 57.

[740] Herod. 1, 173, and H. Stein _ad loc._; Choerilus in "Joseph. c. Apion." 1, 22.

[741] "Anab." 1, 2, 21 ff.

[742] Blau, "Num. Achaem. Aram-persic," p. 5.

[743] Lassen, "Zeit. d. d. M. G." 10, 385.

[744] Herod. 7, 91; 5, 118; 7, 98; Xenoph. "Anab." 7, 8, 25.

[745] H. Stein, on Herodotus, 1, 74.

[746] Hellan. fragm. 158, ed Mueller.

[747] Berosi Fragm. 12, ed. Mueller; Abyd. Fragm. 7, ed. Mueller. That Anchialensium should be read instead of Atheniensium need not be proved at length.

[748] Arrian, "Anab." 2, 5; Athen. p. 529; Steph. Byz. [Greek: Anchiale].

[749] Menant, "Annal." pp. 107, 228, 231, 242; G. Smith, "Assurbanipal," p. 62.

[750] AEsch. "Persae," 326; Herod. 3, 90; 7, 91, 98; Xenoph. "Anab." 1, 2, 12.

[751] Brandis, "Muenzwesen," s. 348 ff., 354, 497 ff., 574.

[752] 1, 72; cf. 5, 62.

[753] "Il." 2, 857.

[754] "Prom. Vinct." 613-617.

[755] Sandwich, "Siege of Kars," p. 35 of translation. On the Murad Tshai, near Charput, the best iron is still procured.

[756] Herod. 1, 72; 7, 72.

[757] Fragm. incert. 150, ed. Bergk.

[758] Scymn. Ch. 943.

[759] "Peripl. P. E." c. 20, ed. Mueller.

[760] Plut. "Lucull," 23.

[761] C. 89, 90.

[762] Strabo, p. 533, 544, 737; cf. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. 1, 948.

[763] Brandis, "Muenzwesen," 308, 427; Blau, "Phoeniz. Muenzkunde," 2, 12, 19. These, and the reasons given above, seem to me sufficient to prevent my agreeing to Lassen's opinion ("Zeit. d. d. M. G." 10, 377) that the Cappadocians were an Indo-Germanic tribe.

[764] Herod. 4, 1, 10-12; 1, 103, 104.

[765] "Odyss." 11, 14-19.

[766] "Ranae," 187.

[767] Scym. Ch. 239, 240; Strabo, 244; Virgil, "Aen." 3, 441; Plin. "Hist. Nat." 3, 9.

[768] Callinus, apud Strabo, 648; Herod. 1, 6, 15, 16; 4, 12.

[769] Aristot. apud Steph. Byz. [Greek: Antandros]: Scymn. Ch. 941.

[770] [Greek: Treres].

[771] Strabo, p. 61, 552, 494. On p. 647 we find "The Treres, a Cimmerian nation."

[772] Strabo, p. 552.

[773] Strabo, p. 20, 149, 573.

[A] Strabo, p. 61.

[774] Strabo, pp. 627, 647, 61. That in this passage, where Madys is mentioned a second time with the epithet: the Cimmerian, [Greek: Skythes] must be read instead of Madys, as Madys has been mentioned just before, is self-evident.

[775] Thuc. 2, 96; Strabo, p. 59; Theopomp (Fragm. 313, ed. Mueller) call them Trares.

[776] Herod. 1, 6; Plut. "Marius," 11.

[777] Justin. 2, 4.

[778] Strabo, p. 545; Euseb. "Chron." ann., 1260; Syncell. p. 401, ed. Dind. Cf. Xenophon, "Anab." 4, 8; Steph. Byzant. [Greek: Trapezous].

[779] Orosius, 1, 21: "Anno ante urbem conditam tricesimo" (Orosius follows the Catonian era), "tunc etiam Amazonum gentis et Cimmeriorum in Asiam repentinus incursus plurimam diu lateque vastationem et stragem edidit." Grote ("History of Greece," 3, 334) objects that if this statement is allowed to hold good for the Cimmerians, we are justified in making the same conclusions for the Amazons, who would thus become historical. The Amazons are connected with the Cimmerians because the land round Sinope was the abode of the Cimmerians, and it was in this place that the Amazons were said to have dwelt. I too should be inclined to give the less weight to the testimony of Orosius, as the number 30 may be a corruption for 300. But the other evidence given is enough to prove that the Cimmerians immigrated into Asia Minor in the period between 750 and 700 B.C., and settled round the Halys at the mouth of the river.

[780] Above, p. 517.

[781] Menant, "Annal." p. 242; G. Smith, "Assurbanipal," pp. 64-72.

[782] Syncell. "Chron." p. 49; Kiepert, "Monatsber. Berl. Akad." 1859, p. 204.

[783] Perrot, "Explor. Archeol. de la Galatie," pp. 339, 340, 371.

[784] H. Barth, "Reise von Trapezunt nach Skutari," s. 42 ff; Perrot, _loc. cit._ p. 328 ff.

[785] Barth, "Monatsberichte der Berl. Akad." 1859, s. 142 ff.; Perrot, "Explor. Archeol. de la Galatie," pp. 330 ff. 352-356.

[786] Perrot, "Explor. Archeol. de la Galatie," p. 157.

[787] Diod. 3, 57; Strabo, pp. 535-537, 557, 559; Plut. "Sulla," c. 9; Hirt. "Bell. Alex." 66.

[788] "Il." 3, 184-190.

[789] Pausan. 1, 2, 1; Appian, "Bell. Mithrid." 78.

[790] "Prom. Vinct." 723, Suppl. 287. In other passages, following the later view, he places them in Scythia.

[791] Frag. 25, ed. Mueller.

[792] Strabo, p. 505.

[793] Herod. 9, 27; Plut. "Menex." p. 239; Isocr. "Panegyr." 19.

[794] Diod. 2, 45, 46; 3, 55; Strabo, p. 505; Schol. Apoll. Rhod. 2, 949.

[795] Callim. "in Dian." 237.

[796] "Il." 2, 814; Ephori Fragm. 87, ed. Mueller; Pausan. 7, 2, 7. According to Diodorus, Priene and Pitane were also founded by the Amazon Myrina, 3, 55.

[797] Plut. "Thes." 27, 28; Pausan. 2, 32; 3, 25; Diod. 4, 28.

[798] Herod. 4, 189; Diod. 3, 52-55.

[799] Herod. 4, 110-117; Plato, "Legg." p. 804; Hippocr. "De aere," c. 17; Ephor. fragm. 78, 103, ed. Mueller; Ctes. fragm. 25-28, ed. Mueller. Justinus (2, 4), as remarked, represents Ilinus, and Skolopitus, as making their way from Scythia to the Thermodon, and when these Scythians had for many years plundered their neighbours from this centre, they were attacked and cut down by the conspirators among their neighbours. Their wives remained; they seized the weapons, and founded a female kingdom. In order to preserve the race, they came together with the neighbouring people, but they slew all the male children. Marpesia and Lampedo, who called themselves daughters of Mars, ruled over this female kingdom. Then Lampedo with a part of the Amazons marched out and founded Ephesus, and many other cities; over those who remained behind, when Marpesia was slain, Antiope and Oreithyia reigned; and in their time Heracles and Theseus came and carried off two sisters of Antiope. To avenge this act Oreithyia marched against Athens, supported by the Scythian king Sagillus, and his son Panasagorus. After Oreithyia, Penthesilea reigned; after her reign the power of the Amazons declined. Cf. Steph. Byzant, _s. v._ [Greek: Amazones], where the story which Herodotus (4, 1-4) tells of the returning Scythians of Madyas is turned to the advantage of the Amazons.

[800] Plut. "Alex." 46; Curtius, 6, 5; Diod. 17, 77; Strabo, p. 505; Justin, 2, 4; 12, 3. Cf. Arrian, "Anab." 4, 15.

[801] Arrian, _loc. cit._ 7, 13.

[802] Plut. "Pompeius," c. 35; Appian, "Bell. Mithrid." c. 103.

[803] Strab, pp. 503-505, 547, 550, 552.

[804] Hippoc. "De aere," c. 89, 91. If the name Amazon were Greek, it could only have been invented in a contrast to [Greek: polymazos], "with many breasts," the epithet of the Ephesian Artemis, as the goddess of birth, to denote the maidens devoted to chastity.

[805] Strabo, pp. 591, 680.

[806] Herod. 1, 7, 94; 4, 45; Dion. Hal. 1, 27, 28; "Il." 2, 461; Strabo, p. 627; Steph. Byz. [Greek: Asia].

[807] Herod. 1, 84; Xanth. Fragm. 10; Nicol. Damasc. Fragm. 26, 29, ed. Mueller. The legend of Meles is obviously connected with the founding of Sardis. This Meles therefore cannot be identified with the Heracleid (the last but two) of the same name. In Nicolaus, Moxus is the successor of Meles; Fragm. 24, 49.

[808] Xanth. Fragm. 11, 12; Nicol. Dam. Fragm. 25, 28, ed. Mueller.

[809] Diod. 4, 21.

[810] Ephor. Fragm. 9; Pherecyd. Fragm. 3, 4; Maeandri Mil. Fragm. 8; Clearch. Sol. Fragm. 8, ed. Mueller; Apollod. 2, 6, 3.

[811] Pliny, "Hist. Nat." 25, 5. Cf. Nicol., Dam. Fragm. 49, ed. Mueller, where Sadyuttes and Lixus are mentioned in the place of the Heracleidae as the successors of Tylon, _loc. cit._ p. 382, 384.

[812] Herod. 1, 7. According to Apollodorus (2, 7, 8), the son of Omphale and Heracles was Agelaus; according to Diodorus (4, 31) Heracles first begot Cleodaeus with a slave, and then Lamus with Omphale. Others call the son of Omphale and Heracles Meleus (Meles). Others again represent Sandon, the son of Heracles, as the father of Damalisandus, or Dalisandus, by Damalis. Cf. Mueller, on Nicol. Fragm. 28.

[813] Joh. Lyd. "De Mens." 3, 14.

[814] Brandis, "Muenzwesen," s. 168, 386.

[815] Hesych. [Greek: Attagathe Athare para to Xantho.] The native name Athar-ath is found on a coin of Bambyke, in Brandis, _loc. cit._ s. 431.

[816] Joh. Lyd. "De Mag." 3, 64; Plut. "Quaest. Graec." c. 45; "An seni resp." c. 4; Clearch. Sol. Fragm. 6, ed. Mueller; Ovid. "Heroid." 83-118; "Fast." 2, 325.

[817] Hupfeld, "Res Lyd." pp. 55, 63, 67.

[818] Joh. Lyd. "De Mens." 4, 46; Lucian. "Dial. Deor." 13, 2.

[819] Compare the Lydian names Sandonis and Sandoces in Herod. 1, 71; 7, 194.

[820] Oppert, "Exped. en Mesopot." 2, 337.

[821] E. Schrader, "Theol. Studien und Kritiken," 1874, 2, 330.

[822] Herod. 1, 93; Athen. pp. 515, 516.

[823] Strabo, p. 641; Paus. 7, 2, 7.

[824] Herod. 3, 48; 8, 105.

[825] Paus. 1, 21; Kiepert, "Monatsberichte d. Berl. Akademie," 1866, s. 298.

[826] Steph. Byz. _s. v._

[827] Lassen, "Z. d. d. M. G." 10, 382 ff; cf. G. Curtius, "Grundzuege."

[828] Herod. 5, 102.

[829] Herodotus (1, 7) says twenty-two generations. But as these, according to the length which he assumes for a generation, would give a much longer interval than 505 years, he can only mean twenty-two sovereigns. That lists of kings existed in Lydia is proved by the considerable number of names of Atyadae given in Xanthus.

[830] Cf. H. Stein on the passages of Herodotus quoted; in one class of MSS. Alcaeus, Belus, and Ninus are not found. The city of Ninoe has been already mentioned (p. 567).

[831] The year 549 B.C., the year of the capture of Sardis, will be proved below. I believe that we ought to maintain this statement. Herodotus' total of 170 years for the dynasty of Gyges is untenable in the face of the Assyrian monuments. According to them Gyges and Ardys were contemporaries of Assurbanipal, who reigns from 668 to 626 B.C. Hence for the 170 years of Herodotus we must adopt the number given by Eusebius, which is 30 years less, and the separate dates of the latter.

[832] Boeckh, "Metrologie," s. 76.

[833] Herod. 1, 94.

[834] Plut. "De Mus." 6; Steph. Byz. [Greek: Asias].

[835] "Il." 18, 291; 10, 431.

[836] P. 572.

[837] Pausan. 2, 22, 3; 5, 13, 7.

[838] AEsch. "Pers." 52; Herod. 7, 74.

[839] Strabo, p. 604, 605, 612; Pausan. 10, 12, 6.

[840] Strabo, p. 469; Plut. "De Fluviis," c. 13.

[841] Herod. 1, 171; 5, 119.

[842] Thuc. 1, 8; Isoc. "Panath." p. 241. On the Carians in Samos and Chios, see Diod. 5, 84; Strabo, p. 457, 633-637, 661; Paus. 7, 2, 5, 8, 9, 10.

[843] Archiloch. Fragm. 23, ed. Bergk; Euseb. "Chron." 1, 321, ed. Auch.; cf. Bunsen, "AEgypten," 5, 4, 5, s. 427.

[844] Herod. 5, 118, 119; Strabo, p. 660.

[845] "Il." 2, 872.

[846] Alcaeus and Anacreon in Strabo, p. 661; Herod. 1, 171.

[847] Brandis, "Muenzwesen," s. 338.

[848] "Quaest. Graecae," c. 45.

[849] Lassen, "Zeit. d. d. M. G.," 10, 381.

[850] Boeckh, "Corp. Inscript." 26, 93.

[851] AElian, "Hist. Anim." 12, 30.

[852] 1, 173; 7, 92.

[853] Heracl. Pont. Fragm. 15; Nicol. Damasc. Fragm. 129, ed. Mueller.

[854] Strabo, p. 664.

[855] Strabo, p. 665.

[856] Herod. 1, 182; Serv. ad AEneid, 4, 143. Pausanias (1, 19, 3) says that the Lyceum at Athens was a sanctuary of Apollo Lyceus; the "Iliad" (5, 171) represents Lycaon as ruling in Lycia.

[857] Lassen, "Z. d. d. M. G." 10, 335 ff; Blau, _ibid._ 17, 667.

[858] Steph. Byzant., [Greek: Arna]: Fellowes, "Lyc. Coins," pl. 12, 7.

[859] Blau ("Z. d. d. M. G." 17, 649 ff) sustains the first view, Savelsberg and M. Schmidt the second; M. Schmidt, "Lyc. Inscript."

[860] Fellowes, "Account," p. 174, 194; "Lyc. Coins," pl. x. 1, 2, 3.

[861] Ross, "Kleinasien," s. 57.

[862] Lassen, "Z. d. d. M. G." 10, 348.

[863] Ross, "Kleinasien," s. 51.

[864] Ross, _loc. cit._ s. 35.

THE END.

LONDON:
R. CLAY, SONS, AND TAYLOR, PRINTERS,
BREAD STREET HILL,
QUEEN VICTORIA STREET.

* * * * *

BY PROFESSOR MOMMSEN.

THE HISTORY OF ROME,

From the Earliest Time to the Period of its Decline.

BY THEODOR MOMMSEN.

_Translated with the Author's sanction, and Additions by the_ REV. P. W. DICKSON; _to which is added an Introduction by_ DR. SCHMITZ.

=THE LIBRARY EDITION=, in Four Vols., Demy 8vo., with Index, 75_s._
The Index (8vo.) separately, 3_s._ 6_d._; but the Volumes not
sold separately.

=THE PEOPLE'S EDITION=, in Four Vols., Crown 8vo., with Index,
46_s._ 6_d._; or the Volumes sold separately: Vols. I. and II.,
21_s._; Vol. III., 10_s._ 6_d._; Vol. IV., with Index, 15_s._
The Index (Crown 8vo.) separately, 3_s._ 6_d._

"A work of the very highest merit; its learning is exact and profound; its narrative full of genius and skill; its descriptions of men are admirably vivid. We wish to place on record our opinion that Dr. Mommsen's is by far the best history of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Commonwealth."--_Times._

"Since the days of Niebuhr, no work on Roman History has appeared that combines so much to attract, instruct, and charm the reader. Its style--a rare quality in a German author--is vigorous, spirited, and animated. Professor Mommsen's work can stand a comparison with the noblest productions of modern history."--_Dr. Schmitz._

"This is the best history of the Roman Republic, taking the work on the whole; the author's complete mastery of his subject, the variety of his gifts and acquirements, his graphic power in the delineation of natural and individual character, and the vivid interest which he inspires in every portion of his book. He is without an equal in his own sphere. The work may be read in the translation (executed with the sanction of the author) not only with instruction, but with great pleasure."--_Edinburgh Review._

"A book of deepest interest, and which ought to be translated."--_Dean Trench._

"Beyond all doubt to be ranked among those really great historical works which do so much honour to our own day. We can have little hesitation in pronouncing this work to be the best complete Roman History in existence. In short, we have now, for the first time, the complete history of the Roman Republic, really written in a way worthy of the greatness of the subject. Dr. Mommson is a real historian; his powers of research and judgment are of a very high order; he is skilful in the grasp of his whole subject, and vigorous and independent in his way of dealing with particular questions. And an English critic may be allowed to add, that his book is far easier and more pleasant to read than many of the productions of his fellow-countrymen."--_National Review._

"An original work, from the pen of a master. The style is nervous and lively, and its vigour fully sustained. This English translation fills up a gap in our literature. It will give the school-boy and the older student of antiquity a history of Rome up to the mark of present German scholarship, and at the same time serve as a sample of historical inquiry for all ages and all lands."--_Westminster Review._

AT ALL BOOKSELLERS.

THE HISTORY OF GREECE.

From the German of Professor Ernst Curtius.

BY A. W. WARD, M.A.

In Five Vols., Demy 8vo., 84_s._: or separately, Vols. I. and II., each 15_s._; Vols. III., IV., and V., with Index, each 18_s._

"A history known to scholars as one of the profoundest, most original, and instructive of modern times."--_Globe._

"We cannot express our opinion of Dr. Curtius' book better than by saying that it may be fitly ranked with Theodor Mommsen's great work."--_Spectator._

RICHARD BENTLEY AND SON, NEW BURLINGTON STREET.

Publishers in Ordinary to Her Majesty the Queen.

* * * * *

TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES:

1. Passages in italics are surrounded by _underscores_.

2. Mixed fractions in this text version are indicated with a hyphen and forward slash. For example, four and a half is represented by 4-1/2.

3. Footnotes have been renumbered and moved to the end of the chapters in this text version.

4. The original text includes Greek characters. For this text version these letters have been replaced with transliterations.

5. Certain words use oe ligature in the original.

6. Obvious errors in punctuation have been silently corrected.

7. Other than the corrections listed above, printer's inconsistencies in spelling, hyphenation, and ligature usage have been retained.