Chapter XVI (7)

[Footnote 475: Dodwell tells us that the title of the work in which he first promulgated this theory was framed with great care and precision. I will therefore transcribe the title-page. "An Epistolary Discourse proving from Scripture and the First Fathers that the Soul is naturally Mortal, but Immortalized actually by the Pleasure of God to Punishment or to Reward, by its Union with the Divine Baptismal Spirit, wherein is proved that none have the Power of giving this Divine Immortalizing Spirit since the Apostles but only the Bishops. By H. Dodwell." Dr. Clarke, in a Letter to Dodwell (1706), says that this Epistolary Discourse is "a book at which all good men are sorry, and all profane men rejoice."]

[Footnote 476: See Leslie's Rehearsals, No. 286, 287.]

[Footnote 477: See his works, and the highly curious life of him which was compiled from the papers of his friends Hickes and Nelson.]

[Footnote 478: See Fitzwilliam's correspondence with Lady Russell, and his evidence on the trial of Ashton, in the State Trials. The only work which Fitzwilliam, as far as I have been able to discover, ever published was a sermon on the Rye House Plot, preached a few weeks after Russell's execution. There are some sentences in this sermon which I a little wonder that the widow and the family forgave.]

[Footnote 479: Cyprian, in one of his Epistles, addresses the confessors thus: "Quosdam audio inficere numerum vestrum, et laudem praecipui nominis prava sua conversatione destruere... Cum quanto nominis vestri pudore delinquitur quando alius aliquis temulentus et lasciviens demoratur; alius in eam patriam unde extorris est regreditur, ut deprehensus non eam quasi Christianus, sed quasi nocens pereat." He uses still stronger language in the book de Unitate Ecclesiae: "Neque enim confessio immunem facet ab insidiis diaboli, aut contra tentationes et pericula et incursus atque impetus saeculares adhuc in saeculo positum perpetua securitate defendit; caeterum nunquam in confessoribus fraudes et stupra et adulteria postmodum videremus, quae nunc in quibusdam videntes ingemiscimus et dolemus."]

[Footnote 480: Much curious information about the nonjurors will be found in the Biographical Memoirs of William Bowyer, printer, which forms the first volume of Nichols's Literary Anecdotes of the eighteenth century. A specimen of Wagstaffe's prescriptions is in the Bodleian Library.]

[Footnote 481: Cibber's play, as Cibber wrote it, ceased to be popular when the Jacobites ceased to be formidable, and is now known only to the curious. In 1768 Bickerstaffe altered it into the Hypocrite, and substituted Dr. Cantwell, the Methodist, for Dr. Wolfe, the Nonjuror. "I do not think," said Johnson, "the character of the Hypocrite justly applicable to the Methodists; but it was very applicable to the nonjurors." Boswell asked him if it were true that the nonjuring clergymen intrigued with the wives of their patrons. "I am afraid," said Johnson, "many of them did." This conversation took place on the 27th of March 1775. It was not merely in careless tally that Johnson expressed an unfavourable opinion of the nonjurors. In his Life of Fenton, who was a nonjuror, are these remarkable words: "It must be remembered that he kept his name unsullied, and never suffered himself to be reduced, like too many of the same sect to mean arts and dishonourable shifts." See the Character of a Jacobite, 1690. Even in Kettlewell's Life compiled from the papers of his friends Hickes and Nelson, will be found admissions which show that, very soon after the schism, some of the nonjuring clergy fell into habits of idleness, dependence, and mendicancy, which lowered the character of the whole party. "Several undeserving persons, who are always the most confident, by their going up and down, did much prejudice to the truly deserving, whose modesty would not suffer them to solicit for themselves...... Mr. Kettlewell was also very sensible that some of his brethren spent too much of their time in places of concourse and news, by depending for their subsistence upon those whom they there got acquainted with."]

[Footnote 482: Reresby's Memoirs, 344]

[Footnote 483: Birch's Life of Tillotson.]

[Footnote 484: See the Discourse concerning the Ecclesiastical Commission, 1689.]

[Footnote 485: Birch's Life of Tillotson; Life of Prideaux; Gentleman's Magazine for June and July, 1745.]

[Footnote 486: Diary of the Proceedings of the Commissioners, taken by Dr. Williams afterwards Bishop of Chichester, one of the Commissioners, every night after he went home from the several meetings. This most curious Diary was printed by order of the House of Commons in 1854.]

[Footnote 487: Williams's Diary.]

[Footnote 488: Williams's Diary.]

[Footnote 489: Ibid.]

[Footnote 490: See the alterations in the Book of Common Prayer prepared by the Royal Commissioners for the revision of the Liturgy in 1689, and printed by order of the House of Commons in 1854.]

[Footnote 491: It is difficult to conceive stronger or clearer language than that used by the Council. Touton toinun anagnosthenton orisan e agia sunodos, eteran pistin medeni ekseinai prospherein, egoun suggraphein, e suntithenia, para ten oristheisan para ton agion pateron ton en te Nikaeon sunegthonton sun agio pneumati tous de tolmontas e suntithenai pistin eteran, egoun prokomizein, e prospherein tois ethegousin epistrephein eis epignosin tes agetheias e eks Ellinismou e eks Ioudaismon, i eks aireseos oiasdepotoun, toutous, ei men eien episkopoi i klerikoi, allotrious einai tous episkopon, tes episkopes, kai tous klerikous ton kliron ei de laikoi eien, agathematizesthai--Concil. Ephes. Actio VI.]

[Footnote 492: Williams's Diary; Alterations in the Book of Common Prayer.]

[Footnote 493: It is curious to consider how those great masters of the Latin tongue who used to sup with Maecenas and Pollio would have been perplexed by "Tibi Cherubim et Seraphim incessabili voce proclamant, Sanctus, Sanctus, Sanctus, Dominus Deus Sabaoth;" or by "Ideo cum angelis et archangelis, cum thronis et dominationibus."]

[Footnote 494: I will give two specimens of Patrick's workmanship. "He maketh me," says David, "to lie down in green pastures: he leadeth me beside the still waters." Patrick's version is as follows: "For as a good shepherd leads his sheep in the violent heat to shady places, where they may lie down and feed (not in parched but) in fresh and green pastures, and in the evening leads them (not to muddy and troubled waters, but) to pure and quiet streams; so hath he already made a fair and plentiful provision for me, which I enjoy in peace without any disturbance."

In the Song of Solomon is an exquisitely beautiful verse. "I charge you, O daughters of Jerusalem, if ye find my beloved, that ye tell him that I am sick of love." Patrick's version runs thus: "So I turned myself to those of my neighbours and familiar acquaintance who were awakened by my cries to come and see what the matter was; and conjured them, as they would answer it to God, that, if they met with my beloved, they would let him know--What shall I say?--What shall I desire you to tell him but that I do not enjoy myself now that I want his company, nor can be well till I recover his love again."]

[Footnote 495: William's dislike of the Cathedral service is sarcastically noticed by Leslie in the Rehearsal, No. 7. See also a Letter from a Member of the House of Commons to his Friend in the Country, 1689, and Bisset's Modern Fanatic, 1710.]

[Footnote 496: See the Order in Council of Jan. 9. 1683.]

[Footnote 497: See Collier's Desertion discussed, 1689. Thomas Carte, who was a disciple, and, at one time, an assistant of Collier, inserted, so late as the year 1747, in a bulky History of England, an exquisitely absurd note in which he assured the world that, to his certain knowledge, the Pretender had cured the scrofula, and very gravely inferred that the healing virtue was transmitted by inheritance, and was quite independent of any unction. See Carte's History of England, vol, i. page 297.]

[Footnote 498: See the Preface to a Treatise on Wounds, by Richard Wiseman, Sergeant Chirurgeon to His Majesty, 1676. But the fullest information on this curious subject will be found in the Charisma Basilicon, by John Browne, Chirurgeon in ordinary to His Majesty, 1684. See also The Ceremonies used in the Time of King Henry VII. for the Healing of them that be Diseased with the King's Evil, published by His Majesty's Command, 1686; Evelyn's Diary, March 18. 1684; and Bishop Cartwright's Diary, August 28, 29, and 30. 1687. It is incredible that so large a proportion of the population should have been really scrofulous. No doubt many persons who had slight and transient maladies were brought to the king, and the recovery of these persons kept up the vulgar belief in the efficacy of his touch.]

[Footnote 499: Paris Gazette, April 23. 1689.]

[Footnote 500: See Whiston's Life of himself. Poor Whiston, who believed in every thing but the Trinity, tells us gravely that the single person whom William touched was cured, notwithstanding His Majesty's want of faith. See also the Athenian Mercury of January 16. 1691.]

[Footnote 501: In several recent publications the apprehension that differences might arise between the Convocation of York and the Convocation of Canterbury has been contemptuously pronounced chimerical. But it is not easy to understand why two independent Convocations should be less likely to differ than two Houses of the same Convocation; and it is matter of notoriety that, in the reigns of William the Third and Anne, the two Houses of the Convocation of Canterbury scarcely ever agreed.]

[Footnote 502: Birch's Life of Tillotson; Life of Prideaux. From Clarendon's Diary, it appears that he and Rochester were at Oxford on the 23rd of September.]

[Footnote 503: See the Roll in the Historical Account of the present Convocation, appended to the second edition of Vox Cleri, 1690. The most considerable name that I perceive in the list of proctors chosen by the parochial clergy is that of Dr. John Mill, the editor of the Greek Testament.]

[Footnote 504: Tillotson to Lady Russell, April 19. 1690.]

[Footnote 505: Birch's Life of Tillotson. The account there given of the coldness between Compton and Tillotson was taken by Birch from the MSS. of Henry Wharton, and is confirmed by many circumstances which are known from other sources of intelligence.]

[Footnote 506: Chamberlayne's State of England, 18th edition.]

[Footnote 507: Condo ad Synodum per Gulielmum Beveregium, 1689.]

[Footnote 508: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; Historical Account of the Present Convocation.]

[Footnote 509: Kennet's History, iii. 552.]

[Footnote 510: Historical Account of the Present Convocation, 1689.]

[Footnote 511: Historical Account of the Present Convocation; Burnet, ii. 58.; Kennet's History of the Reign of William and Mary.]

[Footnote 512: Historical Account of the Present Convocation; Kennet's History.]

[Footnote 513: Historical Account of the Present Convocation; Kennet.]

[Footnote 514: Historical Account of the Present Convocation.]

[Footnote 515: That there was such a jealousy as I have described is admitted in the pamphlet entitled Vox Cleri. "Some country ministers now of the Convocation, do now see in what great ease and plenty the City ministers live, who have their readers and lecturers, and frequent supplies, and sometimes tarry in the vestry till prayers be ended, and have great dignities in the Church, besides their rich parishes in the City." The author of this tract, once widely celebrated, was Thomas Long, proctor for the clergy of the diocese of Exeter. In another pamphlet, published at this time, the rural clergymen are said to have seen with an evil eye their London brethren refreshing themselves with sack after preaching. Several satirical allusions to the fable of the Town Mouse and the Country Mouse will be found in the pamphlets of that winter.]

[Footnote 516: Barnet, ii, 33, 34. The best narratives of what passed in this Convocation are the Historical Account appended to the second edition of Vox Cleri, and the passage in Kennet's History to which I have already referred the reader. The former narrative is by a very high churchman, the latter by a very low churchman. Those who are desirous of obtaining fuller information must consult the contemporary pamphlets. Among them are Vox Populi; Vox Laici; Vox Regis et Regni; the Healing Attempt; the Letter to a Friend, by Dean Prideaux the Letter from a Minister in the Country to a Member of the Convocation; the Answer to the Merry Answer to Vox Cleri; the Remarks from the Country upon two Letters relating to the Convocation; the Vindication of the Letters in answer to Vox Cleri; the Answer to the Country Minister's Letter. All these tracts appeared late in 1689 or early in 1690.]

[Footnote 517: "Halifax a eu une reprimande severe publiquement dans le conseil par le Prince d'Orange pour avoir trop balance."--Avaux to De Croissy, Dublin, June 1689. "his mercurial Wit," says Burnet, ii. 4., "was not well suited with the King's phlegm."]

[Footnote 518: Clarendon's Diary, Oct. 10 1689; Lords' Journals, Oct. 19. 1689.]

[Footnote 519: Commons' Journals, Oct. 24. 1689.]

[Footnote 520: Ibid., Nov. 2. 1689.]

[Footnote 521: Commons' Journals, Nov. 7. 19., Dec. 30 1689. The rule of the House then was that no petition could be received against the imposition of a tax. This rule was, after a very hard fight, rescinded in 1842. The petition of the Jews was not received, and is not mentioned in the Journals. But something may be learned about it from Narcissus Luttrell's Diary and from Grey's Debates, Nov. 19. 1689,]

[Footnote 522: James, in the very treatise in which he tried to prove the Pope to be Antichrist, says "For myself, if that were yet the question, I would with all my heart give my consent that the Bishop of Rome should have the first seat." There is a remarkable letter on this subject written by James to Charles and Buckingham, when they were in Spain. Heylyn, speaking of Laud's negotiation with Rome, says: "So that upon the point the Pope was to content himself among us in England with a priority instead of a superiority over other Bishops, and with a primacy instead of a supremacy in those parts of Christendom, which I conceive no man of learning and sobriety would have grudged to grant him,"]

[Footnote 523: Stat. 1 W & M. sess. 2. c 2.]

[Footnote 524: Treasury Minute Book, Nov. 3. 1689.]

[Footnote 525: Commons' Journals and Grey's Debates, Nov. 13, 14. 18. 19. 23. 28. 1689.]

[Footnote 526: Commons' Journals and Grey's Debates, November 26. and 27. 1689.]

[Footnote 527: Commons' Journals, November 28., December 2. 1689.]

[Footnote 528: Commons' Journals and Grey's Debates, November 30., December 2 1689.]

[Footnote 529: London Gazette, September 2 1689; Observations upon Mr. Walker's Account of the Siege of Londonderry, licensed October 4. 1689; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; Mr. J. Mackenzie's Narrative a False Libel, a Defence of Mr. G. Walker written by his Friend in his Absence, 1690.]

[Footnote 530: Walker's True Account, 1689; An Apology for the Failures charged on the True Account, 1689; Reflections on the Apology, 1689; A Vindication of the True Account by Walker, 1689; Mackenzie's Narrative, 1690; Mr. Mackenzie's Narrative a False Libel, 1690; Dr. Walker's Invisible Champion foyled by Mackenzie, 1690; Weiwood's Mercurius Reformatus, Dec. 4. and 11 1689. The Oxford editor of Burnet's History expresses his surprise at the silence which the Bishop observes about Walker. In the Burnet MS. Harl. 6584. there is an animated panegyric on Walker. Why that panegyric does not appear in the History, I am at a loss to explain.]

[Footnote 531: Commons' Journals, November 18 and 19. 1689; and Grey's Debates.]

[Footnote 532: Wade's Confession, Harl. MS. 6845.]

[Footnote 533: See the Preface to the First Edition of his Memoirs, Vevay, 1698.]

[Footnote 534: "Colonel Ludlow, an old Oliverian, and one of King Charles the First his Judges, is arrived lately in this kingdom from Switzerland."-Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, September 1689.]

[Footnote 535: Third Caveat against the Whigs, 1712.]

[Footnote 536: Commons' Journals, November 6. and 8. 1689; Grey's Debates; London Gazette, November 18.]

[Footnote 537: "Omme solum forti patria, quia patris." See Addison's Travels. It is a remarkable circumstance that Addison, though a Whig, speaks of Ludlow in language which would better have become a Tory, and sneers at the inscription as cant.]

[Footnote 538: Commons' Journals, Nov. 1. 7. 1689.]

[Footnote 539: Roger North's Life of Dudley North.]

[Footnote 540: Commons' Journals, Oct. 26. 1689.]

[Footnote 541: Lords' Journals, October 26. and 27. 1689.]

[Footnote 542: Commons' Journals, Oct. 26. 1689.]

[Footnote 543: Commons' Journals, Oct. 26. 1689; Wood's Athenae Oxonienses; Dod's Church History, VIII. ii. 3.]

[Footnote 544: Commons' Journals, October 28. 5689. The proceedings will be found in the collection of State Trials.]

[Footnote 545: Lords' Journals, Nov. 2. and 6. 1689.]

[Footnote 546: Lords' Journals, Dec. 20. 1689; Life of Dudley North.]

[Footnote 547: The report is in the Lords' Journals, Dec. 20. 1689. Hampden's examination was on the 18th of November.]

[Footnote 548: This, I think, is clear from a letter of Lady Montague to Lady Russell, dated Dec. 23. 1689, three days after the Committee of Murder had reported.]

[Footnote 549: Commons' Journals, Dec. 14. 1689; Grey's Debates; Boyer's Life of William.]

[Footnote 550: Commons' Journals, Dec. 21.; Grey's Debates; Oldmixon.]

[Footnote 551: Commons' Journals, Jan. 2. 1689/90]

[Footnote 552: Thus, I think, must be understood some remarkable words in a letter written by William to Portland, on the day after Sacheverell's bold and unexpected move. William calculates the amount of the supplies, and then says: "S'ils n'y mettent des conditions que vous savez, c'est une bonne affaire: mais les Wigges sont si glorieux d'avoir vaincu qu'ils entreprendront tout."]

[Footnote 553: "The authority of the chair, the awe and reverence to order, and the due method of debates being irrecoverably lost by the disorder and tumultuousness of the House."--Sir J. Trevor to the King, Appendix to Dalrymple's Memoirs, Part ii. Book 4.]

[Footnote 554: Commons' Journals, Jan. 10. 1689/90 I have done my best to frame an account of this contest out of very defective materials. Burnet's narrative contains more blunders than lines. He evidently trusted to his memory, and was completely deceived by it. My chief authorities are the Journals; Grey's Debates; William's Letters to Portland; the Despatches of Van Citters; a Letter concerning the Disabling Clauses, lately offered to the House of Commons, for regulating Corporations, 1690; The True Friends to Corporations vindicated, in an answer to a letter concerning the Disabling Clauses, 1690; and Some Queries concerning the Election of Members for the ensuing Parliament, 1690. To this last pamphlet is appended a list of those who voted for the Sacheverell Clause. See also Clarendon's Diary, Jan. 10. 1689/90, and the Third Part of the Caveat against the Whigs, 1712. William's Letter of the 10th of January ends thus. The news of the first division only had reached Kensington. "Il est a present onze eures de nuit, et dix eures la Chambre Basse estoit encore ensemble. Ainsi je ne vous puis escrire par cette ordinaire l'issue de l'affaire. Les previos questions les Tories l'ont emporte de cinq vois. Ainsi vous pouvez voir que la chose est bien disputee. J'ay si grand somiel, et mon toux m'incomode que je ne vous en saurez dire davantage. Josques a mourir a vous."

On the same night Van Citters wrote to the States General. The debate he said, had been very sharp. The design of the Whigs, whom he calls the Presbyterians, had been nothing less than to exclude their opponents from all offices, and to obtain for themselves the exclusive possession of power.]

[Footnote 555: Commons' Journals, Jan. 11 1689/90.]

[Footnote 556: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, Jan. 16. 1690; Van Citters to the States General, Jan. 21/31]

[Footnote 557: Commons' Journals, Jan. 16. 1689/90]

[Footnote 558: Roger North's Life of Guildford.]

[Footnote 559: See the account of the proceedings in the collection of State Trials.]

[Footnote 560: Commons' Journals, Jan. 20. 1689/90; Grey's Debates, Jan. 18. and 20.]

[Footnote 561: Commons' Journals, Jan. 21. 1689/90 On the same day William wrote thus from Kensington to Portland: "C'est aujourd'hui le grand jour l'eguard du Bill of Indemnite. Selon tout ce que is puis aprendre, il y aura beaucoup de chaleur, et rien determiner; et de la maniere que la chose est entourre, il n'y a point d'aparence que cette affaire viene a aucune conclusion. Et ainsi il se pouroit que la cession fust fort courts; n'ayant plus dargent a esperer; et les esprits s'aigrissent ton contre l'autre de plus en plus." Three days later Van Citters informed the States General that the excitement about the Bill of Indemnity was extreme.]

[Footnote 562: Burnet, ii. 39.; MS. Memoir written by the first Lord Lonsdale in the Mackintosh Papers.]

[Footnote 563: Burnet, ii. 40.]

[Footnote 564: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, January and February.]

[Footnote 565: William to Portland, Jan. 10/20 1690. "Les Wiges ont peur de me perdre trop tost, avant qu'ils n'ayent fait avec moy ce qu'ils veulent: car, pour leur amitie, vous savez ce qu'il y a a compter ladessus en ce pays icy." Jan. 14/24 "Me voila le plus embarasse du monde, ne sachant quel parti prendre, estant toujours persuade que, sans que j'aille en Irlande, l'on n'y faira rien qui vaille. Pour avoir du conseil en cette affaire, je n'en ay point a attendre, personne n'ausant dire ses sentimens. Et l'on commence deja a dire ouvertement que ce sont des traitres qui m'ont conseille de preudre cette resolution." Jan. 21/31 "Je nay encore rien dit,"--he means to the Parliament,--"de mon voyage pour l'Irlande. Et je ne suis point encore determine si j'en parlerez: mais je crains que nonobstant j'aurez une adresse pour n'y point aller ce qui m'embarassera beaucoup, puis que c'est une necssite absolue que j'y aille."]

[Footnote 566: William to Portland, Jan 28/Feb 7 1690; Van Citters to the States General, same date; Evelyn's Diary; Lords' Journals, Jan. 27. I will quote William's own words. "Vous voirez mon harangue imprimee: ainsi je ne vous en direz rien. Et pour les raisone qui m'y ont oblige, je les reserverez a vous les dire jusques a vostre retour. Il semble que les Toris en sont bien aise, male point les Wiggs. Ils estoient tous fort surpris quand je leur parlois, n'ayant communique mon dessin qu'a une seule personne. Je vie des visages long comme un aune, change de couleur vingt fois pendant que je parlois. Tous ces particularites jusques a vostre heureux retour."]

[Footnote 567: Evelyn's Diary; Clarendon's Diary, Feb. 9. 1690; Van Citters to the States General, Jan 31/Feb 10.; Lonsdale MS. quoted by Dalrymple.]

[Footnote 568: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary]

[Footnote 569: Clarendon's Diary, Feb. 11. 1690.]

[Footnote 570: Van Citters to the States General, February 14/24. 1690; Evelyn's Diary.]

[Footnote 571: William to Portland, Feb 28/March 10 29. 1690; Van Citters to the States General, March 4/14; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.]

[Footnote 572: Van Citters, March 11/21 1689/90; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.]

[Footnote 573: Van Citters to the States General, March 11/21 1690.]

[Footnote 574: The votes were for Sawyer 165, for Finch 141, for Bennet, whom I suppose to have been a Whig, 87. At the University every voter delivers his vote in writing. One of the votes given on this occasion is in the following words, "Henricus Jenkes, ex amore justitiae, eligit virum consultissimum Robertum Sawyer."]

[Footnote 575: Van Citters to the States General, March 18/28 1690.]

[Footnote 576: It is amusing to see how absurdly foreign pamphleteers, ignorant of the real state of things in England, exaggerated the importance of John Hampden, whose name they could not spell. In a French Dialogue between William and the Ghost of Monmouth, William says, "Entre ces membres de la Chambre Basse etoit un certain homme hardy, opiniatre, et zele a l'exces pour sa creance; on l'appelle Embden, egalement dangereux par son esprit et par son credit.... je ne trouvay point de chemin plus court pour me delivrer de cette traverse que de casser le parlement, en convoquer un autre, et empescher que cet homme, qui me faisoit tant d'ombrages, ne fust nomme pour un des deputez au nouvel parlement." "Ainsi," says the Ghost, "cette cassation de parlement qui a fait tant de bruit, et a produit tant de raisonnemens et de speculations, n'estoit que pour exclure Embden. Mais s'il estoit si adroit et si zele, comment as-tu pu trouver le moyen de le faire exclure du nombre des deputez?" To this very sensible question the King answers, "Il m'a fallu faire d'etranges manoeuvres pour en venir a bout."--L'Ombre de Monmouth, 1690.]

[Footnote 577: "A present tout dependra d'un bon succes en Irlande; et a quoy il faut que je m'aplique entierement pour regler le mieux que je puis toutte chose.... je vous asseure que je n'ay pas peu sur les bras, estant aussi mal assiste que je suis."-William to Portland, Jan 28/Feb 7 1690.]

[Footnote 578: Van Citters, Feb. 14/24 1689/90; Memoir of the Earl of Chesterfield by himself; Halifax to Chesterfield, Feb. 6.; Chesterfield to Halifax, Feb 8. The editor of the letters of the second Earl of Chesterfield, not allowing for the change of style, has misplaced this correspondence by a year.]

[Footnote 579: Van Citters to the States General, Feb. 11/21 1690.]

[Footnote 580: A strange peculiarity of his constitution is mentioned in an account of him which was published a few months after his death. See the volume entitled "Lives and Characters of the most Illustrious Persons, British and Foreign, who died in the year 1712."]

[Footnote 581: Monmouth's pension and the good understanding between him and the Court are mentioned in a letter from a Jacobite agent in England, which is in the Archives of the French War Office. The date is April 8/18 1690.]

[Footnote 582: The grants of land obtained by Delamere are mentioned by Narcissus Luttrell. It appears from the Treasury Letter Book of 1690 that Delamere continued to dim the government for money after his retirement. As to his general character it would not be safe to trust the representations of satirists. But his own writings, and the admissions of the divine who preached his funeral sermon, show that his temper was not the most gentle. Clarendon remarks (Dec. 17. 1688) that a little thing sufficed to put Lord Delamere into a passion. In the poem entitled the King of Hearts, Delamere is described as--

"A restless malecontent even when preferred."

His countenance furnished a subject for satire:

"His boding looks a mind distracted show;
And envy sits engraved upon his brow."]

[Footnote 583: My notion of Lowther's character has been chiefly formed from two papers written by himself, one of which has been printed, though I believe not published. A copy of the other is among the Mackintosh MSS. Something I have taken from contemporary satires. That Lowther was too ready to expose his life in private encounters is sufficiently proved by the fact that, when he was First Lord of the Treasury, he accepted a challenge from a custom house officer whom he had dismissed. There was a duel; and Lowther was severely wounded. This event is mentioned in Luttrell's Diary, April 1690.]

[Footnote 584: Burnet, ii. 76]

[Footnote 585: Roger North's Life of Guildford.]

[Footnote 586: Till some years after this time the First Lord of the Treasury was always the man of highest rank at the Board. Thus Monmouth, Delamere and Godolphin took their places according to the order of precedence in which they stood as peers.]

[Footnote 587: The dedication, however, was thought too laudatory. "The only thing," Mr. Pope used to say, "he could never forgive his philosophic master was the dedication to the Essay."--Ruffhead's Life of Pope.]

[Footnote 588: Van Citters to the States General April 25/May 5, 1690. Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; Treasury Letter Book, Feb. 4. 1689/90]

[Footnote 589: The Dialogue between a Lord Lieutenant and one of his Deputies will not be found in the collection of Warrington's writings which was published in 1694, under the sanction, as it should seem, of his family.]

[Footnote 590: Van Citters, to the States General, March 18/28 April 4/14 1690; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; Burnet, ii. 72.; The Triennial Mayor, or the Rapparees, a Poem, 1691. The poet says of one of the new civic functionaries:

"Soon his pretence to conscience we can rout,
And in a bloody jury find him out,
Where noble Publius worried was with rogues."]

[Footnote 591: Treasury Minute Book, Feb. 5. 1689/90]

[Footnote 592: Van Citters, Feb. 11/21 Mar. 14/24 Mar. 18/28 1690.]

[Footnote 593: Van Citters, March 14/24 1690. The sermon is extant. It was preached at Bow Church before the Court of Aldermen.]

[Footnote 594: Welwood's Mercurius Reformatus, Feb. 12. 1690.]

[Footnote 595: Commons' Journals, March 20, 21, 22. 1689/89]

[Footnote 596: Commons Journals, March 28. 1690, and March 1. and March 20. 1688/9]

[Footnote 597: Grey's Debates, March 27. and 28 1690.]

[Footnote 598: Commons' Journals, Mar. 28. 1690. A very clear and exact account of the way in which the revenue was settled was sent by Van Citters to the States General, April 7/17 1690.]

[Footnote 599: Burnet, ii. 43.]

[Footnote 600: In a contemporary lampoon are these lines:

"Oh, happy couple! In their life
There does appear no sign of strife.
They do agree so in the main,
To sacrifice their souls for gain."
--The Female Nine, 1690.]

[Footnote 601: Swift mentions the deficiency of hospitality and magnificence in her household. Journal to Stella, August 8. 1711.]

[Footnote 602: Duchess of Marlborough's Vindication. But the Duchess was so abandoned a liar, that it is impossible to believe a word that she says, except when she accuses herself.]

[Footnote 603: See the Female Nine.]

[Footnote 604: The Duchess of Marlborough's Vindication. With that habitual inaccuracy, which, even when she has no motive for lying, makes it necessary to read every word written by her with suspicion, she creates Shrewsbury a Duke, and represents herself as calling him "Your Grace." He was not made a Duke till 1694.]

[Footnote 605: Commons' Journals, December 17 and 18 1689.]

[Footnote 606: Vindication of the Duchess of Marlborough.]

[Footnote 607: Van Citters, April 8/18 1690.]

[Footnote 608: Van Citters, April 8/18 Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.]

[Footnote 609: Lords' Journals, April 8. and 10 1690; Burnet, ii. 41.]

[Footnote 610: Van Citters, April 25/May 5 1690.]

[Footnote 611: Commons' Journals, April 8. and 9. 1690; Grey's Debates; Burnet, ii. 42. Van Citters, writing on the 8th, mentions that a great struggle in the Lower House was expected.]

[Footnote 612: Commons' Journals, April 24. 1690; Grey's Debates.]

[Footnote 613: Commons' Journals, April 24, 25, and 26; Grey's Debates; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary. Narcissus is unusually angry. He calls the bill "a perfect trick of the fanatics to turn out the Bishops and most of the Church of England Clergy." In a Whig pasquinade entitled "A speech intended to have been spoken on the Triennial Bill," on Jan. 28. 1692/3 the King is said to have "browbeaten the Abjuration Bill."]

[Footnote 614: Lords' Journals, May 1. 1690. This bill is among the Archives of the House of Lords. Burnet confounds it with the bill which the Commons had rejected in the preceding week. Ralph, who saw that Burnet had committed a blunder, but did not see what the blunder was, has, in trying to correct it, added several blunders of his own; and the Oxford editor of Burnet has been misled by Ralph.]

[Footnote 615: Lords' Journals, May 2. and 3. 1690; Van Citters, May 2.; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; Burnet, ii. 44.; and Lord Dartmouth's note. The changes made by the Committee may be seen on the bill in the Archives of the House of Lords.]

[Footnote 616: These distinctions were much discussed at the time. Van Citters, May 20/30 1690.]

[Footnote 617: Stat. 2 W.&M. sess. 1. C. 10.]

[Footnote 618: Roger North was one of the many malecontents who were never tired of harping on this string.]

[Footnote 619: Stat. 2 W.&M. sess. 1. c. 6.; Grey's Debates, April 29., May 1. 5, 6, 7. 1690.]

[Footnote 620: Story's Impartial History; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.]

[Footnote 621: Avaux, Jan. 15/25 1690.]

[Footnote 622: Macariae Excidium. This most curious work has been recently edited with great care and diligence by Mr. O'Callaghan. I owe so much to his learning and industry that I most readily excuse the national partiality which sometimes, I cannot but think, perverts his judgment. When I quote the Macariae Excidium, I always quote the Latin text. The English version is, I am convinced, merely a translation from the Latin, and a very careless and imperfect translation.]

[Footnote 623: Avaux, Nov. 14/24 1689.]

[Footnote 624: Louvois writes to Avaux, Dec 26/Jan 5 1689/90. "Comme le Roy a veu par vos lettres que le Roy d'Angleterre craignoit de manquer de cuivre pour faire de la monnoye, Sa Majeste a donne ordre, que l'on mist sur le bastiment qui portera cette lettre une piece de canon du calibre de deux qui est eventee, de laquelle ceux qui travaillent a la monnoye du Roy d'Angleterre pourront se servir pour continuer a faire de la monnoye."]

[Footnote 625: Louvois to Avaux, Nov. 1/11. 1689. The force sent by Lewis to Ireland appears by the lists at the French War Office to have amounted to seven thousand two hundred and ninety-one men of all ranks. At the French War Office is a letter from Marshal d'Estrees who saw the four Irish regiments soon after they had landed at Brest. He describes them as "mal chausses, mal vetus, et n'ayant point d'uniforme dans leurs habits, si ce n'est qu'ils sont tous fort mauvais." A very exact account of Macarthy's breach of parole will be found in Mr. O'Callaghan's History of the Irish Brigades. I am sorry that a writer to whom I owe so much should try to vindicate conduct which, as described by himself, was in the highest degree dishonourable.]

[Footnote 626: Lauzun to Louvois. May 28/June 7 and June 1 1690, at the French War Office.]

[Footnote 627: See the later letters of Avaux.]

[Footnote 628: Avaux to Louvois, March 14/24 1690; Lauzun to Louvois March 23/April 3]

[Footnote 629: Story's Impartial History; Lauzun to Louvois, May 20/30. 1690.]

[Footnote 630: Lauzun to Louvois, May 28/June 7 1690.]

[Footnote 631: Lauzun to Louvois, April 2/12 May 10/20. 1690. La Hoguette, who held the rank of Marechal de Camp, wrote to Louvois to the same effect about the same time.]

[Footnote 632: "La Politique des Anglois a ete de tenir ces peuples cy comme des esclaves, et si bas qu'il ne leur estoit pas permis d'apprendre a lire et a écrire. Cela les a rendu si bestes qu'ils n'ont presque point d'humanite. Rien de les esmeut. Ils sont peu sensibles a l'honneur; et les menaces ne les estonnent point. L'interest meme ne les peut engager au travail. Ce sont pourtant les gens du monde les mieux faits,"--Desgrigny to Louvois, May 27/June 6 1690.]

[Footnote 633: See Melfort's Letters to James, written in October 1689. They are among the Nairne Papers, and were printed by Macpherson.]

[Footnote 634: Life of James, ii. 443. 450.;and Trials of Ashton and Preston.]

[Footnote 635: Avaux wrote thus to Lewis on the 5th of June 1689: "Il nous est venu des nouvelles assez considerables d'Angleterre et d'Escosse. Je me donne l'honneur d'en envoyer des memoires a vostre Majeste, tels que je les ay receus du Roy de la Grande Bretagne. Le commencement des nouvelles dattees d'Angleterre est la copie d'une lettre de M. Pen, que j'ay veue en original." The Memoire des Nouvelles d'Angleterre et d'Escosse, which was sent with this despatch, begins with the following sentences, which must have been part of Penn's letter: "Le Prince d'Orange commence d'estre fort dégoutte de l'humeur des Anglois et la face des choses change bien viste, selon la nature des insulaires et sa sante est fort mauvaise. Il y a un nuage qui commence a se former au nord des deux royaumes, ou le Roy a beaucoup d'amis, ce qui donne beaucoup d'inquietude aux principaux amis du Prince d'Orange, qui, estant riches, commencent a estre persuadez que ce sera l'espée qui decidera de leur sort, ce qu'ils ont tant taché d'eviter. Ils apprehendent une invasion d'Irlande et de France; et en ce cas le Roy aura plus d'amis que jamais."]

[Footnote 636: "Le bon effet, Sire, que ces lettres d'Escosse et d'Angleterre ont produit, est qu'elles ont enfin persuade le Roy d'Angleterre qu'il ne recouvrera ses estats que les armes a la main; et ce n'est pas peu de l'en avoir convaincu."]

[Footnote 637: Van Citters to the States General, March 1/11 1689. Van Citters calls Penn "den bekenden Archquaker."]

[Footnote 638: See his trial in the Collection of State Trials, and the Lords' Journals of Nov. 11, 12. and 27. 1689.]

[Footnote 639: One remittance of two thousand pistoles is mentioned in a letter of Croissy to Avaux, Feb. 16/26 1689. James, in a letter dated Jan. 26. 1689, directs Preston to consider himself as still Secretary, notwithstanding Melfort's appointment.]

[Footnote 640: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; Commons' Journals, May 14. 15. 20. 1690; Kingston's True History, 1697.]

[Footnote 641: The Whole Life of Mr. William Fuller, being an Impartial Account of his Birth, Education, Relations and Introduction into the Service of the late King James and his Queen, together with a True Discovery of the Intrigues for which he lies now confined; as also of the Persons that employed and assisted him therein, with his Hearty Repentance for the Misdemeanours he did in the late Reign, and all others whom he hath injured; impartially writ by Himself during his Confinement in the Queen's Bench, 1703. Of course I shall use this narrative with caution.]

[Footnote 642: Fuller's Life of himself,]

[Footnote 643: Clarendon's Diary, March 6. 1690; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.]

[Footnote 644: Clarendon's Diary, May 10. 1690.]

[Footnote 645: He wrote to Portland, "Je plains la povre reine, qui est en des terribles afflictions."]

[Footnote 646: See the Letters of Shrewsbury in Coxe's Correspondence,