Chapter XV (2)

This cry was not the only cry of arms which the crusaders used in the Holy Land. Though it was the general battle-cry of the whole army, and each leader made use of it occasionally when he wanted to animate the whole host, by rousing up their old enthusiasm; yet when he sought to bring round him his own vassals, he used the appropriate shout of his family. Thus we find, by Raimond d'Agiles, that the battle-cry of Raimond de St. Giles was "_Toulouse!_"

The best general account of the old cry of arms which I have met with is given by Ducange.

"Le cry d'armes n'est autre chose qu'vne clameur conceuë en deux ou trois paroles, prononcée au commencement ou au fort du combat et de la mêlée, par un chef, ou par tous les soldats ensemble, suivant les rencontres et les occasions: lequel cry d'armes estoit particulier au general de l'armée ou au chef de chaque troupe.

* * * * *

"Les François que se trouuérent à la premiere conquéte de la Terre Sainte avoient pour cry general ces mots, _Adjuua Deus_, ainsi que nous apprenons de Foucher de Chartres, et d'vn autre ancien Auteur ou bien, _Eia Deus adiuua nos_, suivant l'Histoire de Hierusalem. Raymond d'Agiles rapporte la cause et l'origine de ce cry à la vision de Pierre Barthelemy, qui trouua la sainte Lance au temps que les Turcs assiegeoient la ville d'Antioche sur les nostre: car durant ce siége S. André luy estant apparu plusieurs fois, il luy enjoignit de persuader aux Chrétiens d'auoir recours à Dieu dans les fatigues du siége, et de la faim qu'ils enduroient, et de prendre dans les combats pour cry d'armes ces mots _Deus adjuua, et sit signum clamoris vestri, Devs adjuva, et reuera Deus adjuvabit vos_ qui sont les paroles de S. Andre, Roderic Archeuesque de Tolede dit qu'au siége et à la prise de Cordouë sur les Sarrazins d'Espagne, les Chrétiens crierent aussi _Deus adjuva_. Ils ajoustoient quelquefois à ce cry ces mots _Deus vult_, ou pour parler en langage du temps, et suiuant qu'ils sont enoncez en la Chronique du Mont Cassin, _Diex el volt_, dont l'origine est rapportée au Concile de Clermont en Auuergne, où le Pape Urbain II. ayant fait vne forte exhortation pour porter les princes Chrétiens à prendre les armes pour aller retirer la Terre Sainte demains des Infidéles, _Ita omnium qui aderant affectus in vnum concitauit vt omnes acclamarent, Deux volt, Deus volt_. Aprés quoy le pape ayant rendu graces à Dieu, dit entre autres paroles celle-cy, _Sit ergo vobis vox ista in rebus bellicis militare signum, quia verbum hoc à Deo est prolatum, cùm in hostem fiet bellicosi impetus congressio, erit vni uersis hæc ex parte Dei vna vociferatio Deus vult, Deus vult_. D'où on recueille pourquoy le cry est appelle Signum Dei dans quelques Auteurs."--_Ducange, Dissertations sur l'Histoire de St Louis_, Dissert. xi.

NOTE VII.--CHAP. IV.

I have used the term _Counts Palatine_, from the old writer whose name stands in the margin. The peculiar position of these Counts Palatine, under the ever-changing dynasties of early Europe, is a curious and interesting subject of inquiry, but one too extensive to be fully treated in this place. I hope, at some future period, to speak of it in a more comprehensive work. The learned author whose works have furnished me with the preceding note affords a good view of the original functions of the Counts of the Palace, or Counts Palatine.

"Sovs la premiere et la seconde race de nos Rois, les comtes faisoient la fonction dans les prouinces et dans les villes capitales du royaume, non seulement de gouuerneurs, mais encore celle de juges. Leur principal employ estoit d'y decider les differents et les procés ordinaires de leur justiciables; et où ils ne pouvoient se transporter sur les lieux, ils commettoient à cét effet leurs vicomtes et leurs lieutenans. Quant aux affaires d'importance, et qui meritoient d'estre jugées par la bouche du prince, nos mémes rois auoient des comtes dans leurs palais, et prés de leurs personnes, ausquels ils en commettoient la connoissance et le jugement, qui estoient nommez ordinairement, acause de cét illustre employ, Comtes du Palais, ou Comtes Palatins.

* * * * *

"Il y a lieu de croire que dans la premiere race de nos Rois, et méme dans le commencement de la seconde, la charge de Comte du Palais n'estoit exercée que par vn seul, qui jugeoit les differens, assisté de quelques Conseillers Palatins, qui sont appellez Scabini Palatii, Echeuins du Palais, dans la Chronique de S. Vincent de Wlturne.

* * * * *

"On ne peut pas toutefois disconuenir qu'il n'y ait eu en méme temps plusieurs Comtes du Palais. Car Eguinard en vne de ses Epîtres, dit en termes exprés qu'Adalard et Geboïn estoient Comtes du Palais en méme temps. Et vn titre de Louys le Debonnaire de l'an 938, qui se lit aux Antiquitez de l'Abbaye de Fulde est souscrit de ce Gebawinus, ou Gebuinus, et de Ruadbertus, qui y prennent qualité de Comtes du Palais."

NOTE VIII.--CHAP. VI.

The habit of carrying a small wallet when bound on a pilgrimage is one of the oldest customs of the Christian world. This part of the pilgrim's dress was called afterward an _aumoniere_, and served either as a receptacle for containing the alms received on the journey, or, when worn by the rich, as a repository for those they intended to give away. The curious fact of Charlemagne having borne one of these wallets to Rome, and of its having been buried with him, is mentioned in the XVth Dissertation on Joinville.

"Cassian traitant des habits et des vétemens des anciens Moines d'Egypte, dit qu'ils se reuetoient d'vn habit fait de peaux de chevre, que l'on appelloit Melotes, et qu'ils portoient ordinairement l'escarcelle et le baton. Les termes de cét Auteur ne sont pas toutefois bien clairs, en cét endroit-là: _Vltimus est habitus eorum pellis Caprina, quæ Melotes, vel pera appellatur, et baculus._ Car il n'est pas probable que cét habit de peaux de cheure ait esté appellé Pera. Ce qui a donné sujet à quelques Commentateurs de restituer Penula. Neantmoins Isidore et Papias, comme aussi Ælfric dans son Glossaire Saxon, ont écrit aprés Cassian, que Melotis, estoit la méme chose que Pera. Quant à moy j'estime que Cassian a entendu dire que ces Moines, outre ce vétement fait de peaux, auoient encore coûtume de porter vn petit sachet, et vn baton, dont ils se seruoient durant leurs pelerinages. Ce qui ce peut aisement concilier, en restituant le mot appellatur, on le sousentendant, aprés Melotes. Tant y a que Cassian parle du baton des Moines au Chapitre suiuant; et dans l'vne de ses Collations, il fait assez, voir que lorsqu'ils entreprenoient quelque voyage, ils prenoient l'vn et l'autre: Cum accepissemus peram et baculum, vt ibi moris est Monachis vniuersis iter agentibus. Le Moine d'Angouléme ecrit que le corps de Charlemagne, apres sa mort, fut inhumé auec tous ses habits imperiaux, et que pardessus on y posa l'escarcelle d'or, dont les pelerins se seruent ordinairement, et qu'il auoit coûtume de porter lorsqu'il alloit à Rom: et super vestimentis Imperialibus pera peregrinalis aurea posita est, quam Romam portare solitus erat. D'où il resulte que le baton et l'escarcelle ont toûjours esté la marque particuliere des Pelerins, ou comme parle Guillaume de Malmesbury Solatia et indicia itineris.

"Les Pelerins de la Terre Sainte, auant que d'entreprendre leurs pelerinages, alloient rcecuoir l'escarcelle et le bourdon des mains des Prestres dans l'Eglise.

* * * * *

"Et cela s'est pratiqué mémes par nos Rois, lorsqu'ils ont voulu entreprendre ces longs et facheux voyages d'outremer. Car aprés auoir chargé leurs épaules de la figure de la Croix, ils auoient coûtume de venir en l'Abbaye de S. Denys, et là, aprés la celébration de la messe, ils receuoient des mains de quelque Prelat le baton de Pelerin et l'escarcelle, et memes l'Oriflamme, ensuite dequoy ils prenoient conge de S. Denys, Patron du Royaume."

NOTE IX.--CHAP. VII.

The pretence of the Count of Toulouse for resisting the claims of Boemond to the possession of Antioch was, that he had vowed to the emperor Alexius to deliver up all conquests to him alone. This was but a specious covering for his own avarice. The terms in which Baldric mentions the cession of Antioch to Boemond are as follows; and it will be seen that much more notice was taken of Alexius than that contemptible usurper deserved.

"Locuti sunt igitur ad invicem Christianorum duces, et sponte sua Boamundo subintulerunt: Vides quo in articulo res nostra posita sit. Si civitatem ergo istam vel prece vel pretio, nobis etiam juvantibus poteris obtinere, nos eam tibi unanimiter concedimus: salvo in omnibus quod Imperatori, te collaudante, fecimus sacramento. Si ergo Imperator nobis adjutor advenerit, juratasque pactiones custodierit, perjuri vivere nolumus: sed quod pace tua dictum sit, nos illi eam concedimus: sin autem, tuæ semper sit subdite potestati. _Ex Historia Hierosolymitana Baldrici, Episcopi Dolensis._"

NOTE X.--CHAP. X.

Even in the days of Ducange the form and colour of the Oriflamme, or standard borne to battle before the kings of France, was so far forgotten, that the learned antiquary bestowed no small research to ascertain its texture and appearance. His erudition never left any thing in uncertainty; but though he proved the particular banner called the Oriflamme to have been red; yet Guillaume Guiart mentions one of fine azure, which was carried before Philip Augustus to the siege of Acre. Ducange speaks of the Oriflamme as follows:

"Pour commencer par la recherche du nom d'Oriflamme, la plûpart des Ecriuains estiment, qu'on le doit tirer de sa matiere, de sa couleur, et de se forme. Quant à sa figure, il est hors de doute qu'elle estoit faite comme les bannieres de nos Eglises, que l'on porte ordinairement aux processions, qui sont quarrees, fenduës en diuers endroits par le bas, ornees de franges, et attacheés par le haut à vn baton de trauers, qui les tient etenduës, et est soûtenu d'vne forme de pique. Ils ajoûtent que sa matiere estoit de soye, ou de tafetas, sa couleur rouge, et tirant sur celle du feu, et de la sandaraque, à laquelle Pline attribue celle de la flamme. Il est vray que pour la couleur, tous les Ecriuains conuiennent qu'elle estoit rouge. Guillaume le Breton en sa Philippide, la decrit ainsi:

'Ast Regi satis est tenues crispare per auras
Vexillum simplex, cendato simplice textum,
Splendoris rubei, Letania qualiter vti
Ecclesiana solet, certis ex more diebus
Quod cum flamma habeat vulgariter aurea nomen
Omnibus in bellis habet omnia signa preire.'

"Guillaume Guiart en son Histoire de France, en la vie de Philippes Auguste, a ainsi traduit ces vers:

'Oriflamme est vne banniere,
Aucune poi plus forte qui quimple,
De cendal roujoiant et simple,
Sans pourtraiture d'autre affaire.'

* * * * *

"L'Oriflamme estoit l'enseigne particuliere de l'Abbe et du Monastere de S. Denys, qu'ils faisoient porter dans leurs guerres par leur Auoüe Car c'estoit-là la principale fonction des Auoüez, qui en qualite de defenseurs et de protecteurs des Monasteres et des Eglises, entreprenoient la conduit de leurs vassaux pour la defense de leurs droits, et portoient leurs enseignes à la guerre: d'où vient qu'ils sont ordinairement appellez, les porte-enseignes des Eglise, signiferi Ecclesiarum, comme j'espere justifier ailleurs Les Comtes du Vexin et de Pontoise auoient ce titre dans le Monastere de S. Denys, dont ils estoient les Auoüez, et les protecteurs, et en cette qualite ils portoient l'Oriflamme dans les guerres qui s'entreprenoient pour la defense de ses biens.

* * * * *

"Il faut donc tenir pour constant que Louys le Gros fut le premier de nos Rois, qui en qualite de Comte du Vexin tira l'Oriflamme de dessus l'autel de l'Eglise de S. Denys, et la fit porter dans ses armees, comme la principale enseigne du Protecteur de son Royaume, et dont il inuoquoit le secours dans son cry d'armes.

* * * * *

"Il est arriue dans la suite que nos Rois, qui estoient entrez dans les droits de ces Comtes, s'en sont seruis, pour leurs guerres particulieres, comme estant la banniere qui portoit le nom du Protecteur de leur Royaume, ainsi que j'ay remarque, la tirans, de dessus l'autel de l'Eglise S. Denys, auec les memes ceremonies, et les memes prieres, que l'on auoit accoûteme d'observer, lorsqu'on la mettoit entre les mains des Comtes du Vexin pour les guerres particulieres de ce Monastere. Ces ceremonies sont ainsi decrites par Raoul de Presle, au Traite dont je viens de parler en cestermes: Premierement la procession vous vient à l'encontre jusques à l'issuë du Cloistre, et apres la procession, atteints les benoists corps Saints de Monsieur S. Denys, et ses Compagnons, et mis sur l'autel en grande reuerence, et aussi le corps de Monsieur S. Louys, et puis est mise cette banniere ploise sur les corporaux, où est consacre le corps de N. S. Jesus Christ, lequel vous receuez dignement apres la celebration de la Messe: si fait celuy lequel vous auez esleu à bailler, comme au plus prud homme et vaillant Cheualier; et ce fait, le baisez en la bouche, et luy baillez, et la tient en ses mains par grande reuerence, afin que les Barons assistans le puissent baiser comme reliques et choses dignes, et en luy baillant pour le porter, luy faites faire serment solemnel de le porter et garder en grande reuerence, et à l'honneur de vous et de vostre Royaume.

* * * * *

NOTE XI.--CHAP. XIII.

Villehardouin is undoubtedly the best authority for all the particulars of the siege of Constantinople. Nicetas was extravagantly prejudiced; and though the emperor Baldwin, in his letters to the Pope, was as frank as any man in his situation could be, it was but natural that he should endeavour to show the causes of the warfare in the most favourable point of view--that he should represent the conduct of himself and his companions with every advantage--in fact that he should see the events which raised him to the throne through a peculiar medium, and represent them tinged with the same colours that they presented to his own eyes.

Villehardouin wrote without many of these disadvantages. He did not belong to the pillaged and conquered class, like Nicetas, nor did he write to excuse himself in the eyes of the Pope. He had his prejudices, of course, like other men, but these prejudices were greatly prevented from affecting his history by the frank simplicity of chivalrous manners, which no one possessed in greater purity than he did himself.

In two points Philippe Mouskes gives a different account of the affairs of Constantinople from Villehardouin. In the first place, he states that Alexius Angelus, the brother of Isaac, commanded his nephew to be drowned; but that by entreaties the prince moved those persons who were charged with the cruel order. In the next place, he says that Murzuphlis caused Alexius the younger to be poisoned.

In regard to the destruction of the monuments of art committed by the Latins, Nicetas gives a melancholy, though somewhat bombastic account. The famous works destroyed were as follows, according to his statement:

A colossal Juno, from the forum of Constantine, the head of which was so large that four horses could scarcely draw it from the spot where it stood to the palace.

The statue of Paris, presenting the apple to Venus.

An immense bronze pyramid, crowned by a female figure, which turned with the wind.

The colossal statue of Bellerophon, in bronze, which was broken down, and cast into the furnace. Under the inner nail of the horse's hind foot, on the left side, was found a seal, wrapped in a woollen cloth.

A figure of Hercules, by Lysimachus, of such vast dimensions that the circumference of the thumb was equal in measurement to the waist of an ordinary man. From the attitude of this statue, as described by Nicetas, it is not improbable that it served as a model for that piece of sculpture, the only part of which that remains is the famous _Torso_.

The Ass and his Driver, cast by order of Augustus, after the battle of Actium, in commemoration of his having discovered the position of Antony through the means of a peasant and his beast, the one bearing the name of _Fortunate_, and the other that of _Conqueror_.

The Wolf suckling the twins of Rome; the Gladiator in combat with a Lion; the Hippopotamus; the Sphynxes: and the famous Eagle fighting with a Serpent; all underwent the same fate, as well as the beautiful statue of Helen, which Nicetas speaks of as the perfection of statuary.

Added to these were the exquisite figure on the race-course, and a group, wherein a monster, somewhat resembling a bull, was represented engaged in deadly conflict with a serpent. Each appeared expiring under the efforts of the other; the snake crushed between the teeth of the monster, and the bull tainted to the heart by the venom of the reptile: no bad emblem of the struggle between the bold and furious valour of the Latins and the poisonous treachery of the Greeks themselves.

NOTE XII.--CHAP. XIV.

That St. Louis was threatened with the torture is an undoubted fact though what that sort of torture was which Joinville calls _les Bernicles_ is not so clear. Ducange fancies that it was the _Cippus_ of the ancients: and whether it was or not, the resolution of the monarch in resisting showed not a little fortitude. I subjoin Ducange's observations.

"Le Sire de Joinville dit que le Sultan de Babylone, ou son Conseil fit faire au Roy des propositions peu raisonables, croyant qu'il y consentiroit pour obtenir sa deliurance, et celle de ceux de sa suite, qui auoient este faits prisonniers auec luy en la bataille de Massoure. Et sur ce que le Roy refusa absolument d'y donner les mains, il le voulut intimider; et le menaça de luy faire souffrir de grands tourmens. Mathieu Paris: Cùm frequenter à Saracenis cumterribilibus comminationibus sollicitaretur Rex vt Damiatam redderet, et noluit vlla ratione, postularunt summam sibi pecuniæ persolui sine diminutione, vel diuturno cruciatu vsque ad mortem torqueretur. Ce tourment est appelle par le Sire de Jouinville les Bernicles, lequel il decrit en ces termes. Et voyans les Sarazins que le Roy ne vouloit obtemperer à leur demandes, ils le menacerent de le mettre en Bernicles: qui est le plus grief tourment qu'ils puissent faire à nully: Et sont deux grans tisons de bois, qui sont entretenans au chef. Et quant ils veulent y mettre aucun, ils le couschent sur le couste entre ces dieux tisons, et luy font passer les jambes à trauers de grosses cheuilles: puis couschent la piece de bois, qui est là-dessus, et font asseoir vn homme dessus les tisons. Dont il auient qu'il ne demeure à celuy qui est là cousche point demy pied d'ossemens, qu'il ne soit tout desrompu et escache. Et pour pis luy faire, au bout des trois jours luy remettent les jambes, qui sont grosses et enflees, dedens celles bernicles, et la rebrisent derechief, qui est vne chose moult cruelle à qui sauroit entendre: et la lient à gros nerfs de boeuf par la teste, de peur qu'il ne se remuë là dedans.

THE END.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] La Père Menestrier, Ordres de Chevalerie; Jouvencel; Favin Théâtre.

[2] Fabliau de l'ordene de Chevalerie dans les fabliaux de Le Grand d'Aussi.

[3] Tacit. de Mor. Germ.

[4] Marculfus.

[5] Menestrier de la Chevalerie et ses preuves, page 230.

[6] Tacitus de Morib. German.

[7] Eginhard Ann.

[8] See note I.

[9] Charles Nodier on St. Palaye.

[10] Ordene de Chevalerie Fabliaux.

[11] Charles Nodier.

[12] Felibien, Hist. St. Denis.

[13] Coutumes de Beauvoisis.

[14] St. Palaye.

[15] Vie de Bayard.

[16] Favin Théâtre.

[17] Vie de Boucicaut, Coll. Pelitot et Momerque.

[18] Vie de Bayard.

[19] Froissart.

[20] St. Palaye, liv. i.

[21] Guillaume Guiart.; Guill, Amoric.; Rigord; Philipeid.

[22] Brantome.

[23] See note II.

[24] Charles Nodier's Annotations on St. Palaye.

[25] Ducange, Dissert. xxii. Menestrier, chap. 2; St. Palaye.

[26] Roman de Garin, Fabliaux, vol. ii.

[27] Menestrier, chap. 2. and 9.

[28] Menestrier, chap. 9.

[29] St. Palaye.

[30] Hartknoch, lib. ii. c. 1.

[31] Existing Orders of Knighthood.

[32] Cappefigue.

[33] Menestrier, ix.; St. Palaye.

[34] Adré Favin Théât.

[35] Nithard, lib. iii.

[36] _Britannarum_ is the word.

[37] Ducange apud Chron. Tur. an. 1066.

[38] Munster. Geogr. lib. iii.

[39] Ducange, in his sixth dissertation, has satisfactorily overturned the assertion made by Modius, that tournaments were known in Germany at a much earlier period than here stated.

[40] Ducange, Dissert. vii.

[41] Menestrier Origine.

[42] Favin Théâtre.

[43] St. Palaye.

[44] St. Palaye.

[45] Vie de Bayard.

[46] Vie de Bayard.

[47] Olivier de la Marche.

[48] Ducange, Dissert. vi.

[49] St. Palaye.

[50] Ducange, Dissert. vii.

[51] Mat. Paris, Ann. 1241.

[52] Colombiere.

[53] Menestrier, vi.

[54] Mat. Westmonas., page 409.

[55] Should any one be tempted to investigate further, he will find the subject discussed at length in the seventh dissertation of Ducange. See also the _Chronique de Molinet_.

[56] St. Palaye; Ribeiro, lib. x.

[57] Menestrier.

[58] Ordonances des Rois de France, ann. 1294.

[59] Pasquier Recherches.

[60] Vie de Bayard sur Jean d'Arces.

[61] See note III.

[62] Colombiere.

[63] La Colombiere.

[64] Froissart Olivier de la Marche.

[65] See the "Voeu du Heron and the Voeu du Paon." cited in St. Palaye.

[66] See note IV.

[67] Ducange, Dissert, xxi.

[68] Monstrelet.

[69] Juvenal des Ursius.

[70] Hardouin de la Jaille.

[71] See deed between Du Guesclin and Clisson. Ducange, Dissert, xxi.

[72] Ducange, Gloss. Lat. Mutare Armas.

[73] See the Chevalier de la Tour, as cited by St. Palaye.

[74] Vertot.

[75] Sharon Turner.

[76] William of Jumieges, lib. iv.

[77] Eginhard. Annal.

[78] Mabillon.

[79] William of Tyre, lib. i.

[80] Voltaire, Essai sur les Moeurs.

[81] Guibert de Nogent.

[82] Will. Tyr. lib. i.

[83] Mills mentions one from Manuel VII. to Pope Gregory VII., and Guibert of Nogent speaks of another which, though he cautiously avoids naming the emperor who wrote it, lest he should mislead from want of correct information, could only have been sent, under some of the circumstances he mentions, by Isaac Comnenus. Mills supposes it to have been the same with a letter written by Alexius, though it differs in many parts from the usual version of that epistle. Probably, however, this opinion is correct, as a letter is stated to have been addressed to Robert of Flanders, who was in his extreme youth in the time of Isaac Comnenus.

[84] Murator. Script. Ital.

[85] Albert of Aix; William of Tyre.

[86] Ibid.

[87] Robert, lib. i.

[88] Guib. Nogent, lib. ii.

[89] Hist. Hieros. abrev. Jacob. Vit. lib. i.

[90] Will. Tyr. lib. i.; Albert. Chron. Hieros.

[91] Will. Tyr.; Hist. Hieros.; Jacob. Vit. lib. i.

[92] Will. Tyr. lib. i.

[93] Albert. Aquensis; Hist. Hieros.; Jacobi Vitr.; Will. Tyr.

[94] See note V.

[95] William of Tyre says that he was wandering from place to place under the protection of Guiscard. This opinion I have adopted, although Albert of Aix declares that Peter joined him at Rome.

[96] Will. of Malmsbury.

[97] Mills.

[98] Will. Tyr. lib. i.

[99] Guibertus; Gesta Dei.

[100] A. D. 1095.

[101] Mills, chap. ii.

[102] Will. Tyr. lib. i.

[103] Robertus Monachus, lib. i.

[104] I have followed as nearly as possible the account of Robertus Monachus, who was present. Having found in no book of any authenticity the speech attributed by more modern writers to Peter the Hermit, I have rejected it entirely as supposititious. Neither Robert, nor Albertus Aquensis, nor William of Tyre, nor Guibert of Nogent, nor James of Vitry, the most authentic historians of the crusade, some of whom were present at the council of Clermont, and most of whom lived at the time, even mention the appearance of Peter at that assembly. That he might be there, I do not attempt to deny, but that he addressed the people I believe utterly unfounded.

[105] See note VI.

[106] Robertus Monachus.

[107] Fulcher of Chartres; Guibert of Nogent; William of Tyre.

[108] See note VII.

[109] Guibert of Nogent.

[110] Fulcher of Chartres; William of Tyre.

[111] Guibert; Gesta Dei.

[112] Albert. Aquensis; Will. Tyr.; Guibert.

[113] Albert of Aix.

[114] See Ducange in Sig. Cruc.

[115] Albert of Aix; James of Vitry; Robert the Monk; Guibert.

[116] Fulcher.

[117] Albert of Aix; William of Tyre. Mills follows this opinion; Guibert of Nogent and James of Vitry are opposed to it, and Fulcher gives a different account also.

[118] Fulcher; Will. Tyr.; Albert Aquen.

[119] Will. Tyr.

[120] Albert of Aix; William of Tyre.

[121] Albert of Aix.

[122] Guibert.

[123] Albert of Aix.

[124] Ibid.

[125] Guibert.

[126] Baldric.

[127] Albert of Aix.

[128] Guibert of Nogent, lib. ii.; Albert of Aix, lib. i.; Orderic Vital, lib. ix. Mills says it was the French and Normans who thus advanced into the country, but the great majority of writers is against him.

[129] Albert of Aix; William of Tyre.

[130] Robert the Monk; William of Tyre; Guibert of Nogent; Albert of Aix.

[131] Robert the Monk; Guibert of Nogent.

[132] William of Tyre; Albert of Aix.

[133] Robert the Monk; Guibert of Nogent.

[134] Ibid.

[135] William of Tyre; Albert of Aix.

[136] Albert. Aquensis; William of Tyre.

[137] Albert of Aix.

[138] Robertus Monachus, lib. i.

[139] Guibert of Nogent.

[140] Guibert of Nogent.

[141] See note VIII.

[142] Will. Malmsbury.

[143] Will. of Tyre; Albert of Aix.

[144] Albert of Aix.

[145] Guibert of Nogent.

[146] Guibert; Will. Tyr.

[147] Albert of Aix.

[148] William of Tyre.

[149] Albert of Aix.

[150] Albert. Aquensis.

[151] Will Tyr.; Albert. Aquens.

[152] Guibert.

[153] Fulcher; Guibert; Will. Tyr.; Albert.

[154] I have taken perhaps more pains than was necessary to investigate this part of the crusaders' proceedings, which I found nearly as much confused in the writings of Mills as in those of the contemporary authors. Some assert that the whole mass of the western crusaders proceeded in one body through Italy; but finding that Fulcher, who accompanied Robert of Normandy and Stephen of Blois, never mentions Hugh of Vermandois; that Guibert speaks of that prince's departure first; that the Archbishop of Tyre marks the divisions distinctly, and that he certainly embarked at a different port in Italy from the rest, I have been led to conclude, that though probably looking up to Hugh as the brother of their sovereign, the three great leaders proceeded separately on their march. Robertus Monachus is evidently mistaken altogether, as he joins the Count of Toulouse with the army of Hugh, when we know from Raimond d'Agiles that that nobleman conducted his troops through Sclavonia.

[155] Albert of Aix; William of Tyre.

[156] Guibert.

[157] Ibid. lib. ii.

[158] Will. Tyr. lib. ii.

[159] Albert of Aix; William of Tyre.

[160] Albert of Aix.

[161] Guibert.

[162] Albert of Aix; Robertus Monachus; Will. Tyr.

[163] Will. Tyr.; Rob. Mon.; Guibert; Albert. Aquens.

[164] Albert of Aix.

[165] Mills, in speaking of this interview, does not distinguish between the coat-of-arms and the mantle or pallium. They were, however, very different, and never, that I know of, worn together. The coat-of-arms was usually extremely small; and the form may be gathered from the anecdote of an ancient baron, who, not readily finding his coat-of-arms, seized the cloth of a banner, made a slit in the centre with his sword, and passing his head through the aperture, thus went to battle. These customs however often changed, and we find many instances of the coat-of-arms being worn long. The mantle was the garb of peace, and was even more richly decorated than the coat-of-arms. Another peaceful habiliment was the common surcoat, which differed totally from the tunic worn over the armour, having large sleeves and cuffs, as we find from the notes upon Joinville. The size of this garment may be very nearly ascertained from the same account, which mentions 736 ermines having been used in one surcoat worn by the king of France. See Joinville by Ducange.

For the use of the pallium, or mantle, see St. Palaye--notes on the Fourth Part.

[166] I have not chosen to represent this interview in the colours with which Mills has painted it. The princess Anna, from whom he took his view of the subject, can in no degree be depended upon. Her object was to represent her father as a dignified monarch, receiving with cold pomp a train of barbarous warriors; but the truth was, that Alexius was in no slight measure terrified at Godfrey and his host, and sought by every means to cajole him into compliance with his wishes. Almost every other historian declares that the crusaders were received with the utmost condescension and courtesy. Robert of Paris, one of Godfrey's noble followers, did indeed seat himself on the throne of Alexius, and replied to Baldwin's remonstrance by a braggart boast, for which the emperor only reproved him by a contemptuous sneer. This, however, would, if any thing, prove that the pride and haughtiness was on the part of the crusaders rather than on that of the imperial court.

[167] Albert of Aix; William of Tyre.

[168] Albert of Aix.

[169] Vertot.

[170] Robert the Monk.

[171] Gerusalemme, cant. i.

[172] What the relationship exactly was I have not been able to discover. Mills does not satisfy me that the mother of Tancred was the sister of Robert Guiscard. The expressions of Ralph of Caen on the subject appear to be obscure.

[173] Albert of Aix.

[174] St. Palaye.

[175] Mills, chap. 3.

[176] Fulcher.

[177] Raoul de Caen.

[178] William of Tyre.

[179] Raoul de Caen; William of Tyre; Albert of Aix; Guibert.

[180] Orderic. Vital. lib. ix.

[181] Boemond had inherited all his father's hatred to the Greek sovereigns, and had waged many a bloody and successful war against Alexius himself.

[182] Will. Tyr.; Albert. Aquens.

[183] Raoul de Caen; Guibert.

[184] Alexiad par Ducange.

[185] Guibert, lib. iii.

[186] Radulph. Cad. cap. 11.

[187] Radulph. Cadom. cap. 12.

[188] Albertus Aquensis says that Tancred took with him the whole army. William of Tyre follows the same opinion, as well as Guibert. Orderic Vital declares that when the troops were passing, Tancred dressed himself as a common soldier, and passed among the crowd; but Radulphus Cadomensis (or Raoul of Caen, as the French translate his name), who was his companion and friend in after-years, makes no mention of his having taken with him any part of the forces he commanded, merely stating, that in his eagerness to pass before he was discovered, he aided to row the boat himself.

[189] Raimond d'Agiles.

[190] Ibid.

[191] Raimond d'Agiles; Will. Tyr.; Guibert.

[192] Guibert; Albert of Aix.

[193] Will. Tyr.

[194] Guibert.

[195] Raimond d'Agiles.

[196] Guibert; Raimond; Will Tyr.

[197] Alexiad.

[198] Raimond d'Agiles; Albert of Aix.

[199] Raimond d'Agiles expressly states that the army of the Count of Toulouse, which he accompanied to the Holy Land, did not join the other crusaders till they were under the walls of Nice. Mills is therefore wrong in writing that the Provençals joined the other soldiers of the Cross before their arrival at Nice, and then let them march on again before them.

[200] Guibert, lib. ii.

[201] Orderic Vital.

[202] Guibert.

[203] William of Tyre; Albert of Aix.

[204] Fulcher.

[205] Albert of Aix; Fulcher.

[206] Will. Tyr.

[207] Raimond d'Agiles; Guibert.

[208] All authors, those who were present as well as those who wrote from the accounts of others, differ entirely among themselves concerning the dispositions of the siege. Fulcher, who accompanied the Duke of Normandy, says that that chief attacked the south; Raimond of Agiles, who was present also, says that the south was the post of the Count of Toulouse. I have, however, adopted the account of Raimond, who appears to me to have paid more attention to the operations of the war than Fulcher.

[209] Fulcher.

[210] Ibid.

[211] The word used is _loricati_; and Ducange, who seldom makes a positive assertion without the most perfect certainty, states, in the observations on Joinville, that we may always translate the word _loricatus_, a knight, "et quand on voit dans les auteurs Latins le terme de loricati il se doit entendre des Chevaliers."--_Ducange, Observ. sur l'Hist. de St. Louis_, page 50.

[212] Guibert.

[213] Albert of Aix, lib. ii.

[214] Albert.

[215] Ibid.

[216] Albert; Raimond d'Agiles; Guibert.

[217] Albert.

[218] Raimond.

[219] Albert.

[220] Guibert.

[221] Guibert; Albert of Aix.

[222] Raimond d'Agiles; Fulcher; Albert of Aix; Robert. Mon.

[223] Robert. Mon.

[224] Fulcher.

[225] Guibert; Raimond d'Agiles.

[226] Albert of Aix.

[227] Fulcher.

[228] Idun; Albert of Aix.

[229] Albert of Aix.

[230] The Philippide.

[231] Albert of Aix.

[232] Fulcher.

[233] Raimond d'Agiles; Albert of Aix; Guibert.

[234] Will. Tyr.

[235] Albert of Aix.

[236] Guibert; Albert.

[237] William of Tyre; Raimond.

[238] Raimond de Agiles.

[239] William of Tyre; Raimond de Agiles; Guibert de Nogent.

[240] Fulcher, cap. 4; William of Tyre.

[241] Ten at a time were admitted within the walls, but not more.

[242] June 29, A. D. 1097.

[243] Fulcher, cap. 5; Raimond d'Agiles; Orderic Vital; Raoul de Caen.

[244] Mills avers that the chiefs separated by mutual consent. I have found nothing to confirm this opinion. Radulphus says that there was a rumour to that effect, but shows that it could not be just, as the baggage of the troops of Boemond and his party had, by the error that separated them, been left with the other division. William of Tyre leaves the question undecided. Fulcher says, absolutely, that the separation originated in a mistake. Orderic Vital follows the same opinion. Raimond d'Agiles is not precise, but he says that it was done inconsiderately; and Guibert decidedly affirms that it was accidental, and through the obscurity of the morning in which they began their march.

[245] William of Tyre.

[246] Fulcher; Raimond d'Agiles; Albert.

[247] Fulcher makes it amount to nearly three hundred and sixty thousand combatants; and Raimond reduces the number to one hundred and fifty thousand.

[248] Fulcher.

[249] Ibid; Guibert.

[250] William of Tyre; Guibert; Fulcher, cap. 5.

[251] Guibert; Will. of Tyr.

[252] Fulcher; Radulph. Cad. cap. 21.

[253] William of Tyre; Guibert; Fulcher.

[254] Fulcher, cap. 5; William of Tyre.

[255] William of Tyre.

[256] Raoul of Caen.

[257] Albert; Raoul of Caen; William of Tyre.

[258] Albert.

[259] Raoul of Caen.

[260] Fulcher; Albert; Raoul of Caen.

[261] Albert of Aix informs us, that the ladies of Boemond's camp, seeing the merciless fury with which the Turks were dealing death to all ages and sexes, clothed themselves in their most becoming garments, and strove to display their charms to the best advantage, for the purpose of obtaining the durance of the harem rather than the grave. Albert was not present, and did not even visit the Holy Land; and I find his account in this respect confirmed by no other historian. The good canon, indeed, was somewhat fond of little tales of scandal, so that I feel inclined to doubt his authority, where such matters are under discussion. He has an anecdote in a similar style appended to his history of the taking of Nice.

[262] Radulphus, cap. 22.

[263] William of Tyre.

[264] Orderic Vital; Guibert.

[265] Albert of Aix; Fulcher, cap. 5; William of Tyre.

[266] Radulph. Cadom. cap. 26.

[267] Fulcher; Albert of Aix.

[268] Albert; Radulphus Cadomachus, cap. 27, 28, _et seq._; William of Tyre.

[269] Many of the Christians attributed their victory to the miraculous interposition of two canonized martyrs, who, in glittering armour, led on the army of Godfrey and the count of Toulouse, and scared the Turks more than all the lancers of the crusaders. Though the supposed interposition of such personages certainly robbed the leaders of no small share of glory, yet it gave vast confidence and enthusiasm to the inferior classes.

[270] Albert of Aix; Fulcher; Guibert.

[271] William of Tyre.

[272] Guibert; William of Tyre; Albert of Aix.

[273] Albert of Aix.

[274] Guibert, lib. iii.

[275] Albert of Aix, lib. iii.; William of Tyre.

[276] Fulcher; Guibert.

[277] Albert.

[278] Ibid.

[279] Radulph. Cadom. cap. 33; Guibert. lib. iii.; Will. Tyr.

[280] All the authors of the day that I have been able to meet with declare this expedition of Baldwin and Tancred to have been voluntary. Mills only, as far as I can discover, attributes their conduct to an order received from others. I mark the circumstance more particularly, because, under my view of the case, the fact of Tancred and his companions having separated themselves from the rest of the host, after such immense fatigues, abandoning repose and comfort, and seeking new dangers and fresh privations, is one of the most extraordinary instances on record of the effect of the chivalrous spirit of the age. Under this point of view, all the historians of that time saw the enterprise which they have recorded; but Mills, writing in the least chivalrous of all epochs, has reduced the whole to a corporal-like obedience of orders.

[281] Albert of Aix, lib. iii.; Radulph. cap. 37.

[282] Albert of Aix, lib. iii.; Guibert; Will. Tyr.

[283] Radulphus, cap. 38.

[284] Albert of Aix; Guibert, lib. iii.

[285] Radulphus; Albert of Aix; Guibert of Nogent.

[286] Albert. lib. iii.

[287] Albert.

[288] Ibid.

[289] Albert; Raoul de Caen. See also Fulcher, who was chaplain to Baldwin.

[290] Albert of Aix; Raoul of Caen.

[291] Albert of Aix; William of Tyre; Raimond d'Agiles.

[292] Albert of Aix; William of Tyre.

[293] Raimond d'Agiles.

[294] Robert. Mon. lib. iii. Albert of Aix; Guibert.

[295] Albert of Aix.

[296] William of Tyre.

[297] Albert of Aix.

[298] The population of these countries was in general Christian.

[299] Fulcher; Albert.

[300] Albert; Guibert, lib. iii.

[301] Guibert.

[302] Albert.

[303] Guibert, lib. iii.; where see the manner in which Baldwin contrived to subjugate the inhabitants.

[304] Albert of Aix.

[305] Guibert.

[306] Albert.

[307] Mills declares, that the Christians were rescued from this ambuscade by the arrival of Tancred. I find the account of Albert of Aix totally opposed to such a statement; while the passage in Raoul of Caen relating to this event is so full of errors in other respects, that no reliance could be placed upon it, even if it justified the assertion of Mills, which, however, it does not do. He states, that Tancred arrived long before the ambuscade, and that he found Baldwin at Artesia. By this he might mean Baldwin de Bourg, who, after the other Baldwin became King of Jerusalem, was also created Count of Edessa; but this interpretation cannot be admitted here, as he mentions the former disputes between the soldiers of Tancred and of the Baldwin to whom he refers, and who could therefore be none other than the brother of Godfrey, who was, we know, in Edessa at the time. We may therefore conclude, that as a principal part of this account is notoriously false, Raoul of Caen cannot be considered as any authority, so far as this event is concerned. Finding the statement of Tancred's assistance here not confirmed by any other good authority, I have abided by the account of Albert.

[308] Albert of Aix.

[309] Raimond d'Agiles.

[310] Will. Tyr., Raimond.

[311] Albert of Aix.

[312] Raimond; Guibert of Nogent.

[313] Raimond; Albert says six hundred thousand; Guibert of Nogent.

[314] Raimond.

[315] Raimond d'Agiles; Albert d'Aix; Guibert de Nogent, lib. iv.; Robert.

[316] Raimond d'Agiles; Albert of Aix; Guibert de Nogent.

[317] Malmsbury.

[318] Albert; Raimond d'Agiles.

[319] Guibert de Nogent; Robertus Monachus, lib. iv.

[320] Guibert; Albert; Robert. Mon.

[321] Raimond d'Agiles.

[322] Ibid; Guibert; Robertus Monachus.

[323] Guibert says he was a boasting coward; but this is contradicted by others.

[324] Guibert de Nogent; Robert.

[325] Guibert; Robertus Monachus, lib. iv.

[326] Robert. Monac.

[327] Albert of Aix.

[328] Raimond d'Agiles; Vertot; Guibert; William of Tyre.

[329] This is one of the points on which the authorities of the day are in direct opposition to each other. Mills has chosen the opinion of Robertus Monachus, who states that the message of the calif was haughty and insolent. I have followed another version of the story, because I find it supported by a greater weight of evidence, and because I do not think the calif would have taken the trouble of sending all the way from Egypt to insult a party of men whose persevering conduct showed that they were not likely to be turned back by words. Guibert says, that the calif promised even to embrace the Christian faith, in case the crusaders overcame the Turks, and restored to him his Syrian dominions. Albert of Aix also vouches the same proposal, which, however improbable might have been made for the purpose of deceiving the crusaders.

[330] Robertson's Historical Disquisition on India.

[331] Robert, lib. iv.

[332] Albert of Aix.

[333] Albert; Robert. Mon.

[334] Albert of Aix, lib. iii.

[335] Robertus, lib. iv.

[336] Robert.; Albert of Aix, lib. iii.

[337] Guibert; Albert of Aix, lib. iii.

[338] Robertus; Albert.

[339] Five thousand perished on the bridge and in the water, according to Robert the Monk.

[340] Robertus Monachus.

[341] Guibert mentions previously that the number of horses was reduced to a thousand; lib. iv.

[342] Robertus; Guibert.

[343] Raimond d'Agiles.

[344] Guibert, lib. v.; Fulcher, cap. 7.

[345] Will. Tyr.; Albert; Fulcher, cap. 8.

[346] Raimond d'Agiles.

[347] William of Tyre says he was a noble Armenian, chief of the tribe of _Benizerra_, or the sons of the armour-forgers, and calls him Emir Feir. Abouharagi, however, says he was a Persian, and calls him Ruzebach.

[348] Guibert; Will. Tyr.; Albert.

[349] Guibert.

[350] William of Tyre, lib. v.; Robert, lib. v.; Guibert, lib. v.

[351] This transaction is reported variously. Albert of Aix says, that the proposal of Boemond was at once received with joy. Raoul of Caen gives a different account, and states that the bishop of Puy, on the suggestion of Boemond, suggested that the town should be given to him who could first obtain it. Guibert and Robert relate it as I have done above. The archbishop of Tyre declares that no one opposed the proposal of Boemond but the Count of Toulouse.

[352] Will. Tyr.; Albert of Aix; Guibert, lib. v.

[353] Albert of Aix; Robertus, lib. v.

[354] Robertus, lib. v., 2d June, A. D. 1098.

[355] Guibert, lib. v.; Raimond d'Agiles; Albert.

[356] There is some reason to believe that Boemond was the first who entered, as stated by William of Tyre; but as Albert of Aix makes no mention of the fact, and as Guibert de Nogent declares positively that Boemond, who is certainly his favourite hero, did not mount till sixty others had preceded him, as Raimond d'Agiles gives the honour of the feat to Fulcher de Chartres, and as Robert the Monk confirms that assertion, I have left the matter in doubt, as I found it. In regard to the story of Phirouz murdering his brother in his sleep, because he would not aid in his design, I believe fully that it was but one of those ornamental falsehoods with which men are ever fond of decorating great and extraordinary events. I doubt not that the tale was current in the time of William of Tyre, who reports it; and the act was, beyond question, looked upon as a noble and devoted one on the part of Phirouz; but as I find nothing to confirm it in any book I possess, except the simple fact of that Armenian having been a traitorous rascal, please God, till further evidence I will look upon it all as a lie. Robert the Monk represents, in very glowing terms, the grief of Phirouz for the death of his two brothers, who were killed in the _melée_. Phirouz became a Christian, at least in name; and to cover the baseness of his perfidy, he declared that the Saviour himself had appeared to him in a vision, commanding him to deliver up the town.

[357] Albert of Aix; Guibert, lib. v.; Raimond d'Agiles.

[358] Albert of Aix, lib. iv.

[359] Guibert; Albert; Raimond d'Agiles.

[360] Raimond; Robertus Monachus, lib. vi.; Albert.

[361] Guibert, lib. v.

[362] Albert of Aix, lib. iv.

[363] See Mills's History of the Crusades.

[364] Robertus Monachus, lib. vi.; Guibert; Fulcher; Albert.

[365] Guibert, lib. v.; Robertus; Albert.

[366] Guibert; Albert of Aix.

[367] William of Tyre; Albert of Aix.

[368] Robertus, lib. vi.; Albert of Aix, lib. iv.; William of Tyre.

[369] Robertus Monachus, lib. vi.; Guibert, lib. v.

[370] Albert of Aix.

[371] Robertus, vi.; Albert of Aix.

[372] Guibert.

[373] Guibert; Fulcher; Albert, lib. iv.

[374] Guibert, lib. v.

[375] Albert of Aix, lib. iv.

[376] Albert.

[377] Guibert; Fulcher; Albert.

[378] Raimond d'Agiles; Fulcher; William of Tyre; Albert; Guibert.

[379] Fulcher; Raimond.

[380] Radulph. Cadom.

[381] Raimond d'Agiles.

[382] Fulcher; Raimond; Albert; Guibert of Nogent.

[383] Albert of Aix; Raimond d'Agiles; Will. Tyr.

[384] Albert of Aix.

[385] Albert of Aix; Guibert, lib. iii.

[386] Albert of Aix.

[387] Guibert; Albert; Raimond.

[388] Raimond d'Agiles; Fulcher.

[389] Raimond; Raoul de Caen.

[390] Raimond.

[391] Raimond d'Agiles.

[392] Histor. Hieros; Jacob. Vit.

[393] Raimond d'Agiles; Fulcher.

[394] Guibert.

[395] Will. Tyr. lib. vi.

[396] Raoul of Caen.

[397] Albert.

[398] Albert.

[399] Raimond d'Agiles.

[400] Will. Malmsbury; Guibert de Nogent; Raimond d'Agiles.

[401] Albert; Raoul of Caen; Guibert.

[402] Fulcher; Albert.

[403] Guibert; Albert.

[404] Mills.

[405] Guibert; Fulcher.

[406] Raimond d'Agiles; William of Tyre.

[407] See note IX.

[408] Albert of Aix; Will. Tyr.; Raimond d'Agiles.

[409] Guibert.

[410] Guibert; Albert; Will. Tyr.

[411] Guibert; Albert.

[412] Guibert.

[413] Albert of Aix.

[414] Guibert; Raimond d'Agiles; Albert.

[415] Raimond d'Agiles.

[416] Albert of Aix.

[417] William of Tyre.

[418] Albert; Guibert.

[419] Fulcher; Albert of Aix; Guibert; Raoul of Caen.

[420] Raimond d'Agiles; Guibert de Nogent.

[421] Raimond d'Agiles.

[422] Raoul of Caen; Raimond.

[423] Guibert.

[424] Guibert, lib. vi.; Albert of Aix, lib. v.; William of Tyre.

[425] Albert of Aix.

[426] Fulcher; Guibert.

[427] Albert of Aix.

[428] Raimond d'Agiles; Albert of Aix.

[429] Raimond d'Agiles.

[430] Fulcher; Raoul of Caen.

[431] Guibert; Raimond.

[432] Albert of Aix; Guibert; Robert. Mon. lib. viii.

[433] Mills follows Raimond d'Agiles. I have chosen the account of Albert of Aix, because I find it better supported by evidence.

[434] William of Tyre.

[435] Raimond d'Agiles.

[436] Fulcher. Raimond d'Agiles.

[437] William of Tyre, lib. vii.

[438] Robert. Mon.

[439] Albert.

[440] William of Tyre; Albert of Aix.

[441] Albert.

[442] Robert; Guibert.

[443] Ibid.

[444] Albert.

[445] Raoul of Caen; Albert; Fulcher.

[446] Albert of Aix, lib. v.

[447] Guibert.

[448] Guibert, lib. vii.; Robert.

[449] Holy War.

[450] Raimond.

[451] Robert; Albert; Guibert, lib. vii.

[452] Fulcher mentions several ladders, but says they were too few.

[453] Albert of Aix; Guibert.

[454] Raimond; Albert.

[455] Albert of Aix.

[456] Guibert; Albert.

[457] Albert of Aix.

[458] Raimond d'Agiles; Guibert.

[459] Albert of Aix.

[460] Raimond d'Agiles; Albert of Aix.

[461] Albert describes perfectly the effect of the Greek fire, and says it could only be extinguished by the means of vinegar, which, on the second day, the crusaders provided in great quantity.

[462] Raimond.

[463] Guibert; Albert of Aix.

[464] Raimond d'Agiles; William of Tyre.

[465] Robert; Guibert. lib. vii.; Albert.

[466] 15th July. A. D. 1099.

[467] Guibert; Raimond.

[468] Albert; Robert.

[469] Ibid; Guibert.

[470] Guibert; Raimond d'Agiles; Robert.

[471] Tancred and Gaston of Bearn had promised quarter to these unhappy wretches, and had given them a banner as a certain protection. It was early the next morning, before those chiefs were awake, that this massacre was committed by some of the more bloodthirsty of the crusaders. Tancred was with great difficulty prevented from taking signal vengeance on the perpetrators of this crime.--Guibert; Albert.

[472] The story of the second massacre rests upon the authority of Albert of Aix, from whose writings it has been copied by all who have repeated it. Albert of Aix never visited the Holy Land. None of those who were present at the fall of Jerusalem (that I can discover) make the slightest mention of such an occurrence; and we have the strongest proof that part of Albert's story is false; for he declares that all the Saracens were slaughtered in this second massacre, even those who had previously been promised protection; and we know that many were sent to Ascalon.--See _Guibert_, lib. vii. Robert, who was present speaks of many who were spared.--_Robertus_, lib. ix. Fulcher, who was in the country, if not present, does not allude to a second massacre. Raimond d'Agiles, who was a witness to the whole, passes it over in silence; though each of these persons always speaks of the slaughter of the Saracens as the most praiseworthy of actions. The Archbishop of Tyre also, who copied Albert wherever he could be proved correct, has stamped doubt upon this anecdote by omitting it entirely. I have thought fit to notice this particularly, because Mills lays no small stress upon the tale.

[473] Guibert; Albert; William of Tyre.

[474] See Raimond d'Agiles; Guibert; Albert; Brompton; William of Malmsbury.

[475] Fulcher, cap. 18; Robert. Mon. lib. ix.

[476] Godfrey appears never to have taken the title of king, from a feeling of religious humility.

[477] Robert.

[478] Albert; Will. Tyr.

[479] Albert.

[480] He was taken, after having suffered a complete defeat from the emir Damisman, as he was hastening to the succour of Gabriel of Armenia.

[481] Will. Tyren.; Radulph.; Cadom.

[482] Arnould, one of the most corrupt priests in the army, had been elected patriarch, but was deposed almost immediately; and Daimbert, who arrived from Rome as legate, was chosen in his stead. This Daimbert it is of whom I speak above. He seems to have conceived, from the first, the idea of making Jerusalem an eastern Rome, and wrung many concessions from Godfrey, which were little respected by that chief's successors.

[483] William of Tyre.

[484] Hist. Hieros.; Jacob. lib. i.; William of Tyre; Fulcher; Albert.

[485] Will. of Tyre; Fulcher of Chartres.

[486] Fulcher.

[487] William of Tyre.

[488] Hist. Hieros.; Jacob. Vit.; Will. of Tyre.

[489] Fulcher; Albert.

[490] Raoul of Caen; Will. Tyr.; Fulcher.

[491] Guibert; lib. vii.

[492] Will. of Tyr.; Guibert.

[493] Guibert says that Boemond died from the effects of poison. Other authors declare that grief for having been obliged to enter into a less advantageous treaty with Alexius than he had anticipated occasioned his death; but, from his whole history, I should not look upon Boemond as a man likely to die of grief.

[494] He was the grandson of that Raimond, Count of Toulouse, of whose conduct I have so often had occasion to speak already, and whose perseverance against Tripoli will be mentioned hereafter.

[495] Will. Tyr.

[496] Fulcher; Albert of Aix; William of Tyre.

[497] Albert of Aix; William of Tyre.

[498] Fulcher.

[499] Albert of Aix.

[500] Fulcher; Albert.

[501] Albert.

[502] Albert of Aix.

[503] Fulcher.

[504] Albert.

[505] Fulcher, cap. 35, A. D. 1105.

[506] Fulcher, cap. 27.

[507] Albert, lib. ix.; Fulcher.

[508] Albert; Fulcher.

[509] James of Vitry; Hist. Hieros. ab.

[510] Hist. Hieros. abrev.

[511] Mills says that the last historical mention of Peter is that which relates to his recognition by the Christians of Jerusalem; but such is not the case. We find him mentioned as a very influential person on the occasion of the battle of Ascalon.--See _Raimond d'Agiles_; _Guibert_, lib. vii.

[512] Guibert, lib. vii.

[513] Albert of Aix, lib. x.; William of Tyre.

[514] Fulcher; William of Tyre.

[515] Guibert, lib. vii.

[516] Guibert. lib. vii.

[517] Ibid.

[518] William of Tyre.

[519] Albert of Aix and Fulcher give a different account of Baldwin's escape.

[520] Will. Tyr. lib. x.

[521] Albert; Raimond d'Agiles; Fulcher; William of Tyre; Guibert.

[522] Albert of Aix; Raimond d'Agiles; Guibert.

[523] Mills is wrong in supposing that plate armour was not at all known before the beginning of the thirteenth century. As far back as the time of Louis the Debonair, the Monk of St. Gall gives a full description of a man in plate armour, and also mentions the barb, or iron covering of the horse.

[524] See, for these particulars, the Monk of St. Gall; Albert of Aix; Raimond d'Agiles; Fulcher; Guibert; William of Brittany; Menestrier St. Palaye; Ducange.

[525] Albert of Aix, lib. viii.

[526] Fulcher; Guibert.

[527] Albert of Aix; Fulcher; Robertus Monachus.

[528] Fulcher; William of Tyre; Albert.

[529] Ducange.

[530] Assizes par Thaumassiere.

[531] William of Tyre, lib. xviii.

[532] Vertot.

[533] Hist. Hierosol., Jacob. Vitri.

[534] Vertot Preuves.

[535] Vertot.

[536] Jacob Vitriaci in Hist. Hierosol.

[537] William of Tyre.

[538] Jac. Vitriaci; Hist. Hierosol.

[539] Will. Tyrensis, lib. xxii.; Jacob. Vit.

[540] William of Tyre.