Chapter XVIII: Book IX: The Ninth Book of the Histories, Called Calliope (3)

94. These oracles then were uttered to them, and the people of Apollonia, making a secret of it, proposed to certain men of the citizens to manage the affair; and they managed it for them thus:—when Euenios was sitting on a seat in public, they came and sat by him, and conversed about other matters, and at last they came to sympathising with him in his misfortune; and thus leading him on they asked what satisfaction he should choose, if the people of Apollonia should undertake to give him satisfaction for that which they had done. He then, not having heard the oracle, made choice and said that if there should be given him the lands belonging to certain citizens, naming those whom he knew to possess the two best lots of land in Apollonia, and a dwelling-house also with these, which he knew to be the best house in the city,—if he became the possessor of these, he said, he would have no anger against them for the future, and this satisfaction would be sufficient for him if it should be given. Then as he was thus speaking, the men who sat by him said interrupting him: "Euenios, this satisfaction the Apolloniates pay to thee for thy blinding in accordance with the oracles which have been given to them." Upon this he was angry, being thus informed of the whole matter and considering that he had been deceived; and they bought the property from those who possessed it and gave him that which he had chosen. And forthwith after this he had a natural gift of divination, 105 so that he became very famous..

95. Of this Euenios, I say, Deïphonos was the son, and he was acting as diviner for the army, being brought by the Corinthians. I have heard however also that Deïphonos wrongly made use of the name of Euenios, and undertook work of this kind about Hellas, not being really the son of Euenios.

96. Now when the sacrifices were favourable to the Hellenes, they put their ships to sea from Delos to go to Samos; and having arrived off Calamisa 106 in Samos, they moored their ships there opposite the temple of Hera which is at this place, and made preparations for a sea-fight; but the Persians, being informed that they were sailing thither, put out to sea also and went over to the mainland with their remaining ships, (those of the Phenicians having been already sent away to sail home): for deliberating of the matter they thought it good not to fight a battle by sea, since they did not think that they were a match for the enemy. And they sailed away to the mainland in order that they might be under the protection of their land-army which was in Mycale, a body which had stayed behind the rest of the army by command of Xerxes and was keeping watch over Ionia: of this the number was six myriads 107 and the commander of it was Tigranes, who in beauty and stature excelled the other Persians. The commanders of the fleet then had determined to take refuge under the protection of this army, and to draw up their ships on shore and put an enclosure round as a protection for the ships and a refuge for themselves..

97. Having thus determined they began to put out to sea; and they came along by the temple of the "Revered goddesses" 10701 to the Gaison and to Scolopoeis in Mycale, where there is a temple of the Eleusinian Demeter, which Philistos the son of Pasicles erected when he had accompanied Neileus the son of Codros for the founding of Miletos; and there they drew up their ships on shore and put an enclosure round them of stones and timber, cutting down fruit-trees for this purpose, and they fixed stakes round the enclosure and made their preparations either for being besieged or for gaining a victory, for in making their preparations they reckoned for both chances.

98. The Hellenes however, when they were informed that the Barbarians had gone away to the mainland, were vexed because they thought that they had escaped; and they were in a difficulty what they should do, whether they should go back home, or sail down towards the Hellespont. At last they resolved to do neither of these two things, but to sail on to the mainland. Therefore when they had prepared as for a sea-fight both boarding-bridges and all other things that were required, they sailed towards Mycale; and when they came near to the camp and no one was seen to put out against them, but they perceived ships drawn up within the wall and a large land-army ranged along the shore, then first Leotychides, sailing along in his ship and coming as near to the shore as he could, made proclamation by a herald to the Ionians, saying: "Ionians, those of you who chance to be within hearing of me, attend to this which I say: for the Persians will not understand anything at all of that which I enjoin to you. When we join battle, each one of you must remember first the freedom of all, and then the watchword 'Hebe'; and this let him also who has not heard know from him who has heard." The design in this act was the same as that of Themistocles at Artemision; for it was meant that either the words uttered should escape the knowledge of the Barbarians and persuade the Ionians, or that they should be reported to the Barbarians and make them distrustful of the Hellenes. 108

99. After Leotychides had thus suggested, then next the Hellenes proceeded to bring their ships up to land, and they disembarked upon the shore. These then were ranging themselves for fight; and the Persians, when they saw the Hellenes preparing for battle and also that they had given exhortation to the Ionians, in the first place deprived the Samians of their arms, suspecting that they were inclined to the side of the Hellenes; for when the Athenian prisoners, the men whom the army of Xerxes had found left behind in Attica, had come in the ships of the Barbarians, the Samians had ransomed these and sent them back to Athens, supplying them with means for their journey; and for this reason especially they were suspected, since they had ransomed five hundred persons of the enemies of Xerxes. Then secondly the Persians appointed the Milesians to guard the passes which lead to the summits of Mycale, on the pretext that they knew the country best, but their true reason for doing this was that they might be out of the camp. Against these of the Ionians, who, as they suspected, would make some hostile move 109 if they found the occasion, the Persians sought to secure themselves in the manner mentioned; and they themselves then brought together their wicker-work shields to serve them as a fence.

100. Then when the Hellenes had made all their preparations, they proceeded to the attack of the Barbarians; and as they went, a rumour came suddenly 110 to their whole army, and at the same time a herald's staff was found lying upon the beach; and the rumour went through their army to this effect, namely that the Hellenes were fighting in Boeotia and conquering the army of Mardonios. Now by many signs is the divine power seen in earthly things, and by this among others, namely that now, when the day of the defeat at Plataia and of that which was about to take place at Mycale happened to be the same, a rumour came to the Hellenes here, so that the army was encouraged much more and was more eagerly desirous to face the danger..

101. Moreover this other thing by coincidence happened besides, namely that there was a sacred enclosure of the Eleusinian Demeter close by the side of both the battle-fields; for not only in the Plataian land did the fight take place close by the side of the temple of Demeter, as I have before said, but also in Mycale it was to be so likewise. And whereas the rumour which came to them said that a victory had been already gained by the Hellenes with Pausanias, this proved to be a true report; for that which was done at Plataia came about while it was yet early morning, but the fighting at Mycale took place in the afternoon; and that it happened on the same day of the same month as the other became evident to them not long afterwards, when they inquired into the matter. Now they had been afraid before the rumour arrived, not for themselves so much as for the Hellenes generally, lest Hellas should stumble and fall over Mardonios; but when this report had come suddenly to them, they advanced on the enemy much more vigorously and swiftly than before. The Hellenes then and the Barbarians were going with eagerness into the battle, since both the islands and the Hellespont were placed before them as prizes of the contest.

102. Now for the Athenians and those who were ranged next to them, to the number perhaps of half the whole army, the road lay along the sea-beach and over level ground, while the Lacedemonians and those ranged in order by these were compelled to go by a ravine and along the mountain side: so while the Lacedemonians were yet going round, those upon the other wing were already beginning the fight; and as long as the wicker-work shields of the Persians still remained upright, they continued to defend themselves and had rather the advantage in the fight; but when the troops of the Athenians and of those ranged next to them, desiring that the achievement should belong to them and not to the Lacedemonians, with exhortations to one another set themselves more vigorously to the work, then from that time forth the fortune of the fight was changed; for these pushed aside the wicker-work shields and fell upon the Persians with a rush all in one body, and the Persians sustained their first attack and continued to defend themselves for a long time, but at last they fled to the wall; and the Athenians, Corinthians, Sikyonians and Troizenians, for that was the order in which they were ranged, followed close after them and rushed in together with them to the space within the wall: and when the wall too had been captured, then the Barbarians no longer betook themselves to resistance, but began at once to take flight, excepting only the Persians, who formed into small groups and continued to fight with the Hellenes as they rushed in within the wall. Of the commanders of the Persians two made their escape and two were slain; Artaÿntes and Ithamitres commanders of the fleet escaped, while Mardontes and the commander of the land-army, Tigranes, were slain..

103. Now while the Persians were still fighting, the Lacedemonians and those with them arrived, and joined in carrying through the rest of the work; and of the Hellenes themselves many fell there and especially many of the Sikyonians, together with their commander Perilaos. And those of the Samians who were serving in the army, being in the camp of the Medes and having been deprived of their arms, when they saw that from the very first the battle began to be doubtful, 111 did as much as they could, endeavouring to give assistance to the Hellenes; and the other Ionians seeing that the Samians had set the example, themselves also upon that made revolt from the Persians and attacked the Barbarians..

104. The Milesians too had been appointed to watch the passes of the Persians 112 in order to secure their safety, so that if that should after all come upon them which actually came, they might have guides and so get safe away to the summits of Mycale,—the Milesians, I say, had been appointed to do this, not only for that end but also for fear that, if they were present in the camp, they might make some hostile move: 113 but they did in fact the opposite of that which they were appointed to do; for they not only directed them in the flight by other than the right paths, by paths indeed which led towards the enemy, but also at last they themselves became their worst foes and began to slay them. Thus then for the second time Ionia revolted from the Persians.

105. In this battle, of the Hellenes the Athenians were the best men, and of the Athenians Hermolycos the son of Euthoinos, a man who had trained for the pancration. This Hermolycos after these events, when there was war between the Athenians and the Carystians, was killed in battle at Kyrnos in the Carystian land near Geraistos, and there was buried. After the Athenians the Corinthians, Troizenians and Sikyonians were the best.

106. When the Hellenes had slain the greater number of the Barbarians, some in the battle and others in their flight, they set fire to the ships and to the whole of the wall, having first brought out the spoil to the sea-shore; and among the rest they found some stores of money. So having set fire to the wall and to the ships they sailed away; and when they came to Samos, the Hellenes deliberated about removing the inhabitants of Ionia, and considered where they ought to settle them in those parts of Hellas of which they had command, leaving Ionia to the Barbarians: for it was evident to them that it was impossible on the one hand for them to be always stationed as guards to protect the Ionians, and on the other hand, if they were not stationed to protect them, they had no hope that the Ionians would escape with impunity from the Persians. Therefore it seemed good to those of the Peloponnesians that were in authority that they should remove the inhabitants of the trading ports which belonged to those peoples of Hellas who had taken the side of the Medes, and give that land to the Ionians to dwell in; but the Athenians did not think it good that the inhabitants of Ionia should be removed at all, nor that the Peloponnesians should consult about Athenian colonies; and as these vehemently resisted the proposal, the Peloponnesians gave way. So the end was that they joined as allies to their league the Samians, Chians, Lesbians, and the other islanders who chanced to be serving with the Hellenes, binding them by assurance and by oaths to remain faithful and not withdraw from the league: and having bound these by oaths they sailed to break up the bridges, for they supposed they would find them still stretched over the straits.

These then were sailing towards the Hellespont;.

107, and meanwhile those Barbarians who had escaped and had been driven to the heights of Mycale, being not many in number, were making their way to Sardis: and as they went by the way, Masistes the son of Dareios, who had been present at the disaster which had befallen them, was saying many evil things of the commander Artaÿntes, and among other things he said that in respect of the generalship which he had shown he was worse than a woman, and that he deserved every kind of evil for having brought evil on the house of the king. Now with the Persians to be called worse than a woman is the greatest possible reproach. So he, after he had been much reviled, at length became angry and drew his sword upon Masistes, meaning to kill him; and as he was running upon him, Xeinagoras the son of Prexilaos, a man of Halicarnassos, perceived it, who was standing just behind Artaÿntes; and this man seized him by the middle and lifting him up dashed him upon the ground; and meanwhile the spearmen of Masistes came in front to protect him. Thus did Xeinagoras, and thus he laid up thanks for himself both with Masistes and also with Xerxes for saving the life of his brother; and for this deed Xeinagoras became ruler of all Kilikia by the gift of the king. Nothing further happened than this as they went on their way, but they arrived at Sardis.

Now at Sardis, as it chanced, king Xerxes had been staying ever since that time when he came thither in flight from Athens, after suffering defeat in the sea-fight..

108. At that time, while he was in Sardis, he had a passionate desire, as it seems, for the wife of Masistes, who was also there: and as she could not be bent to his will by his messages to her, and he did not wish to employ force because he had regard for his brother Masistes and the same consideration withheld the woman also, for she well knew that force would not be used towards her, then Xerxes abstained from all else, and endeavoured to bring about the marriage of his own son Dareios with the daughter of this woman and of Masistes, supposing that if he should do so he would obtain her more easily. Then having made the betrothal and done all the customary rites, he went away to Susa; and when he had arrived there and had brought the woman into his own house for Dareios, then he ceased from attempting the wife of Masistes and changing his inclination he conceived a desire for the wife of Dareios, who was daughter of Masistes, and obtained her: now the name of this woman was Artaÿnte..

109. However as time went on, this became known in the following manner:—Amestris the wife of Xerxes had woven a mantle, large and of various work and a sight worthy to be seen, and this she gave to Xerxes. He then being greatly pleased put it on and went to Artaÿnte; and being greatly pleased with her too, he bade her ask what she would to be given to her in return for the favours which she had granted to him, for she should obtain, he said, whatsoever she asked: and she, since it was destined that she should perish miserably with her whole house, said to Xerxes upon this: "Wilt thou give me whatsoever I ask thee for?" and he, supposing that she would ask anything rather than that which she did, promised this and swore to it. Then when he had sworn, she boldly asked for the mantle; and Xerxes tried every means of persuasion, not being willing to give it to her, and that for no other reason but only because he feared Amestris, lest by her, who even before this had some inkling of the truth, he should thus be discovered in the act; and he offered her cities and gold in any quantity, and an army which no one else should command except herself. Now this of an army is a thoroughly Persian gift. Since however he did not persuade her, he gave her the mantle; and she being overjoyed by the gift wore it and prided herself upon it..

110. And Amestris was informed that she had it; and having learnt that which was being done, she was not angry with the woman, but supposing that her mother was the cause and that she was bringing this about, she planned destruction for the wife of Masistes. She waited then until her husband Xerxes had a royal feast set before him:—this feast is served up once in the year on the day on which the king was born, and the name of this feast is in Persian tycta, which in the tongue of the Hellenes means "complete"; also on this occasion alone the king washes his head, 114 and he makes gifts then to the Persians:—Amestris, I say, waited for this day and then asked of Xerxes that the wife of Masistes might be given to her. And he considered it a strange and untoward thing to deliver over to her his brother's wife, especially since she was innocent of this matter; for he understood why she was making the request..

111. At last however as she continued to entreat urgently and he was compelled by the rule, namely that it is impossible among them that he who makes request when a royal feast is laid before the king should fail to obtain it, at last very much against his will consented; and in delivering her up he bade Amestris do as she desired, and meanwhile he sent for his brother and said these words: "Masistes, thou art the son of Dareios and my brother, and moreover in addition to this thou art a man of worth. I say to thee, live no longer with this wife with whom thou now livest, but I give thee instead of her my daughter; with her live as thy wife, but the wife whom thou now hast, do not keep; for it does not seem good to me that thou shouldest keep her." Masistes then, marvelling at that which was spoken, said these words: "Master, how unprofitable a speech is this which thou utterest to me, in that thou biddest me send away a wife by whom I have sons who are grown up to be young men, and daughters one of whom even thou thyself didst take as a wife for thy son, and who is herself, as it chances, very much to my mind,—that thou biddest me, I say, send away her and take to wife thy daughter! I, O king, think it a very great matter that I am judged worthy of thy daughter, but nevertheless I will do neither of these things: and do not thou urge me by force to do such a thing as this: but for thy daughter another husband will be found not in any wise inferior to me, and let me, I pray thee, live still with my own wife." He returned answer in some such words as these; and Xerxes being stirred with anger said as follows: "This then, Masistes, is thy case,—I will not give thee my daughter for thy wife, nor yet shalt thou live any longer with that one, in order that thou mayest learn to accept that which is offered thee." He then when he heard this went out, having first said these words: "Master, thou hast not surely brought ruin upon me?" 115.

112. During this interval of time, while Xerxes was conversing with his brother, Amestris had sent the spearmen of Xerxes to bring the wife of Masistes, and she was doing to her shameful outrage; for she cut away her breasts and threw them to dogs, and she cut off her nose and ears and lips and tongue, and sent her back home thus outraged.

113. Then Masistes, not yet having heard any of these things, but supposing that some evil had fallen upon him, came running to his house; and seeing his wife thus mutilated, forthwith upon this he took counsel with his sons and set forth to go to Bactria together with his sons and doubtless some others also, meaning to make the province of Bactria revolt and to do the greatest possible injury to the king: and this in fact would have come to pass, as I imagine, if he had got up to the land of the Bactrians and Sacans before he was overtaken, for they were much attached to him, and also he was the governor of the Bactrians: but Xerxes being informed that he was doing this, sent after him an army as he was on his way, and slew both him and his sons and his army. So far of that which happened about the passion of Xerxes and the death of Masistes.

114. Now the Hellenes who had set forth from Mycale to the Hellespont first moored their ships about Lecton, being stopped from their voyage by winds; and thence they came to Abydos and found that the bridges had been broken up, which they thought to find still stretched across, and on account of which especially they had come to the Hellespont. So the Peloponnesians which Leotychides resolved to sail back to Hellas, while the Athenians and Xanthippos their commander determined to stay behind there and to make an attempt upon the Chersonese. Those then sailed away, and the Athenians passed over from Abydos to the Chersonese and began to besiege Sestos..

115. To this town of Sestos, since it was the greatest stronghold of those in that region, men had come together from the cities which lay round it, when they heard that the Hellenes had arrived at the Hellespont, and especially there had come from the city of Cardia Oiobazos a Persian, who had brought to Sestos the ropes of the bridges. The inhabitants of the city were Aiolians, natives of the country, but there were living with them a great number of Persians and also of their allies..

116. And of the province Artaÿctes was despot, as governor under Xerxes, a Persian, but a man of desperate and reckless character, who also had practised deception upon the king on his march against Athens, in taking away from Elaius the things belonging to Protesilaos the son of Iphiclos. For at Elaius in the Chersonese there is the tomb of Protesilaos with a sacred enclosure about it, where there were many treasures, with gold and silver cups and bronze and raiment and other offerings, which things Artaÿctes carried off as plunder, the king having granted them to him. And he deceived Xerxes by saying to him some such words as these: "Master, there is here the house of a man, a Hellene, who made an expedition against thy land and met with his deserts and was slain: this man's house I ask thee to give to me, that every one may learn not to make expeditions against thy land." By saying this it was likely that he would easily enough persuade Xerxes to give him a man's house, not suspecting what was in his mind: and when he said that Protesilaos had made expedition against the land of the king, it must be understood that the Persians consider all Asia to be theirs and to belong to their reigning king. So when the things had been given him, he brought them from Elaius to Sestos, and he sowed the sacred enclosure for crops and occupied it as his own; and he himself, whenever he came to Elaius, had commerce with women in the inner cell of the temple. 116 And now he was being besieged by the Athenians, when he had not made any preparation for a siege nor had been expecting that the Hellenes would come; for they fell upon him, as one may say, inevitably. 117.

117. When however autumn came and the siege still went on, the Athenians began to be vexed at being absent from their own land and at the same time not able to conquer the fortress, and they requested their commanders to lead them away home; but these said that they would not do so, until either they had taken the town or the public authority of the Athenians sent for them home: and so they endured their present state.

118. Those however who were within the walls had now come to the greatest misery, so that they boiled down the girths of their beds and used them for food; and when they no longer had even these, then the Persians and with them Artaÿctes and Oiobazos ran away and departed in the night, climbing down by the back part of the wall, where the place was left most unguarded by the enemy; and when day came, the men of the Chersonese signified to the Athenians from the towers concerning that which had happened, and opened the gates to them. So the greater number of them went in pursuit, and the rest occupied the city..

119. Now Oiobazos, as he was escaping 119 into Thrace, was caught by the Apsinthian Thracians and sacrificed to their native god Pleistoros with their rites, and the rest who were with him they slaughtered in another manner: but Artaÿctes with his companions, who started on their flight later and were overtaken at a little distance above Aigospotamoi, defended themselves for a considerable time and were some of them killed and others taken alive: and the Hellenes had bound these and were bringing them to Sestos, and among them Artaÿctes also in bonds together with his son..

120. Then, it is said by the men of the Chersonese, as one of those who guarded them was frying dried fish, a portent occurred as follows,—the dried fish when laid upon the fire began to leap and struggle just as if they were fish newly caught: and the others gathered round and were marvelling at the portent, but Artaÿctes seeing it called to the man who was frying the fish and said: "Stranger of Athens, be not at all afraid of this portent, seeing that it has not appeared for thee but for me. Protesilaos who dwells at Elaius signifies thereby that though he is dead and his body is dried like those fish, 120 yet he has power given him by the gods to exact vengeance from the man who does him wrong. Now therefore I desire to impose this penalty for him, 121—that in place of the things which I took from the temple I should pay down a hundred talents to the god, and moreover as ransom for myself and my son I will pay two hundred talents to the Athenians, if my life be spared." Thus he engaged to do, but he did not prevail upon the commander Xanthippos; for the people of Elaius desiring to take vengeance for Protesilaos asked that he might be put to death, and the inclination of the commander himself tended to the same conclusion. They brought him therefore to that headland to which Xerxes made the passage across, or as some say to the hill which is over the town of Madytos, and there they nailed him to boards 122 and hung him up; and they stoned his son to death before the eyes of Artaÿctes himself..

121. Having so done, they sailed away to Hellas, taking with them, besides other things, the ropes also of the bridges, in order to dedicate them as offerings in the temples: and for that year nothing happened further than this.

122. Now a forefather of this Artaÿctes who was hung up, was that Artembares who set forth to the Persians a proposal which they took up and brought before Cyrus, being to this effect: "Seeing that Zeus grants to the Persians leadership, and of all men to thee, O Cyrus, by destroying Astyages, come, since the land we possess is small and also rugged, let us change from it and inhabit another which is better: and there are many near at hand, and many also at a greater distance, of which if we take one, we shall have greater reverence and from more men. It is reasonable too that men who are rulers should do such things; for when will there ever be a fairer occasion than now, when we are rulers of many nations and of the whole of Asia?" Cyrus, hearing this and not being surprised at the proposal, 123 bade them do so if they would; but he exhorted them and bade them prepare in that case to be no longer rulers but subjects; "For," said he, "from lands which are not rugged men who are not rugged are apt to come forth, since it does not belong to the same land to bring forth fruits of the earth which are admirable and also men who are good in war." So the Persians acknowledged that he was right and departed from his presence, having their opinion defeated by that of Cyrus; and they chose rather to dwell on poor land and be rulers, than to sow crops in a level plain and be slaves to others.

NOTES TO BOOK IX

1 [ "the same who at the former time also were of one accord together."]

2 [ {ta ekeinon iskhura bouleumata}: some good MSS. omit {iskhura}, and so many Editors.]

3 [ {up agnomosunes}.]

4 [ {boulen}.]

5 [ {exeneikai es ton dumon}.]

6 [ {aleoren}.]

7 [ Cp. viii. 140 (a).]

8 [ {to men ap emeon outo akibdelon nemetai epi tous Ellenas}, "that which we owe to the Hellenes is thus paid in no counterfeit coin."]

9 [ {ekeleusan}, i.e. "their bidding was" when they sent us.]

901 [ This clause, "with no less—each man of them," is omitted in some MSS. and considered spurious by several Editors.]

10 [ Cp. ch. 55.]

11 [ {perioikon}.]

12 [ {ton emerodromon}, cp. vi. 105.]

13 [ {tugkhane eu bouleoumenos}: perhaps, "endeavour to take measures well."]

14 [ {prodromon}, a conjectural emendation of {prodromos}.]

15 [ {boiotarkhai}, i.e. the heads of the Boeotian confederacy.]

16 [ {os epi deka stadious malista ke}.]

17 [ {klinai}: several Editors have altered this, reading {klithenai} or {klinenai}, "they were made to recline."]

18 [ {diapinonton}, cp. v. 18.]

19 [ {polla phroneonta medenos krateein}.]

20 [ {sphodra}: not quite satisfactory with {emedizon}, but it can hardly go with {ouk ekontes}, as Krüger suggests.]

21 [ {pheme}, as in ch. 100.]

22 [ {proopto thanato}.]

23 [ {prosballontes}: most of the MSS. have {prosbalontes}, and so also in ch. 21 and 22 they have {prosbalouses}.]

24 [ i.e. the retreat with which each charge ended and the turn from retreat in preparation for a fresh charge. So much would be done without word of command, before reining in their horses.]

25 [ {ephoiteon}.]

2501 [ Or, according to some MSS., "much contention in argument."]

26 [ i.e. the left wing.]

27 [ The name apparently should be Kepheus, but there is no authority for changing the text.]

28 [ This is the number of nations mentioned in vii. 61-80 as composing the land-army of Xerxes.]

29 [ {oi epiphoiteontes}.]

30 [ {peri andra ekaston}.]

31 [ i.e. 38,700.]

32 [ i.e. 69,500.]

33 [ i.e. 110,000.]

34 [ {opla de oud outoi eikhon}: i.e. these too must be reckoned with the light-armed.]

35 [ Cp. ii. 164.]

36 [ {makhairophoroi}: cp. vii. 89.]

37 [ i.e. 300,000: see viii. 113.]

38 [ {geneos tou Iamideon}: the MSS. have {Klutiaden} after {Iamideon}, but the Clytiadai seem to have been a distinct family of soothsayers.]

39 [ {pentaethlon}.]

40 [ {para en palaisma edrame nikan Olumpiada}. The meaning is not clear, because the conditions of the {pentaethlon} are not known: however the wrestling {pale} seems to have been the last of the five contests, and the meaning may be that both Tisamenos and Hieronymos had beaten all the other competitors and were equal so far, when Tisamenos failed to win two out of three falls in the wrestling.]

41 [ {metientes}: some MSS. have {metiontes}, "they went to fetch him."]

42 [ {aiteomenos}: this is the reading of the MSS., but the conjecture {aiteomenous} (or {aiteomenon}) seems probable enough: "if one may compare the man who asked for royal power with him who asked only for citizenship."]

43 [ i.e. instead of half for himself, he asks for two-thirds to be divided between himself and his brother.]

44 [ {o pros Ithome}: a conjectural emendation of {o pros Isthmo}.]

45 [ {ton tarson eoutou}.]

46 [ {Treis Kephalas}.]

47 [ {Druos Kephalas}.]

48 [ See ch. 2.]

49 [ {ton epikleton}: cp. vii. 8.]

50 [ {Mardonio te kai te stratie ta sphagia ou dunatai katathumia genesthai}.]

51 [ He asks for their help to free his country also from the Persian yoke.]

52 [ {emakhesametha}.]

53 [ {psukhre}, cp. vi. 108.]

54 [ {deka stadious}.]

55 [ {nesos de outo an eie en epeiro}.]

56 [ {periskhizetai}.]

57 [ {epheugon asmenoi}.]

58 [ {tou Pitaneteon lokhou}, called below {ton lokhon ton Pitaneten}. Evidently {lokhos} here is a division of considerable size.]

59 [ {anainomenou}: some MSS. and many Editors read {nenomenou}, "since he was thus minded."]

60 [ {os alla phroneonton kai alla legonton}.]

61 [ Cp. ch. 11.]

62 [ The structure of the sentence is rather confused, and perhaps some emendation is required.]

63 [ {eti ti lexete}. The MSS. and most Editors read {ti}, "what will ye say after this?" The order of the words is against this.]

64 [ {anarpasomenoi}: cp. viii. 28.]

65 [ {phraxantes ta gerra}: cp. ch. 99.]

66 [ {anoploi}, by which evidently more is meant than the absence of shields; cp. the end of ch. 63, where the equipment of the Persians is compared to that of light-armed troops.]

67 [ See viii. 114.]

68 [ {es Leoniden}: this is ordinarily translated "as far as Leonidas;" but to say "his ancestors above Anaxandrides have been given as far as Leonidas" (the son of Anaxandrides), is hardly intelligible. The reference is to vii. 204.]

69 [ Most of the MSS. call him Aeimnestos (with some variation of spelling), but Plutarch has Arimnestos.]

70 [ See ch. 15: There is no sharp distinction here between camp and palisade, the latter being merely the fortified part of the encampment.]

71 [ {anaktoron}, a usual name for the temple of Demeter and Persephone at Eleusis.]

72 [ i.e. 40,000.]

73 [ {ege katertemenos}: the better MSS. have {eie} for {ege}, which is retained by some Editors ({toutous} being then taken with {inai pantas}): for {katertemenos} we find as variations {katertemenos} and {katertismenos}. Many Editors read {katertismenos} ("well prepared"), following the Aldine tradition.]

74 [ {ephelokakeonton}.]

75 [ {en oudeni logo apolonto}.]

76 [ Stein proposes to substitute "Athenians" for "Lacedemonians" here, making the comparative {erremenestere} anticipate the account given in the next few clauses.]

77 [ {erromenestere}.]

78 [ Cp. i. 66.]

79 [ {aluktazon}, a word of doubtful meaning which is not found elsewhere.]

80 [ i.e. 300,000.]

81 [ {o Spartietes}: it has been proposed to read {Spartietai}, for it can hardly be supposed that the other two were not Spartans also.]

82 [ One MS. at least calls him Aeimenstos, cp. ch. 64: Thucydides (iii. [Footnote 52) mentions Aeimnestos as the name of a Plataian citizen, the father of Lacon. Stein observes that in any case this cannot be that Arimnestos who is mentioned by Plutarch as commander of the Plataian contingent.]

83 [ {eoutou axion prophumeumenou apodexasthai}.]

84 [ {atelein te kai proedrin}.]

85 [ vi. 92.]

86 [ {andra pentaethlon}.]

87 [ {oute daimonon oute theon}: heroes and in general divinities of the second order are included under the term {daimonon}.]

88 [ Most of the commentators (and following them the historians) understand the imperfect {ediokon} to express the mere purpose to attempt, and suppose that this purpose was actually hindered by the Lacedemonians, but for a mere half-formed purpose the expression {mekhri Thessalies} seems to definite, and Diodorus states that Artabazos was pursued. I think therefore that Krüger is right in understanding {eon} of an attempt to dissuade which was not successful. The alternative version would be "they were for pursuing them as far as Thessaly, but the Lacedemonians prevented them from pursuing fugitives."]

89 [ {akinakas}.]

90 [ Whether three tithes were taken or only one is left uncertain.]

91 [ "furniture furnished" is hardly tolerable; perhaps Herodotus wrote {skenen} for {kataskeuen} here.]

92 [ The connexion here is not satisfactory, and the chapter is in part a continuation of chapter 81: It is possible that ch. 82 may be a later addition by the author, thrown in without much regard to the context.]

93 [ "Whereas however the body of Mardonios had disappeared on the day after the battle (taken by whom I am not able to say....), it is reported with some show of reason that Dionysophanes, an Ephesian, was he who buried it." The construction however is irregular and broken by parentheses: possibly there is some corruption of text.]

94 [ {tous irenas}. Spartans between twenty and thirty years old were so called. The MSS. have {ireas}.]

95 [ {proxeinon}.]

96 [ "fill up more calamities," cp. v. 4.]

97 [ {es antilogien}.]

98 [ {antilogies kuresein}.]

99 [ {ten mesogaian tamnon tes odou}, cp. vii. 124: The expression seems almost equivalent to {tamnon ten mesen odon}, apart from any question of inland or coast roads.]

100 [ {limo sustantas kai kamato}, "having struggled with hunger and fatigue."]

101 [ {autos}: some MSS. read {outos}. If the text is right, it means Artabazos as distinguished from his troops.]

102 [ i.e. "leader of the army."]

10201 [ {en to Ionio kolpo}.]

103 [ Stein reads {para Khona potamon}, "by the river Chon," a conjecture derived from Theognostus.]

104 [ It is thought by some Editors that "the prophets" just above, and these words, "and they told them," are interpolated.]

105 [ {emphuton mantiken}, as opposed to the {entekhnos mantike} possessed for example by Melampus, cp. ii. 49.]

106 [ Or possibly "Calamoi."]

107 [ i.e. 60,000.]

10701 [ {ton Potneion}, i.e. either the Eumenides or Demeter and Persephone.]

108 [ {apistous toisi Ellesi}. Perhaps the last two words are to be rejected, and {apistous} to be taken in its usual sense, "distrusted"; cp. viii. 22.]

109 [ {neokhmon an ti poieein}.]

110 [ {pheme eseptato}.]

111 [ {eteralkea}, cp. viii. 11.]

112 [ {ton Perseon}: perhaps we should read {ek ton Perseon}, "appointed by the Persians to guard the passes."]

113 [ {ti neokhmon poieoien}.]

114 [ {ten kephalen smatai}: the meaning is uncertain.]

115 [ {Pou de kou me apolesas}: some Editors read {ko} for {kou} (by conjecture), and print the clause as a statement instead of a question, "not yet hast thou caused by ruin."]

116 [ {en to aduto}.]

117 [ {aphuktos}: many Editors adopt the reading {aphulakto} from inferior MSS., "they fell upon him when he was, as one may say, off his guard."]

118 [ {estergon ta pareonta}.]

119 [ {ekpheugonta}: many Editors have {ekphugonta}, "after he had escaped."]

120 [ {tarikhos eon}. The word {tarikhos} suggests the idea of human bodies embalmed, as well as of dried or salted meat.]

121 [ {oi}: some Editors approve the conjecture {moi}, "impose upon myself this penalty."]

122 [ {sanidas}: some read by conjecture {sanidi}, or {pros sanida}: cp. vii. 33.]

123 [ Or, "when he had heard this, although he did not admire the proposal, yet bade them do so if they would."]