Chapter X (5)

As our Revolution was a vindication of ancient rights, so it was conducted with strict attention to ancient formalities. In almost every word and act may be discerned a profound reverence for the past. The Estates of the Realm deliberated in the old halls and according to the old rules. Powle was conducted to his chair between his mover and his seconder with the accustomed forms. The Serjeant with his mace brought up the messengers of the Lords to the table of the Commons; and the three obeisances were duly made. The conference was held with all the antique ceremonial. On one side of the table, in the Painted Chamber, the managers of the Lords sate covered and robed in ermine and gold. The managers of the Commons stood bareheaded on the other side. The speeches present an almost ludicrous contrast to the revolutionary oratory of every other country. Both the English parties agreed in treating with solemn respect the ancient constitutional traditions of the state. The only question was, in what sense those traditions were to be understood. The assertors of liberty said not a word about the natural equality of men and the inalienable sovereignty of the people, about Harmodius or Timoleon, Brutus the elder or Brutus the younger. When they were told that, by the English law, the crown, at the moment of a demise, must descend to the next heir, they answered that, by the English law, a living man could have no heir. When they were told that there was no precedent for declaring the throne vacant, they produced from among the records in the Tower a roll of parchment, near three hundred years old, on which, in quaint characters and barbarous Latin, it was recorded that the Estates of the Realm had declared vacant the throne of a perfidious and tyrannical Plantagenet. When at length the dispute had been accommodated, the new sovereigns were proclaimed with the old pageantry. All the fantastic pomp of heraldry was there, Clarencieux and Norroy, Portcullis and Rouge Dragon, the trumpets, the banners, the grotesque coats embroidered with lions and lilies. The title of King of France, assumed by the conqueror of Cressy, was not omitted in the royal style. To us, who have lived in the year 1848, it may seem almost an abuse of terms to call a proceeding, conducted with so much deliberation, with so much sobriety, and with such minute attention to prescriptive etiquette, by the terrible name of Revolution.

And yet this revolution, of all revolutions the least violent, has been of all revolutions the most beneficent. It finally decided the great question whether the popular element which had, ever since the age of Fitzwalter and De Montfort, been found in the English polity, should be destroyed by the monarchical element, or should be suffered to develope itself freely, and to become dominant. The strife between the two principles had been long, fierce, and doubtful. It had lasted through four reigns. It had produced seditions, impeachments, rebellions, battles, sieges, proscriptions, judicial massacres. Sometimes liberty, sometimes royalty, had seemed to be on the point of perishing. During many years one half of the energy of England had been employed in counteracting the other half. The executive power and the legislative power had so effectually impeded each other that the state had been of no account in Europe. The King at Arms, who proclaimed William and Mary before Whitehall Gate, did in truth announce that this great struggle was over; that there was entire union between the throne and the Parliament; that England, long dependent and degraded, was again a power of the first rank; that the ancient laws by which the prerogative was bounded would henceforth be held as sacred as the prerogative itself, and would be followed out to all their consequences; that the executive administration would be conducted in conformity with the sense of the representatives of the nation; and that no reform, which the two Houses should, after mature deliberation, propose, would be obstinately withstood by the sovereign. The Declaration of Right, though it made nothing law which had not been law before, contained the germ of the law which gave religious freedom to the Dissenter, of the law which secured the independence of the judges, of the law which limited the duration of Parliaments, of the law which placed the liberty of the press under the protection of juries, of the law which prohibited the slave trade, of the law which abolished the sacramental test, of the law which relieved the Roman Catholics from civil disabilities, of the law which reformed the representative system, of every good law which has been passed during a hundred and sixty years, of every good law which may hereafter, in the course of ages, be found necessary to promote the public weal, and to satisfy the demands of public opinion.

The highest eulogy which can be pronounced on the revolution of 1688 is this, that it was our last revolution. Several generations have now passed away since any wise and patriotic Englishman has meditated resistance to the established government. In all honest and reflecting minds there is a conviction, daily strengthened by experience, that the means of effecting every improvement which the constitution requires may be found within the constitution itself.

Now, if ever, we ought to be able to appreciate the whole importance of the stand which was made by our forefathers against the House of Stuart. All around us the world is convulsed by the agonies of great nations. Governments which lately seemed likely to stand during ages have been on a sudden shaken and overthrown. The proudest capitals of Western Europe have streamed with civil blood. All evil passions, the thirst of gain and the thirst of vengeance, the antipathy of class to class, the antipathy of race to race, have broken loose from the control of divine and human laws. Fear and anxiety have clouded the faces and depressed the hearts of millions. Trade has been suspended, and industry paralysed. The rich have become poor; and the poor have become poorer. Doctrines hostile to all sciences, to all arts, to all industry, to all domestic charities, doctrines which, if carried into effect, would, in thirty years, undo all that thirty centuries have done for mankind, and would make the fairest provinces of France and Germany as savage as Congo or Patagonia, have been avowed from the tribune and defended by the sword. Europe has been threatened with subjugation by barbarians, compared with whom the barbarians who marched under Attila and Alboin were enlightened and humane. The truest friends of the people have with deep sorrow owned that interests more precious than any political privileges were in jeopardy, and that it might be necessary to sacrifice even liberty in order to save civilisation. Meanwhile in our island the regular course of government has never been for a day interrupted. The few bad men who longed for license and plunder have not had the courage to confront for one moment the strength of a loyal nation, rallied in firm array round a parental throne. And, if it be asked what has made us to differ from others, the answer is that we never lost what others are wildly and blindly seeking to regain. It is because we had a preserving revolution in the seventeenth century that we have not had a destroying revolution in the nineteenth. It is because we had freedom in the midst of servitude that we have order in the midst of anarchy. For the authority of law, for the security of property, for the peace of our streets, for the happiness of our houses, our gratitude is due, under Him who raises and pulls down nations at his pleasure, to the Long Parliament, to the Convention, and to William of Orange.

*****

[Footnote 1: Avaux Neg., Aug. 6/16 1685; Despatch of Citters and his colleagues, enclosing the treaty, Aug. Lewis to Barillon, Aug. 14/24.]

[Footnote 2: Instructions headed, "For my son the Prince of Wales, 1692," in the Stuart Papers.]

[Footnote 3: "The Habeas Corpus," said Johnson, the most bigoted of Tories, to Boswell, "is the single advantage which our government has over that of other countries;" and T. B. Macaulay is the most bigoted of Whigs in his own country, but left his whiggism at home when he went to India.]

[Footnote 4: See the Historical Records of Regiments, published under the supervision of the Adjutant General.]

[Footnote 5: Barillon, Dec. 3/13 1685. He had studied the subject much. "C'est un detail," he says, "dont j'ai connoissance." it appears from the Treasury Warrant Book that the charge of the army for the year 1687 was first of January at 623,104l. 9s. 11d.]

[Footnote 6: Burnet, i. 447.]

[Footnote 7: Tillotson's Sermon, preached before the House of Commons, Nov. 5. 1678.]

[Footnote 8: Locke, First Letter on Toleration.]

[Footnote 9: Council Book. The erasure is dated Oct. 21. 1685. Halifax to Chesterfield; Barillon, Oct. 19/29.]

[Footnote 10: Barillon, Oct. 26/Nov. 5. 1685; Lewis to Barillon, Oct. 27 / Nov. 6. Nov. 6/16.]

[Footnote 11: There is a remarkable account of the first appearance of the symptoms of discontent among the Tories in a letter of Halifax to Chesterfield, written in October, 1685. Burnet, i. 684.]

[Footnote 12: The contemporary tracts in various languages on the subject of this persecution are innumerable. An eminently clear, terse, and spirited summary will be found in Voltaire's Siecle de Louis XIV.]

[Footnote 13: "Misionarios embotados," says Ronquillo. "Apostoli armati," says Innocent. There is, in the Mackintosh Collection, a remarkable letter on this subject from Ronquillo, dated March 26./April 5. 1686 See Venier, Relatione di Francia, 1689, quoted by Professor Ranke in his Romische Papste, book viii.]

[Footnote 14: "Mi dicono che tutti questi parlamentarii no hanno voluto copia, il che assolutamente avra causate pessime impressioni."--Adda, Nov. 9/13. 1685. See Evelyn's Diary, Nov. 3.]

[Footnote 15: Lords' Journals, Nov. 9. 1685. "Vengo assicurato," says Adda, "che S. M. stessa abbia composto il discorso."--Despatch of Nov. 16/26 1685.]

[Footnote 16: Commons' Journals; Bramston's Memoirs; James von Leeuwen to the States General, Nov. 10/20 1685. Leeuwen was secretary of the Dutch embassy, and conducted the correspondence in the absence of Citters. As to Clarges, see Burnet, i. 98.]

[Footnote 17: Barillon, Nov. 16/26. 1685.]

[Footnote 18: Dodd's Church History, Leeuwen, Nov. 17/27 1685; Barillon, Dec. 24. 1685. Barillon says of Adda, "On l'avoit fait prevenir que la surete et l'avantage des Catholiques consistoient dans une reunion entiere de sa Majeste Britannique et de son parlement." Letters of Innocent to James, dated July 27/Aug. 8 and Sept. 23 / Oct. 3. 1685; Despatches of Adda, Nov. 9/19. and Nov. 1685. The very interesting correspondence of Adda, copied from the Papal archives, is in the British Museum; Additional MSS. No. 15395.]

[Footnote 19: The most remarkable despatch bears date the 9/19th of November 1685, and will be found in the Appendix to Mr. Fox's History.]

[Footnote 20: Commons' Journals, Nov. 12. 1685; Leeuwen, Nov.; Barillon, Nov. 16/26.; Sir John Bramston's Memoirs. The best report of the debates of the Commons in November, 1685, is one of which the history is somewhat curious. There are two manuscript copies of it in the British Museum, Harl. 7187.; Lans. 253. In these copies the names of the speakers are given at length. The author of the Life of James published in 1702 transcribed this report, but gave only the initials, of the speakers. The editors of Chandler's Debates and of the Parliamentary History guessed from these initials at the names, and sometimes guessed wrong. They ascribe to Wailer a very remarkable speech, which will hereafter be mentioned, and which was really made by Windham, member for Salisbury. It was with some concern that I found myself forced to give up the belief that the last words uttered in public by Waller were so honourable to him.]

[Footnote 21: Commons' Journals, Nov. 13. 1685; Bramston's Memoirs; Reresby's Memoirs; Barillon, Nov. 16/26.; Leeuwen, Nov. 13/23.; Memoirs of Sir Stephen Fox, 1717; The Case of the Church of England fairly stated; Burnet, i. 666. and Speaker Onslow's note.]

[Footnote 22: Commons' Journals, Nov. 1685; Harl. MS. 7187.; Lans. MS.]

[Footnote 23: The conflict of testimony on this subject is most extraordinary; and, after long consideration, I must own that the balance seems to me to be exactly poised. In the Life of James (1702), the motion is represented as a court motion. This account is confirmed by a remarkable passage in the Stuart Papers, which was corrected by the Pretender himself. (Clarke's Life of James the Second, ii. 55.) On the other hand, Reresby, who was present, and Barillon, who ought to have been well informed, represent the motion as an opposition motion. The Harleian and Lansdowne manuscripts differ in the single word on which the whole depends. Unfortunately Bramston was not at the House that day. James Van Leeuwen mentions the motion and the division, but does not add a word which can throw the smallest light on the state of parties. I must own myself unable to draw with confidence any inference from the names of the tellers, Sir Joseph Williamson and Sir Francis Russell for the majority, and Lord Ancram and Sir Henry Goodricke for the minority. I should have thought Lord Ancram likely to go with the court, and Sir Henry Goodricke likely to go with the opposition.]

[Footnote 24: Commons' Journals, Nov. 16. 1685 Harl. MS. 7187.; Lans. MS. 235.]

[Footnote 25: Commons' Journals, Nov. 17, 18. 1685.]

[Footnote 26: Commons' Journals, Nov. 18. 1685; Harl. MS. 7187.; Lans. MS. 253.; Burnet, i. 667.]

[Footnote 27: Lonsdale's Memoirs. Burnet tells us (i. 667.) that a sharp debate about elections took place in the House of Commons after Coke's committal. It must therefore have been on the 19th of November; for Coke was committed late on the 18th, and the Parliament was prorogued on the 20th. Burnet's narrative is confirmed by the Journals, from which it appears that several elections were under discussion on the 19th.]

[Footnote 28: Burnet, i. 560.; Funeral Sermon of the Duke of Devonshire, preached by Kennet, 1708; Travels of Cosmo III. in England.]

[Footnote 29: Bramston's Memoirs. Burnet is incorrect both as to the time when the remark was made and as to the person who made it. In Halifax's Letter to a Dissenter will be found a remarkable allusion to this discussion.]

[Footnote 30: Wood, Ath. Ox.; Gooch's Funeral Sermon on Bishop Compton.]

[Footnote 31: Teonge's Diary.]

[Footnote 32: Barillon has given the best account of this debate. I will extract his report of Mordaunt's speech. "Milord Mordaunt, quoique jeune, parla avec eloquence et force. Il dit que la question n'etoit pas reduite, comme la Chambre des Communes le pretendoit, a guerir des jalousies et defiances, qui avoient lieu dans les choses incertaines; mais que ce qui ce passoit ne l'etoit pas, qu'il y avoit une armee sur pied qui subsistoit, et qui etoit remplie d'officiers Catholiques, qui ne pouvoit etre conservee que pour le renversement des loix, et que la subsistance de l'armee, quand il n'y a aucune guerre ni au dedans ni au dehors, etoit l'etablissement du gouvernement arbitraire, pour lequel les Anglois ont une aversion si bien fondee."]

[Footnote 33: He was very easily moved to tears. "He could not," says the author of the Panegyric, "refrain from weeping on bold affronts." And again "They talk of his hectoring and proud carriage; what could be more humble than for a man in his great post to cry and sob?" In the answer to the Panegyric it is said that "his having no command of his tears spoiled him for a hypocrite."]

[Footnote 34: Lords' Journals, Nov. 19. 1685; Barillon, Nov. 23 / Dec. 3. Dutch Despatch, Nov. 20/30.; Luttrell's Diary, Nov. 19.; Burnet, i. 665. The closing speeds of Halifax is mentioned by the Nuncio in his despatch of Nov. 16/26. Adda, about a month later, hears strong testimony to Halifax's powers,

"Da questo uomo che ha gran credito nel parlamento, e grande eloquenza, non si possono attendere che fiere contradizioni, e nel parlito Regio non vi e un uomo da contrapporsi." Dec. 21/31.]

[Footnote 35: Lords' and Commons' Journals, Nov. 20. 1685.]

[Footnote 36: Lords' Journals, Nov. 11. 17, 18. 1685.]

[Footnote 37: Burnet i, 646.]

[Footnote 38: Bramston's Memoirs; Luttrell's Diary.]

[Footnote 39: The trial in the Collection of State Trials; Bramston's Memoirs Burnet, 1. 647.; Lords' Journals, Dec. 20. 1689.]

[Footnote 40: Lords' Journals, Nov. 9, to. 16. 1685.]

[Footnote 41: Speech on the Corruption of the Judges in Lord Delamere's works, 1694.]

[Footnote 42: Fu una funzione piena di gravita, di ordine, e di gran speciosita. Adda, Jan. 15/25. 1686.]

[Footnote 43: The Trial is in the Collection of State Trials. Leeuwen, Jan. 15/25. 19/29. 1686.]

[Footnote 44: Lady Russell to Dr. Fitzwilliam, Jan. 15. 1686.]

[Footnote 45: Lewis to Barillon, Feb. 10/20 1685/6.]

[Footnote 46: Evelyn's Diary, Oct. 2. 1685.]

[Footnote 47: Clarke's Life of James the Second, ii. 9., Orig. Mem.]

[Footnote 48: Leeuwen, Jan. 1/11 and 12/22 1686. Her letter, though very long and very absurd, was thought worth sending to the States General as a sign of the times.]

[Footnote 49: See his trial in the Collection of State Trials, and his curious manifesto, printed in 1681.]

[Footnote 50: Memoires de Grammont; Pepys's Diary, Aug. 19. 1662. Bonrepaux to Seignelay, Feb. 1/11 1686.]

[Footnote 51: Bonrepaux to Seignelay, Feb. 1/11. 1686.]

[Footnote 52: Memoires de Grammont; Life of Edward, Earl of Clarendon; Correspondence of Henry, Earl of Clarendon, passim, particularly the letter dated Dec. 29. 1685; Sheridan MS. among the Stuart Papers; Ellis Correspondence, Jan. 12. 1686.]

[Footnote 53: See his later correspondence, passim; St. Evremond, passim; Madame de Sevigne's Letters in the beginning of 1689. See also the instructions to Tallard after the peace of Ryswick, in the French Archives.]

[Footnote 54: St. Simon, Memoires, 1697, 1719; St. Evremond; La Fontaine; Bonrepaux to Seignelay, Jan. 28/Feb. 6, Feb. 8/18. 1686.]

[Footnote 55: Adda, Nov. 16/26, Dec. 7/17. and Dec. 21/31. 1685. In these despatches Adda gives strong reasons for compromising matters by abolishing the penal laws and leaving the test. He calls the quarrel with the Parliament a "gran disgrazia." He repeatedly hints that the King might, by a constitutional policy, have obtained much for the Roman Catholics, and that the attempt to relieve them illegally is likely to bring great calamities on them.]

[Footnote 56: Fra Paulo, tib. vii.; Pallavicino, lib. xviii. cap. 15.]

[Footnote 57: This was the practice of his daughter Anne; and Marlborough said that she had learned it from her father--Vindication of the Duchess of Marlborough.]

[Footnote 58: Down to the time of the trial of the Bishops, James went on telling Adda that all the calamities of Charles the First were "per la troppa indulgenza."--Despatch of 1688.]

[Footnote 59: Barillon, Nov. 16/26. 1685; Lewis to Barillon, Nov. 28/Dec. 6. 26. In a highly curious paper which was written in 1687, almost certainly by Bonrepaux, and which is now in the French archives, Sunderland is described thus-"La passion qu'il a pour le jeu, et les pertes considerables quil y fait, incommodent fort ses affaires. Il n'aime pas le vin; et il hait les femmes."]

[Footnote 60: It appears from the Council Book that he took his place as president on the 4th of December, 1685.]

[Footnote 61: Bonrepaux was not so easily deceived as James. "En son particulier il (Sunderland) n'en professe aucune (religion), et en parle fort librement. Ces sortes de discours seroient en execration en France. Ici ils sont ordinaires parmi un certain nombre de gens du pais."--Bonrepaux to Seignelay, May 25/June 4 1687.]

[Footnote 62: Clarke's Life of James the Second, ii, 74. 77. Orig. Mem.; Sheridan MS.; Barillon, March 19/29 1686.]

[Footnote 63: Reresby's Memoirs; Luttrell's Diary, Feb. 2. 1685/6 Barillon, Feb. Jan. 25/Feb 4.]

[Footnote 64: Dartmouth's note on Burnet, i. 621. In a contemporary satire it is remarked that Godolphin

"Beats time with politic head, and all approves,
Pleased with the charge of the Queen's muff and gloves."]

[Footnote 65: Pepys, Oct. 4. 1664.]

[Footnote 66: Pepys, July 1. 1663.]

[Footnote 67: See Dorset's satirical lines on her.]

[Footnote 68: The chief materials for the history of this intrigue are the despatches of Barillon and Bonrepaux at the beginning of the year 1686. See Barillon, Jan 25./Feb 4. Feb. 1/11. Feb. 8/18. Feb. 19/29. and Bonrepaux under the first four Dates; Evelyn's Diary, Jan. 29.; Reresby's Memoirs; Burnet, i. 682.; Sheridan MS.; Chaillot MS.; Adda's Despatches, Jan 22/Feb 1. and Jan 29/Feb 8 1686. Adda writes like a pious, but weak and ignorant man. He appears to have known nothing of James's past life.]

[Footnote 69: The meditation hears date 1685/6. Bonrepaux, in his despatch of the same day, says, "L'intrigue avoit ete conduite par Milord Rochester et sa femme.... Leur projet etoit de faire gouverner le Roy d'Angleterre par la nouvelle comtesse. Ils s'etoient assures d'elle." While Bonrepaux was writing thus, Rochester was writing as follows: "Oh God, teach me so to number my days that I may apply my heart unto wisdom. Teach me to number the days that I have spent in vanity and idleness, and teach me to number those that I have spent in sin and wickedness. Oh God, teach me to number the days of my affliction too, and to give thanks for all that is come to me from thy hand. Teach me likewise to number the days of this world's greatness, of which I have so great a share; and teach me to look upon them as vanity and vexation of spirit."]

[Footnote 70: "Je vis Milord Rochester comme il sortoit de conseil fort chagrin; et, sur la fin du souper, il lui en echappe quelque chose." Bonrepaux, Feb. 18/28. 1656. See also Barillon, March 1/11, 4/14.]

[Footnote 71: Barillon March 22/April 1, April 12. [22] 1686.]

[Footnote 72: London Gazette, Feb. 11. 1685/6; Luttrell's Diary, Feb. 8; Leeuwen, Feb. 9/19.; Clarke's Life of James the Second, ii. 75. Orig. Mem.]

[Footnote 73: Leeuwen, Feb 23/Mar 5. 1686.]

[Footnote 74: Barillon, April 26/May 6. May 3/13. 1686; Citters, May 7/17; Evelyn's Diary, May 5.; Luttrell's Diary of the same date; Privy Council Book, May 2.]

[Footnote 75: Lady Russell to Dr. Fitzwilliam, Jan. 22. 1686; Barillon, Feb 22/Mar 4 1686. "Ce prince temoigne," says Barillon, "une grande aversion pour eux, et aurait bien voulu se dispenser de la collecte, qui est ordonnee en leur faveur: mais il n'a pas cru que cela fut possible."]

[Footnote 76: Barillon, Feb 22/ Mar 4. 1686.]

[Footnote 77: Account of the commissioners, dated March 15. 1688.]

[Footnote 78: "Le Roi d'Angleterre connait bien que les gens mal intentionnes pour lui sont les plus prompts et les plus disposes a donner considerablement.... Sa Majeste Britannique connoit bien qu'il auroit a propos de ne point ordonner de collecte, et que les gens mal intentionnes contre la religion Catholique et contre lui se servent de cette occasion pour temoigner leur zele."--Barillon, April 19/29 1686.]

[Footnote 79: Barillon, Feb 15/25 Feb 22/Mar 4. April 19/29, Lewis to Barillon Mar 5/15.]

[Footnote 80: Barillon, April 19/29. 1686; Lady Russell to Dr. Fitzwilliam, April 14. "He sent away many," she says "with sad hearts."]

[Footnote 81: London Gazette of May 13. 1686.]

[Footnote 82: Reresby's Memoirs; Eachard, iii. 797.; Kennet, iii. 451.]

[Footnote 83: London Gazette, April 22. and 29. 1686; Barillon, April 19/29.; Evelyn's Diary, June 2.; Luttrell, June 8.; Dodd's Church History.]

[Footnote 84: North's Life of Guildford, 288.]

[Footnote 85: Reresby's Memoirs.]

[Footnote 86: See the account of the case in the Collection of State Trials; Citters, May 4/14., June 22/July 2 1686; Evelyn's Diary, June 27.; Luttrell's Diary, June 25. As to Street, see Clarendon's Diary, Dec. 27. 1688.]

[Footnote 87: London Gazette, July 19. 1686.]

[Footnote 88: See the letters patent in Gutch's Collectanca Curiosa. The date is the 3d of May, 1686. Sclater's Consensus Veterum; Gee's reply, entitled Veteres Vindicati; Dr. Anthony Horneck's account of Mr. Sclater's recantation of the errors of Popery on the 5th of May, 1689; Dodd's Church History, part viii. book ii. art. 3.]

[Footnote 89: Gutch's Collectanea Curiosa; Dodd, viii. ii. 3.; Wood, Ath. Ox.; Ellis Correspondence, Feb. 27. 1686; Commons' Journals, Oct. 26. 1689.]

[Footnote 90: Gutch's Collectanea Curiosa; Wood's Athenae Oxonienses; Dialogue between a Churchman and a Dissenter, 1689.]

[Footnote 91: Adda, July 9/19 1686.]

[Footnote 92: Adda, July 30/Aug 9 1686.]

[Footnote 93: "Ce prince m'a dit que Dieu avoit permie que toutes les loix qui ont ete faites pour etablir la religion Protestante, et detruire la religion Catholique, servent presentement de fondement ce qu'il veut faire pour l'etablissement de la vraie religion, et le mettent en droit d'exercer un pouvoir encore plus grand que celui qu'ont les role Catholiques sur les affaires ecclesiastiques dans les autres pays."--Barillon, July 12/22. 1686. To Adda His Majesty said, a few days later, "Che l'autorita concessale dal parlamento sopra l'Ecclesiastico senza alcun limite con fine contrario fosse adesso per servire al vantaggio de' medesimi Cattolici." July 23/Aug 2.]

[Footnote 94: The whole question is lucidly and unanswerably argued in a little contemporary tract, entitled "The King's Power in Matters Ecclesiastical fairly stated." See also a concise but forcible argument by Archbishop Sancroft. Doyly's Life of Sancroft, i. 229.]

[Footnote 95: Letter from James to Clarendon, Feb. 18. 1685/6.]

[Footnote 96: The best account of these transactions is in the Life of Sharp, by his son. Citters, June 29/July 9 1686.]

[Footnote 97: Barillon, July 21/Aug 1 1686. Citters, July 16/26; Privy Council Book, July 17.; Ellis Correspondence, July 17.; Evelyn's Diary, July 14.; Luttrell's Diary, Aug. 5, 6.]

[Footnote 98: The device was a rose and crown. Before the device was the initial letter of the Sovereign's name; after it the letter R. Round the seal was this inscription, "Sigillum commissariorum regiae majestatis ad causas ecclesiasticas."]

[Footnote 99: Appendix to Clarendon's Diary; Citters, Oct. 8/18 1686; Barillon, Oct. 11/21; Doyly's Life of Sancroft.]

[Footnote 100: Burnet, i. 676.]

[Footnote 101: Burnet, i. 675. ii. 629.; Sprat's Letters to Dorset.]

[Footnote 102: Burnet, i. 677.; Barillon, Sept. 6/16. 1686. The public proceedings are in the Collection of State Trials.]

[Footnote 103: 27 Eliz. c. 2.; 2 Jac. I. c. 4; 3 Jac. I. c. 5.]

[Footnote 104: Clarke's Life of James the Second, ii. 79, 80. Orig. Mem,]

[Footnote 105: De Augmentis i. vi. 4.]

[Footnote 106: Citters, May 14/24 1686.]

[Footnote 107: Citters. May 18/28 1686. Adda, May 19/29]

[Footnote 108: Ellis Correspondence, April 27. 1686; Barillon, April 19/29 Citters, April 20/30; Privy Council Book, March 26; Luttrell's Diary; Adda Feb 26/Mar 8 March 26/April 5, April 2/12 April 23/May 3]

[Footnote 109: Burnet's Travels.]

[Footnote 110: Barillon, May 27/June 6 1686.]

[Footnote 111: Citters, May 23/June 1 1686.]

[Footnote 112: Ellis Correspondence, June 26. 1686; Citters, July 2/12 Luttrell's Diary, July 19.]

[Footnote 113: See the contemporary poems, entitled Hounslow Heath and Caesar's Ghost; Evelyn's Diary, June 2. 1686. A ballad in the Pepysian collection contains the following lines

"I liked the place beyond expressing,
I ne'er saw a camp so fine,
Not a maid in a plain dressing,
But might taste a glass of wine."]

[Footnote 114: Luttrell's Diary, June 18. 1686.]

[Footnote 115: See the memoirs of Johnson, prefixed to the folio edition of his life, his Julian, and his answers to his opponents. See also Hickes's Jovian.]

[Footnote 116: Life of Johnson, prefixed to his works; Secret History of the happy Revolution, by Hugh Speke; State Trials; Citters, Nov 23/Dec 3 1686. Citters gives the best account of the trial. I have seen a broadside which confirms his narrative.]

[Footnote 117: See the preface to Henry Wharton's Posthumous Sermons.]

[Footnote 118: This I can attest from my own researches. There is an excellent collection in the British Museum. Birch tells us, in his Life of Tillotson, that Archbishop Wake had not been able to form even a perfect catalogue of all the tracts published in this controversy.]

[Footnote 119: Cardinal Howard spoke strongly to Burnet at Rome on this subject Burnet, i. 662. There is a curious passage to the same effect in a despatch of Barillon but I have mislaid the reference.

One of the Roman Catholic divines who engaged in this controversy, a Jesuit named Andrew Patton, whom Mr. Oliver, in his biography of the Order, pronounces to have been a man of distinguished ability, very frankly owns his deficiencies. "A. P. having been eighteen years out of his own country, pretends not yet to any perfection of the English expression or orthography." His orthography is indeed deplorable. In one of his letters wright is put for write, woed for would. He challenged Tenison to dispute with him in Latin, that they might be on equal terms. In a contemporary satire, entitled The Advice, is the following couplet

"Send Pulton to be lashed at Bushy's school,
That he in print no longer play the fool."

Another Roman Catholic, named William Clench, wrote a treatise on the Pope's supremacy, and dedicated it to the Queen in Italian. The following specimen of his style may suffice. "O del sagro marito fortunata consorte! O dolce alleviamento d' affari alti! O grato ristoro di pensieri noiosi, nel cui petto latteo, lucente specchio d'illibata matronal pudicizia, nel cui seno odorato, come in porto damor, si ritira il Giacomo! O beata regia coppia! O felice inserto tra l'invincibil leoni e le candide aquile!"

Clench's English is of a piece with his Tuscan. For example, "Peter signifies an inexpugnable rock, able to evacuate all the plots of hell's divan, and naufragate all the lurid designs of empoisoned heretics."

Another Roman Catholic treatise, entitled "The Church of England truly represented," begins by informing us that "the ignis fatuus of reformation, which had grown to a comet by many acts of spoil and rapine, had been ushered into England, purified of the filth which it had contracted among the lakes of the Alps."]

[Footnote 120: Barillon, July 19/29 1686.]

[Footnote 121: Act Parl. Aug. 24. 1560; Dec. 15. 1567.]

[Footnote 122: Act Parl. May 8. 1685.]

[Footnote 123: Act Parl. Aug. 31 1681.]

[Footnote 124: Burnet, i. 584.]

[Footnote 125: Ibid. i. 652, 653.]

[Footnote 126: Ibid. i. 678.]

[Footnote 127: Burnet, i. 653.]

[Footnote 128: Fountainhall, Jan. 28. 1685/6.]

[Footnote 129: Ibid. Jan. 11 1685/6.]

[Footnote 130: Fountainhall, Jan. 31. and Feb. 1. 1685/6.; Burnet, i. 678,; Trials of David Mowbray and Alexander Keith, in the Collection of State Trials; Bonrepaux, Feb. 11/21]

[Footnote 131: Lewis to Barillon, Feb. 18/28 1686.]

[Footnote 132: Fountainhall, Feb. 16.; Wodrow, book iii. chap. x. sec. 3. "We require," His Majesty graciously wrote, "that you spare no legal trial by torture or otherwise."]

[Footnote 133: Bonrepaux, Feb. 18/28 1686.]

[Footnote 134: Fountainhall, March 11. 1686; Adda, March 1/11]

[Footnote 135: This letter is dated March 4. 1686.]

[Footnote 136: Barillon, April 19/29 1686; Burnet, i. 370.]

[Footnote 137: The words are in a letter of Johnstone of Waristoun.]

[Footnote 138: Some words of Barillon deserve to be transcribed. They would alone suffice to decide a question which ignorance and party spirit have done much to perplex. "Cette liberte accordee aux nonconformistes a faite une grande difficulte, et a ete debattue pendant plusieurs jours. Le Roy d'Angleterre avoit fort envie que les Catholiques eussent seuls la liberte de l'exercice de leur religion." April 19/29 1686.]

[Footnote 139: Barillon, April 19/29 1686 Citters, April 18/28 20/30 May 9/19]

[Footnote 140: Fountainhall, May 6. 1686.]

[Footnote 141: Ibid. June 15. 1686.]

[Footnote 142: Citters, May 11/21 1686. Citters informed the States that he had his intelligence from a sure hand. I will transcribe part of his narrative. It is an amusing specimen of the pyebald dialect in which the Dutch diplomatists of that age corresponded.

"Des konigs missive, boven en behalven den Hoog Commissaris aensprake, aen het parlement afgesonden, gelyck dat altoos gebruyckelyck is, waerby Syne Majesteyt ny in genere versocht hieft de mitigatie der rigoureuse ofte sanglante wetten von het Ryck jegens het Pausdom, in het Generale Comitee des Articles (soo men het daer naemt) na ordre gestelt en gelesen synde, in 't voteren, den Hertog van Hamilton onder anderen klaer uyt seyde dat hy daertoe niet soude verstaen, dat by anders genegen was den konig in allen voorval getrouw te dienen volgens het dictamen syner conscientie: 't gene reden gaf aen de Lord Cancelier de Grave Perts te seggen dat het woort conscientie niets en beduyde, en alleen een individuum vagum was, waerop der Chevalier Locqnard dan verder gingh; wil man niet verstaen de betyckenis van het woordt conscientie, soo sal ik in fortioribus seggen dat wy meynen volgens de fondamentale wetten van het ryck."

There is, in the Hind Let Loose, a curious passage to which I should have given no credit, but for this despatch of Citters. "They cannot endure so much as to hear of the name of conscience. One that was well acquaint with the Council's humour in this point told a gentleman that was going before them, `I beseech you, whatever you do, speak nothing of conscience before the Lords, for they cannot abide to hear that word.'"]

[Footnote 143: Fountainhall, May 17. 1686.]

[Footnote 144: Wodrow, III. x. 3.]

[Footnote 145: Citters, May 28/June 7, June 1/11 June 4/14 1686 Fountainhall June 15; ---- Luttrell's Diary, June 2. 16]

[Footnote 146: Fountainhall, June 21 1686.]

[Footnote 147: Ibid. September 16. 1686.]

[Footnote 148: Fountainhall, Sept. 16; Wodrow, III. x. 3.]

[Footnote 149: The provisions of the Irish Act of Supremacy, 2 Eliz. chap. I., are substantially the same with those of the English Act of Supremacy, I Eliz. chap. I. hut the English act was soon found to be defective and the defect was supplied by a more stringent act, 5 Eliz. chap. I No such supplementary law was made in Ireland. That the construction mentioned in the text was put on the Irish Act of Supremacy, we are told by Archbishop King: State of Ireland, chap. ii. sec. 9. He calls this construction Jesuitical but I cannot see it in that light.]

[Footnote 150: Political Anatomy of Ireland.]

[Footnote 151: Political Anatomy of Ireland, 1672; Irish Hudibras, 1689; John Dunton's Account of Ireland, 1699.]

[Footnote 152: Clarendon to Rochester, May 4. 1686.]

[Footnote 153: Bishop Malony's Letter to Bishop Tyrrel, March 5. 1689.]

[Footnote 154: Statute 10 & 11 Charles I. chap. 16; King's State of the Protestants of Ireland, chap. ii. sec. 8.]

[Footnote 155: King, chap. ii. sec. 8. Miss Edgeworth's King Corny belongs to a later and much more civilised generation; but whoever has studied that admirable portrait can form some notion of what King Corny's great grandfather must have been.]

[Footnote 156: King, chap. iii. sec. 2.]

[Footnote 157: Sheridan MS.; Preface to the first volume of the Hibernia Anglicana, 1690; Secret Consults of the Romish Party in Ireland, 1689.]

[Footnote 158: "There was a free liberty of conscience by connivance, though not by the law."--King, chap. iii. sec. i.]

[Footnote 159: In a letter to James found among Bishop Tyrrel's papers, and dated Aug. 14. 1686, are some remarkable expressions. "There are few or none Protestants in that country but such as are joined with the Whigs against the common enemy." And again: "Those that passed for Tories here" (that is in England) "publicly espouse the Whig quarrel on the other side the water." Swift said the same thing to King William a few years later "I remember when I was last in England, I told the King that the highest Tories we had with us would make tolerable Whigs there."--Letters concerning the Sacramental Test.]

[Footnote 160: The wealth and negligence of the established clergy of Ireland are mentioned in the strongest terms by the Lord Lieutenant Clarendon, a most unexceptionable witness.]

[Footnote 161: Clarendon reminds the King of this in a letter dated March 14. "It certainly is," Clarendon adds, "a most true notion."]

[Footnote 162: Clarendon strongly recommended this course, and was of opinion that the Irish Parliament would do its part. See his letter to Ormond, Aug. 28. 1686.]

[Footnote 163: It was an O'Neill of great eminence who said that it did not become him to writhe his mouth to chatter English. Preface to the first volume of the Hibernia Anglicana.]

[Footnote 164: Sheridan MS. among the Stuart Papers. I ought to acknowledge the courtesy with which Mr. Glover assisted me in my search for this valuable manuscript. James appears, from the instructions which he drew up for his son in 1692, to have retained to the last the notion that Ireland could not without danger be entrusted to an Irish Lord Lieutenant.]

[Footnote 165: Sheridan MS.]

[Footnote 166: Clarendon to Rochester, Jan. 19. 1685/6; Secret Consults of the Romish Party in Ireland, 1690.]

[Footnote 167: Clarendon to Rochester, Feb. 27. 1685/6.]

[Footnote 168: Clarendon to Rochester and Sunderland, March 2. 1685/6; and to Rochester, March 14.]

[Footnote 169: Clarendon to Sunderland, Feb. 26. 1685/6.]

[Footnote 170: Sunderland to Clarendon, March 11. 1685/6.]

[Footnote 171: Clarendon to Rochester, March 14. 1685/6.]

[Footnote 172: Clarendon to James, March 4. 1685/6.]

[Footnote 173: James to Clarendon, April 6. 1686.]

[Footnote 174: Sunderland to Clarendon, May 22. 1686; Clarendon to Ormond, May 30.; Clarendon to Sunderland, July 6. 11.]

[Footnote 175: Clarendon to Rochester and Sunderland, June 1. 1686; to Rochester, June 12. King's State of the Protestants of Ireland, chap. ii. sec. 6, 7. Apology for the Protestants of Ireland, 1689.]

[Footnote 176: Clarendon to Rochester, May 15 1686.]

[Footnote 177: Ibid. May 11. 1686.]

[Footnote 178: Ibid. June 8. 1686.]

[Footnote 179: Secret Consults of the Romish Party in Ireland.]

[Footnote 180: Clarendon to Rochester, June 26. and July 4. 1686; Apology for the Protestants of Ireland, 1689.]

[Footnote 181: Clarendon to Rochester, July 4. 22. 1686; to Sunderland, July 6; to the King, Aug. 14.]

[Footnote 182: Clarendon to Rochester, June 19. 1686.]

[Footnote 183: Ibid. June 22. 1686.]

[Footnote 184: Sheridan MS. King's State of the Protestants of Ireland, chap. iii. sec. 3. sec. 8. There is a most striking instance of Tyrconnel's impudent mendacity in Clarendon's letter to Rochester, July 22. 1686.]

[Footnote 185: Clarendon to Rochester, June 8. 1686.]

[Footnote 186: Clarendon to Rochester, Sept. 23. and Oct. 2. 1686 Secret Consults of the Romish Party in Ireland, 1690.]

[Footnote 187: Clarendon to Rochester, Oct. 6. 1686.]

[Footnote 188: Clarendon to the King and to Rochester, Oct. 23. 1686.]

[Footnote 189: Clarendon to Rochester, Oct. 29, 30. 1686.]

[Footnote 190: Ibid. Nov. 27. 1686.]

[Footnote 191: Barillon, Sept. 13/23 1686; Clarke's Life of James the Second, ii. 99.]

[Footnote 192: Sheridan MS.]

[Footnote 193: Clarke's Life of James the Second, ii. 100.]

[Footnote 194: Barillon, Sept. 13/23 1686; Bonrepaux, June 4. 1687.]

[Footnote 195: Barillon, Dec. 2/12 1686; Burnet, i. 684.; Clarke's Life of James the Second, ii. 100.; Dodd's Church History. I have tried to frame a fair narrative out of these conflicting materials. It seems clear to me, from Rochester's own papers that he was on this occasion by no means so stubborn as he has been represented by Burnet and by the biographer of James.]

[Footnote 196: From Rochester's Minutes, dated Dec. 3. 1686.]

[Footnote 197: From Rochester's Minutes, Dec. 4. 1686.]

[Footnote 198: Barillon, Dec. 20/30 1686.]

[Footnote 199: Burnet, i. 684.]

[Footnote 200: Bonrepaux, Mar 25/June 4 1687.]

[Footnote 201: Rochester's Minutes, Dec. 19 1686; Barillon, Dec 30 / Jan 9 1686/7; Burnet, i. 685. Clarke's Life of James the Second, ii. 102.; Treasury Warrant Book, Dec. 29. 1686.]

[Footnote 202: Bishop Malony in a letter to Bishop Tyrrel says, "Never a Catholic or other English will ever think or make a step, nor suffer the King to make a step for your restauration, but leave you as you were hitherto, and leave your enemies over your heads: nor is there any Englishman, Catholic or other, of what quality or degree soever alive, that will stick to sacrifice all Ireland for to save the least interest of his own in England, and would as willingly see all Ireland over inhabited by English of whatsoever religion as by the Irish."]

[Footnote 203: The best account of these transactions is in the Sheridan MS.]

[Footnote 204: Sheridan MS.; Oldmixon's Memoirs of Ireland; King's State of the Protestants of Ireland, particularly chapter iii.; Apology for the Protestants of Ireland, 1689.]

[Footnote 205: Secret Consults of the Romish Party in Ireland, 1690.]

[Footnote 206: London Gazette, Jan. 6. and March 14. 1686/7; Evelyn's Diary, March 10 Etherege's letter to Dover is in the British Museum.]

[Footnote 207: "Pare che gli animi sono inaspriti della voce che corre per il popolo, desser cacciato il detto ministro per non essere Cattolico, percio tirarsi al esterminio de' Protestanti."--Adda, 1687.]

[Footnote 208: The chief materials from which I have taken my description of the Prince of Orange will be found in Burnet's History, in Temple's and Gourville's Memoirs, in the Negotiations of the Counts of Estrades and Avaux, in Sir George Downing's Letters to Lord Chancellor Clarendon, in Wagenaar's voluminous History, in Van Kamper's Karakterkunde der Vaderlandsche Geschiedenis, and, above all, in William's own confidential correspondence, of which the Duke of Portland permitted Sir James Mackintosh to take a copy.]

[Footnote 209: William was earnestly intreated by his friends, after the peace of Ryswick, to speak seriously to the French ambassador about the schemes of assassination which the Jacobites of St. Germains were constantly contriving. The cold magnanimity with which these intimations of danger were received is singularly characteristic. To Bentinck, who had sent from Paris very alarming intelligence, William merely replied at the end of a long letter of business,--"Pour les assasins je ne luy en ay pas voulu parler, croiant que c'etoit au desous de moy." May 2/12 1698. I keep the original orthography, if it is to be so called.]

[Footnote 210: From Windsor he wrote to Bentinck, then ambassador at Paris. "Jay pris avant hier un cerf dans la forest avec les chains du Pr. de Denm. et ay fait on assez jolie chasse, autant que ce vilain paiis le permest. March 20/April 1 1698." The spelling is bad, but not worse than Napoleon's. William wrote in better humour from Loo. "Nous avons pris deux gros cerfs, le premier dans Dorewaert, qui est un des plus gros que je sache avoir jamais pris. Il porte seize." Oct 25/Nov 4 1697.]

[Footnote 211: March 3. 1679.]

[Footnote 212: "Voila en peu de mot le detail de nostre St. Hubert. Et j'ay eu soin que M. Woodstoc" (Bentinck's eldest son) "n'a point este a la chasse, bien moin au soupe, quoyqu'il fut icy. Vous pouvez pourtant croire que de n'avoir pas chasse l'a on peu mortifie, mais je ne l'ay pas ause prendre sur moy, puisque vous m'aviez dit que vous ne le souhaitiez pas." From Loo, Nov. 4. 1697.]

[Footnote 213: On the 15th of June, 1688.]

[Footnote 214: Sept. 6. 1679.]

[Footnote 215: See Swift's account of her in the Journal to Stella.]

[Footnote 216: Henry Sidney's Journal of March 31. 1680, in Mr. Blencowe's interesting collection.]

[Footnote 217: Speaker Onslow's note on Burnet, i. 596.; Johnson's Life of Sprat.]

[Footnote 218: No person has contradicted Burnet more frequently or with more asperity than Dartmouth. Yet Dartmouth wrote, "I do not think he designedly published anything he believed to be false." At a later period Dartmouth, provoked by some remarks on himself in the second volume of the Bishop's history, retracted this praise but to such a retraction little importance can be attached. Even Swift has the justice to say, "After all, he was a man of generosity and good nature."--Short Remarks on Bishop Burnet's History.

It is usual to censure Burnet as a singularly inaccurate historian; hut I believe the charge to be altogether unjust. He appears to be singularly inaccurate only because his narrative has been subjected to a scrutiny singularly severe and unfriendly. If any Whig thought it worth while to subject Reresby's Memoirs, North's Examen, Mulgrave's Account of the Revolution, or the Life of James the Second, edited by Clarke, to a similar scrutiny, it would soon appear that Burnet was far indeed from being the most inexact writer of his time.]

[Footnote 219: Dr. Hooper's MS. narrative, published in the Appendix to Lord Dungannon's Life of William.]

[Footnote 220: Avaux Negotiations, Aug. 10/20 Sept. 14/24 Sept 28/Oct 8 Dec. 7/17 1682.]

[Footnote 221: I cannot deny myself the pleasure of quoting Massillon's unfriendly, yet discriminating and noble, character of William. "Un prince profond dans ses vues; habile a former des ligues et a reunir les esprits; plus heureux a exciter les guerres qu'a combatire; plus a craindre encore dans le secret du cabinet, qu'a la tete des armees; un ennemi que la haine du nom Francais avoit rendu capable d'imaginer de grandes choses et de les executer; un de ces genies qui semblent etre nes pour mouvoir a leur gre les peuples et les souverains; un grand homme, s'il n'avoit jamais voulu etre roi."--Oraison funebre de M. le Dauphin.]

[Footnote 222: For example, "Je crois M. Feversham un tres brave et honeste homme. Mais je doute s'il a assez d'experience diriger une si grande affaire qu'il a sur le bras. Dieu lui donne un succes prompt et heureux. Mais je ne suis pas hors d'inquietude." July 7/17 1685. Again, after he had received the news of the battle of Sedgemoor, "Dieu soit loue du bon succes que les troupes du Roy ont eu contre les rebelles. Je ne doute pas que cette affaire ne soit entierement assoupie, et que le regne du Roy sera heureux, Ce que Dieu veuille." July 10/20]

[Footnote 223: The treaty will be found in the Recueil des Traites, iv. No. 209.]

[Footnote 224: Burnet, i. 762.]

[Footnote 225: Temple's Memoirs.]

[Footnote 226: See the poems entitled The Converts and The Delusion.]

[Footnote 227: The lines are in the Collection of State Poems.]

[Footnote 228: Our information about Wycherly is very scanty; but two things are certain, that in his later years he called himself a Papist, and that he received money from James. I have very little doubt that he was a hired convert.]

[Footnote 229: See the article on him in the Biographia Britannica.]

[Footnote 230: See James Quin's account of Haines in Davies's Miscellanies; Tom Brown's Works; Lives of Sharpers; Dryden's Epilogue to the Secular Masque.]

[Footnote 231: This fact, which escaped the minute researches of Malone, appears from the Treasury Letter Book of 1685.]

[Footnote 232: Leeuwen, Dec 25/Jan 4 1685/6]

[Footnote 233: Barillon,--Jan 31/Feb 10 1686/7. "Je crois que, dans le fond, si on ne pouvoit laisser que la religion Anglicane et la Catholique etablies par les loix, le Roy d'Angleterre en seroit bien plus content."]

[Footnote 234: It will be round in Wodrow, Appendix, vol. ii. No. 129.]

[Footnote 235: Wodrow, Appendix, vol. ii. No. 128. 129. 132.]

[Footnote 236: Barillon Feb 20/March 10 1686/7; Citters, Feb. 16/23; Reresby's Memoirs Bonrepaux, May 25/June 4 1687.]

[Footnote 237: Barillon, March 14/24 1687; Lady Russell to Dr. Fitzwilliam, April 1.; Burnet, i. 671. 762. The conversation is somewhat differently related in Clarke's Life of James, ii. 204. But that passage is not part of the King's own memoirs.]

[Footnote 238: London Gazette, March 21. 1686/7.]

[Footnote 239: Ibid. April 7. 1687.]

[Footnote 240: Warrant Book of the Treasury. See particularly the instructions dated March 8, 1687/8 Burnet, i. 715. Reflections on his Majesty's Proclamation for a Toleration in Scotland; Letters containing some Reflections on his Majesty's Declaration for Liberty of Conscience; Apology for the Church of England with a relation to the spirit of Persecution for which she is accused, 1687/8. But it is impossible for me to cite all the pamphlets from which I have formed my notion of the state of parties at this time.]

[Footnote 241: Letter to a Dissenter.]

[Footnote 242: Wodrow, Appendix, vol. ii. Nos. 132. 134.]

[Footnote 243: London Gazette, April 21. 1687 Animadversions on a late paper entituled A Letter to a Dissenter, by H C. (Henry Care), 1687.]

[Footnote 244: Lestrange's Answer to a Letter to a Dissenter; Care's Animadversions on A letter to a Dissenter; Dialogue between Harry and Roger; that is to say, Harry Care and Roger Lestrange.]

[Footnote 245: The letter was signed T. W. Care says, in his Animadversions, "This Sir Politic T. W., or W. T. for some critics think that the truer reading."]

[Footnote 246: Ellis Correspondence, March 15. July 27. 1686 Barillon, Feb 28/Mar 10; March 3/13. March 6/16. 1687 Ronquillo, March 9/19. 1687, in the Mackintosh Collection.]

[Footnote 247: Wood's Athenae Oxonienses; Observator; Heraclitus Ridens, passim. But Care's own writings furnish the best materials for an estimate of his character.]

[Footnote 248: Calamy's Account of the Ministers ejected or silenced after the Restoration, Northamptonshire; Wood's Athenae Oxonienses; Biographia Britannica.]

[Footnote 249: State Trials; Samuel Rosewell's Life of Thomas Rosewell, 1718; Calamy's Account.]

[Footnote 250: London Gazette, March 15 1685/6; Nichols's Defence of the Church of England; Pierce's Vindication of the Dissenters.]

[Footnote 251: The Addresses will be found in the London Gazettes.]

[Footnote 252: Calamy's Life of Baxter.]

[Footnote 253: Calamy's Life of Howe. The share which the Hampden family had in the matter I learned from a letter of Johnstone of Waristoun, dated June 13 1688.]

[Footnote 254: Bunyan's Grace Abounding.]

[Footnote 255: Young classes Bunyan's prose with Durfey's poetry. The people of fashion in the Spiritual Quixote rank the Pilgrim's Progress with Jack the Giantkiller. Late in the eighteenth century Cowper did not venture to do more than allude to the great allegorist

"I name thee not, lest so despis'd a name
Should move a sneer at thy deserved fame."]

[Footnote 256: The continuation of Bunyan's life appended to his Grace Abounding.]

[Footnote 257: Kiffin's Memoirs; Luson's Letter to Brooke, May 11. 1773, in the Hughes Correspondence.]

[Footnote 258: See, among other contemporary pamphlets, one entitled a Representation of the threatening Dangers impending over Protestants.]

[Footnote 259: Burnet, i. 694.]

[Footnote 260: "Le Prince d'Orange, qui avoit elude jusqu'alors de faire une reponse positive, dit qu'il ne consentira jamais a la suppression du ces loix qui avoient ete etablies pour le maintien et la surete de la religion Protestante, et que sa conscience ne le lui permettoit point non seulement pour la succession du royaume d'Angleterre, mais meme pour l'empire du monde; en sorte que le roi d'Angleterre est plus aigri contre lui qu'il n'a jamais ete"--Bonrepaux, June 11/21 1687.]

[Footnote 261: Burnet, i. 710. Bonrepaux, May 24/June 4. 1687]

[Footnote 262: Johnstone, Jan. 13. 1688; Halifax's Anatomy of an Equivalent.]

[Footnote 263: Burnet, i. 726-73 1.; Answer to the Criminal Letters issued out against Dr. Burnet; Avaux Neg., July 7/17 14/24, July 28/Aug 7 Jan 19/29 1688; Lewis to Barillon, Dec 30 1687/Jan 9 1688; Johnstone of Waristoun, Feb. 21. 1688; Lady Russell to Dr. Fitzwilliam, Oct. 5, 1687. As it has been suspected that Burnet, who certainly was not in the habit of underrating his own importance, exaggerated the danger to which he was exposed, I will give the words of Lewis and of Johnstone. "Qui que ce soit," says Lewis, "qui entreprenne de l'enlever en Hollande trouvera non seulement une retraite assuree et une entiere protection dans mes etats, mais aussi toute l'assistance qu'il pourra desirer pour faire conduire surement ce scelerat en Angleterre." "The business of Bamfield (Burnet) is certainly true," says Johnstone. "No man doubts of it here, and some concerned do not deny it. His friends say they hear he takes no care of himself, but out of vanity, to show his courage, shows his folly; so that, if ill happen on it, all people will laugh at it. Pray tell him so much from Jones (Johnstone). If some could be catched making their coup d'essai on him, it will do much to frighten them from making any attempt on Ogle (the Prince)."]

[Footnote 264: Burnet, a. 708.; Avaux Neg., Jan. 3/13 Feb. 6/16. 1687; Van Kampen, Karakterkunde der Vaderlandsche Geschiedenis.]

[Footnote 265: Burnet, i 711. Dykvelt's despatches to the States General contain, as far as I have seen or can learn, not a word about the real object of his mission. His correspondence with the Prince of Orange was strictly private.]

[Footnote 266: Bonrepaux, Sept. 12/22 1687.]

[Footnote 267: See Lord Campbell's Life of him.]

[Footnote 268: Johnstone's Correspondence; Mackay's Memoirs; Arbuthnot's John Bull; Swift's writings from 1710 to 1714, passim; Whiston's Letter to the Earl of Nottingham, and the Earl's answer.]

[Footnote 269: Kennet's funeral sermon on the Duke of Devonshire, and Memoirs of the family of Cavendish; State Trials; Privy Council Book, March 5. 1685/6; Barillon, June 30/July 10 1687; Johnstone, Dec. 8/18. 1687; Lords' journals, May 6. 1689. "Ses amis et ses proches," says Barillon, "lui conseillent de prendre le bon parti, mais il persiste jusqu'a prasent a ne se point soumettre. S'il vouloit se bien conduire et renoncer a etre populaire, il ne payeroit pas l'amende, mais s'il opiniatre, il lui en coutera trente mille pieces et il demeurera prisonnier jusqu'a l'actuel payement."]

[Footnote 270: The motive which determined the conduct of the Churchills is shortly and plainly set forth in the Duchess of Marlborough's Vindication. "It was," she says, "evident to all the world that, as things were carried on by King James, everybody sooner or later must be ruined, who would not become a Roman Catholic. This consideration made me very well pleased at the Prince of Orange's undertaking to rescue us from such slavery."]

[Footnote 271: Grammont's Memoirs; Pepys's Diary, Feb. 21. 1684/5.]