Chapter IV: Part 4

The town of Oswestry was now in the hands of the parliamentarians, under the temporary Governorship of Colonel Mytton, but was not long permitted to remain quietly in the power of the victors. Only one short week elapsed before a formidable attempt was made by part of the royalist army, under Colonel Marrow, a skilful and intrepid commander, to retake the town, and drive the parliamentary forces from their position. Colonel Marrow invested the town with 3,500 infantry, and 1,500 cavalry, and maintained a close siege for the three following days. This sudden assault greatly embarrassed Colonel Mytton, whose only hope for relief was from Sir Thomas Myddleton, his kinsman by marriage, who was then stationed at Knutsford, in Cheshire, more than fifty miles distant. Colonel Mytton, however, succeeded in making Sir Thomas acquainted with his position in less than twelve hours from the commencement of the royalist attack; and the gallant knight, who was heartily engaged in the parliamentary cause, immediately mustered three regiments, namely, Booth’s, Mainwaring’s, and Croxen’s, with Major Lothian at the head of the reserve, and marching onwards with all speed, reached in two days within sight of Oswestry—it is supposed between Halston and Whittington. During this interval of time the royalists had not obtained full possession of the town, though consisting, as Sir Thomas Myddleton says, “of the most valiant commanders and soldiers, drawn out of the garrisons of Chester, Cheshire, Shrewsbury, Shropshire, Ludlow, Denbighshire, Flintshire, and other places.” They had possessed themselves of the Church, but had made no inroad upon the Castle. Myddleton’s approach having been made known, Colonel Marrow marched out from the town, determined to attack him before his troops could recruit themselves after their long march. “They had taken the passage of water neere to Whittington,” says Sir Thomas, in his letter to Lenthall, the Speaker, “and very furiously assaulted and charged us, but were repulsed and forced to retire, through the courage of our horse, who most courageously entertained the enemy. Three several times the skirmish was doubtful; either side being forced so often to retreat. But in the end, our foot forces, coming up, relieved the horse, beat back the enemy, and pursued them with such force, that our horse being thereby encouraged, which indeed was formerly weary, joining with the foot, they put the enemy to an absolute flight, in which we pursued them five miles towards Shrewsbury, to a place called ‘Felton Heath,’ and where we remained after their flight, again masters of the field. In the skirmish with the enemy, and in the pursuite, we lost several of our horse, some of our troopers, but never a footman, which I am yet informed of. As for the enemy they lost several stout men; had many of them taken prisoners, some of them being of great quality, as the Lord Newport’s eldest son; and besides, in their flight, such was their haste, that we found in our pursuite the highway as it were strewed with bread, cheese, bacon, and other good provisions; clothes, and such necessary appurtenances to an army, besides some whole veals and muttons, new killed.” Sir Thomas adds, that “his forces followed up their blow nearly to Shrewsbury, and that Majors Manley and Whitney were afterwards taken under the walls of that town, in pursuite of them.”

This affair closed the struggle between the royalist and parliamentary forces for the possession of Oswestry. On the very day on which Sir Thomas Myddleton raised the siege, Prince Rupert was signally defeated at Marston Moor, with the loss of ten thousand men killed and taken prisoners. Colonel Mytton must subsequently have delegated his command as temporary Governor of Oswestry, as we find him soon afterwards actively engaged in commanding the parliamentary troops in the conquest of Shrewsbury. That event happened early in 1645, when the town was placed in the hands of the parliamentarians. At this period we find Mytton named, in several public documents, as Major-General in the parliamentary army, and some time afterwards as Commander-in-chief of the forces in North Wales.

All the historical records referring to this period give evidence of the arduous duties of General Mytton, and of the difficulties which he had suffered in maintaining his hold upon Oswestry. A letter which we here give indicates the straits he was in, and at the same time the friendly offers of support made to him in the county. The letter is from a Mr. Edward Mynshull, of Bearstone, near Drayton:—

“Honoble Sr,

I came to Drayton, hearinge you were there, butt unfortunately mist
of you, yor honor lyeinge in Stafforde the night before; I have since
then waited yor retorne from London, haveinge 30 able men in
readiness, and 20 of them well armed, to doe yor honor servise. I
have kepte them together upon my owne charge, and should have bin
glad they might have bin accepted in Ossestrie, to doe duty for
theire free quarters till yor honor had returned. I motioned this to
Major Goldegay, butt itt could nott be granted without an order from
the Comitte. Sr, I am resolved to doe you servise, or no man; and
for my fidelity, I will engage £400, paid in Shropshire, and if you
please, as much in Cheshire; if yor honor please, I could wish to
have a comission sent me by the first, because I only tooke itt in
direction from yor honor, and whether thatt may suporte me in yor
honor’s absence, (should I be questioned) I make a doubte of. Sr, my
request is, I may have order by the first, to martch to Osestree,
where I and my men will doe duty for free quarters, (requireinge noe
pay) till yor honor retorneth; and lett me receive order from Major
Goldegay to thatt purpose, if you soe please, for were I settled in a
garrison, I could have men sufficient. I beseech yor honor retorne
me yor pleasure by the first, and I shall willingly embrace yor
commands; if yor honor send to Hugh Bate, Shoemaker, in Wem, he will
convey yor letter to Mr. Jon. Grosvenor, in Berson, from whence itt
will come safe to me. Sr, I pray for yor honors prosperity and safe
retorne, and whilst I live I shall remaine

Att yor servise,
EDWARDE MYNSHULL.”

“Berson, April 25th, 1645.”

The fall of Shrewsbury into the power of the Parliament was marked by “a solemn thanksgiving throughout the City of London,” on the 12th March; Mytton was summoned to appear before the House of Commons on the 29th of that month, and “Master Speaker, in the name, and by the command of the whole House, gave him hearty thanks for his many and faithfull services done to the state; giving him all encouragement to persist in the same: especially for that gallant service of Shrewsbury; assuring him that he shall never want the encouragement of the House of Parliament in his undertakings.”

General Mytton had evidently embarked all his energies in the parliamentary cause; yet notwithstanding the tribute paid to him by the Commons, it does not appear that he obtained from that source any more substantial honours. This neglect seems to have given him much pain. A letter to him from the Duke of Northumberland, about this period, shews that even the Governorship of Oswestry was not actually accorded to him till late in the year 1645. The letter we subjoin:—

“Sr,

By an indisposition in my health, I have not beene able for some
dayes to attend the Committie of both kingdomes, so as I can not give
you so good an account of your businesse as I desired, but I heare
that a commission for your being governor of Oswallds-tree is
alreadie signed; to-morrow I shall make a further enquirie after this
particular, and if it be in my power to contribute any thing towards
your satisfaction, none shall more readily assist you then

Your very affectionate freind and servant,

“London, Nov. 21, 1645.”

NORTHUMBERLAND.”

“For my very loveing Freind, Col. Mytton.”

The conquest of Shrewsbury, by the parliamentary troops, is generally acknowledged to have been achieved by the gallantry and superior tactics of General Mytton; and having accomplished so signal a service for his party, he naturally expected, now that the Governorship of that town was vacant, that the office would he conferred upon him. His ancient relation to the town, his ancestors having been inhabitants and burgesses for upwards of four centuries, added strength to his claim. All his important services to the Parliament were, however, of no weight, and the Governorship was bestowed upon another man. We are told that “Colonel Mytton’s politics were getting very fast out of fashion. He had sided with the Parliament only for the limitation of prerogative, not for the subversion of the monarchy. The Presbyterians, to whom, it appears, he belonged, had no insurmountable objections to the office of a king, provided he was under their controul: or to a national establishment of religion, if its revenues were at their disposal. But those who commence important changes in a state have seldom the satisfaction of reaping the fruit of their labours. Spirits more ardent, with views more extensive, step in between them and the consummation of their designs.” With Sir William Waller, another of the ablest and most successful commanders of the Presbyterian party, he could say, “after the expence of so much blood and treasure, all the difference between our former and present estate is this, that before-time, under the complaint of a slavery we lived like freemen; and now, under the notion of a freedom, we live like slaves, enforced by continual taxes and oppressions, to maintain and feed on our miseries.”

Although General Mytton had been thus ungratefully treated by the Parliament, he still occupied his military position, for we find that in 1648 he was engaged with Sir Thomas Myddleton in the attack upon Caernarvonshire and Anglesey. In June of that year the Speaker of the House of Commons communicated to him a letter, highly approving his “good and faithfull service” against “Sir John Owen and his rebellious crewe.” The letter referred to is a curiosity, as it shows the blasphemous freedom which Cromwell’s parliament took with the holy name of GOD:—

“Sir,

I received a letter subscribed by yourself and the Governor of
Conway, wherein you gave an account of the late successe wherewith
God hath beene pleased to blesse the forces under both yor commands
and conductes in yor late expedition into Carnarvonshire, against Sir
John Owen and his rebellious crewe, wch I have imparted to the house,
and hath beene there read. Yor good and faithfull service in that
expedition is soe well represented, that I am comanded, as from the
house and in their name, to returne thanks for the same, wch hereby I
doe, and you are desired to do the like to those officers and
souldiers under the charge and comand wch God hath beene pleased to
make instrumentall in the obteyning of such a seasonable mercy, and
withall to represent to the house what course (like to be effectual)
may bee taken for remunerating ye officers and souldiers for their
good service. This beeing all I have in comand at present, I shall
only add that I am

Yor assured loveing freind,
WM. LENTHALL, SPEAKER.”

“June the 13th, 1648.”

Lenthall, the Speaker, was profuse, as we have shewn, in compliments, but still no substantial mark of favour upon General Mytton was bestowed. The Committee to whom the appointment of Governor of Shrewsbury Castle had been referred had long before found “reasons of weight to put another” in that office, after having held it in their own hands for some time. In 1647 the Governorship was filled by Humphrey Mackworth, Esq., of Betton, a Presbyterian, and Colonel in the army, who occupied the post till his death, in 1654, and having been one of Cromwell’s Privy Council, was buried in Henry VII.’s Chapel in Westminster Abbey, on the 26th December, with great magnificence. He was succeeded in office at Shrewsbury by Thomas Hunt, Esq., representative of the town in Parliament, and a Colonel in the army. Mytton retired to London, from what immediate cause there is no record to show; but some writers assert that he resigned his command. In 1651 we find that the Parliament again solicited Major-General Mytton’s services, the following letter having been forwarded to him by the President Bradshawe. The kingdom was disturbed at this period by the Scottish Covenanters, under the nominal command of Charles II.:—

“Sr,

The Scotts army being now entred into England, and bending their
course towards those parts where wee know you have a good interest,
wee conceive your presence there may bee of use for the service of
the Commonwealth; wee therefore desire you forthwith to repaire into
the Countie of Salop, and there, with the rest of your fellow
Commissioners, doe your best endeavour, and put out your interest
there for the raiseing of what force of horse and foot you can, for
the service of the Commonwealth in this present exigency of affaires.

Signed in the name and by order of the Councell of
State, appointed by authority of Parliament,
JO: BRADSHAWE, PRSIDT.”

“Whitehall, 14th August, 1651.”

“For Major General Thomas Mytton.”

Most probably by this time General Mytton had grown tired with the hard toils of intestine warfare, and become disgusted with the faithlessness of the men whom he had so ardently and faithfully served; for we do not find that he complied with Bradshawe’s letter, or took any further part in public affairs. He died in the metropolis in the year 1656, and his body was taken down to Shrewsbury, and interred in St. Chad’s Church there.

THE RESTORATION.

It is unnecessary here to do more than merely advert to the unhappy close of Charles I.’s reign, the triumphs of Cromwell, and the bold and manly efforts made by Charles II. to obtain the Crown which had been so violently wrested from his father. Although Cromwell had made himself Lord Protector of England, Scotland, and Ireland, yet he reposed not on a bed of roses. “Every party in the kingdom soon became disgusted with Cromwell’s dominion. The royalists were indignant to see the ancient monarchy usurped by an upstart who had no hereditary claim upon their allegiance; the republicans were mortified to see all their blood and efforts, which had been spent for the setting-up of the Commonwealth, lavished only for the support of a government which, in everything but the name, was a most despotic monarchy; the Presbyterians were chagrined at the favour of their rivals, the Independents, and at a general toleration of every religious denomination (except the Church of England).” Conspiracies and plots were hatched in many parts of the land; and the Protector was kept on the alert by daily intelligence that the exiled king would challenge the usurper, and claim the British throne as soon as a favourable opportunity presented itself for so bold an enterprise. Cromwell, however, after various struggles with the royalist forces, was summoned to “the house appointed for all men living.” He was succeeded, for a brief period, by his son Richard, who speedily retired from public life. General Monk, who had been an intrepid commander both of the royalist and the parliamentary forces, and who possessed powerful influence in the country, on the death of the Protector Cromwell wisely threw the weight of that influence into the royalist scale, and adopted measures at once to bring back Charles II. from France to England. Upon that joyful event all ranks hastened to return to their allegiance, and on the 29th of May, 1660, Charles II. set his foot again upon British soil, and immediately assumed the functions of sovereignty.

During the events to which we have been adverting the town of Oswestry suffered much privation and distress by the feuds and divisions into which all classes of men were thrown. A letter from Mr. John Griffith to Major-General Mytton, dated January 7th, 1650, shows that Oswestry was enduring much hardship. The letter, which is copied from the Halston MSS., is as follows:—

“Honor’d Sir,

I receaved a note from * * * * to write unto yor honor concerning our
sufferings. I presume yor honor knowes the maner of our sufferings,
and how we may be releeved is better known to you then to us. The
Baylifes and the rest of the sufferinge people of Oswestree depende
much upon your assistance, and hope yor honor will have a fitt
opportunity to doe this poor towne good. * * * I shall make bould to
put yor honor in mind of your promise to draw a petition to the
Parliament wth yor owne handes, wch we all hope you will doe before
yor returne, and then yor honor shall further ingadge the whole towne
ever to pray for yor honor, and especially

Yor servant,
JOHN GRIFFITH.”

“Osw., the 7th of January, 1650.”

“To the Honrable Major Generall Mytton, at London.”

There are no records extant showing precisely the position of civil and military affairs, as regards the town of Oswestry, in the struggles of Charles II. for the Crown. The parliamentary party held firm possession of all towns which they had taken, and against Charles they fought as fiercely as against his murdered father. Whatsoever the position of Oswestry was at the period to which we are referring, that of a valiant neighbour, Sir Thomas Myddleton, of Chirk Castle, was dangerous and deeply painful. In 1659, upon the royalists of Cheshire, headed by Sir George Booth, declaring in favour of Charles, the venerable old man, then eighty years of age, decided in favour of the ancient constitution, believing monarchy to be indispensable to the settlement of the nation, and proclaimed Charles II. at Wrexham. For this act he suffered severely, but was named afterwards as Commander-in-chief of the Counties of North Wales, and as Governor of Shrewsbury, although this latter nomination seems to have embarrassed Sir Edward Hyde, Chief Minister of Charles II., as likely to clash with the views of his friend Lord Newport, who had ever been a staunch friend to the royalist cause.

The events of public interest that occurred in connection with the town subsequent to the Restoration were “few and far between.” The most important act in Charles II.’s reign was his grant in 1673 of a Charter, which, looking at the privileges it confers upon the town, is considered by some to be the Magna Charta of Oswestry. Its importance to the borough, as its provisions are still acted upon in the leading Law-Court of the town, justifies us in giving a correct abridgment of it:—

The Charter

was granted

“to the ancient Borough and Corporation of Oswestry, alias
Oswaldstrey, in the County of Salop: That they be encorporated by the
name of THE MAYOR, ALDERMEN, COMMON-COUNCIL-MEN, AND BURGESSES OF
OSWESTRY; and that they are empowered to purchase lands to them and
their heirs for ever, and to give and bequeath or otherwise dispose
of the same: That the said corporation may have one common seal for
dispatching of all business concerning the said borough; and to
change and make new their same seal, as often as they shall think
convenient: That there be Twelve Aldermen and Fifteen
Common-council-men; whereof one of the said aldermen is to be
Steward: and that whoever is chosen steward, must come in as an
alderman. And that there shall be chosen a discreet person for
Recorder, well learned in the law, who must be one of the
Common-council-men: That the said borough may have one house of
meeting, to be called the Guild-hall of the said town; and that the
mayor, aldermen, common-council-men, steward, and recorder may meet
there, or in any other convenient place within the said borough, for
making, establishing, &c. any laws, orders, &c. for the better
government of the said corporation; and to declare in what manner the
said mayor, &c. may manage themselves in the negociation of the said
borough: and that the said mayor, aldermen, &c. or the greatest part
of them, may imprison the bodies or impose fines or otherwise, upon
all such as shall offend against the said laws, &c. and that the one
moiety of the said fines to be levied for the use of the said mayor,
aldermen, &c.; and the other moiety to the use of the lord of the
manor: provided, such laws, &c. be not repugnant to the laws of the
land, or contrary thereto, or prejudicial to the lord of the manor:
That Richard Pope, first mayor, continue in his mayoralty from the
day of the date hereof, until the next Friday after the feast of St.
Michael, the Archangel, 1674, and until another be sworn in his
stead. Sir John Trevor, knt.; Morgan Wynne, esquire; Edward Owen,
Richard Edwards, Richard Lloyd, the aforesaid Richard Pope,
gentlemen; Gabriel Edwards, woollen-draper; Hugh Price,
woollen-draper; John Jones, mercer; Richard Jones, John Blodwell,
gentlemen; and John Lloyd, mercer, to be the first aldermen; and to
continue in their office during life, unless for just cause any of
them shall be removed by the mayor, aldermen, common-council-men, &c.
or the greatest part of them.—Richard Price, brewer; Richard Jones,
mercer; John Glover, tanner; Richard Jones, glover; Edwd. Evans,
apothecary; John Jones, glover; John Muckleston, shoemaker; Thomas
Edwards, gentleman; Thomas Edwards, baker; Nathaniel Jones, brewer;
Hugh Edwards, shoemaker; Timothy George, mercer; Thomas Vaughan,
chandler; William Price, butcher; and Thomas Felton, brasier, to be
the first common-council-men; and to continue in office during life,
unless removed as aforesaid. The mayor, &c. to meet on the next
Friday after Michaelmas, yearly, and to choose at that time, out of
the common-council-men, a new mayor; and to swear him in then, if
present, or within twenty-one days next after such election, before
the old mayor or (in his absence) before two or more of the aldermen
of the said borough. If the mayor happen to die, or be removed out
of his place for not well demeaning himself, or for any other just
cause, before the expiration of the said year, that then and in such
case, the aldermen, and common-council-men, &c. or the major part of
them, shall elect and choose another mayor for the executing the said
office of mayoralty during the remainder only of the said year. And
upon the decease of any aldermen or common-council-men, to choose
others to make up the number; administering to them their oaths for
the executing of their places: and that they shall be sworn in the
presence of the mayor, or (in case of his absence) of the aldermen,
common-council-men, or the major part of them. In case the mayor be
sick or absent, that the mayor may constitute and appoint one of the
aldermen to be his deputy; and that being duly sworn, he may
officiate the place of mayoralty during such sickness or absence, as
fully and effectually in every respect as the said mayor might or
could have done personally. When Morgan Wynne, the present Recorder,
dies, or should happen to be dismissed, that the mayor, aldermen,
&c., choose another, able and experienced in the law, within one
month after such decease or dismission. The mayor, coroner, steward
and recorder, during the time and term of holding their places, shall
be Justices of the Peace, &c., and that each and every of them are
Clerks of the Market, to settle weights and measures, and all other
laws and ordinances incident thereto; and to officiate the same as
fully and effectually as any other of his Majesty’s justices of the
peace might or could do. Sir John Trevor, knight; Robert Owen, and
Edward Kinaston, esquires, or any of them, to swear the first mayor;
and that the mayor being sworn, he is to swear the coroner, steward,
recorder, &c. That the mayor, steward, and recorder, or any two of
them (whereof the mayor to be one) may keep a Quarter Sessions for
all offences, as fully and effectually as the justices of the said
county of Salop may do; and that any one of them may commit to the
common gaol of the said county any person accused of treason, murder,
man-slaughter, or felony, whatsoever: and that the justices of the
said county have no power to intermeddle with the said borough upon
any cause whatsoever. That the mayor (for the time being), shall
choose any inhabitants of the borough, Constables; and to swear them
in accordingly. The mayor to choose two Sergeants, to attend upon
him or his deputy, when required; and to continue for one year (if
they well demean themselves): and that the said sergeants shall carry
two maces with his Majesty’s and successors’ arms, and the arms of
the lord of the manor thereon, in their hands or upon their shoulders
bare-headed, before the mayor, when required: and that the said
sergeants shall be sworn by the mayor, for the due executing of all
precepts, warrants, &c. The last mayor to be Coroner, who shall have
as full power to officiate as any other coroner in any of his
Majesty’s counties hath, or may have; and not to execute his power
before he be sworn before the mayor or his deputy: and upon the death
of any coroner, the mayor, aldermen, &c., to choose another. A Court
of Record to be kept every Friday, at the guild-hall, before the
mayor or his deputy; and to try all actions and causes whatsoever, as
fully as the bailiffs and burgesses formerly did, or as fully as any
corporation in his Majesty’s kingdom do, or did formerly: and that
the mayor, &c. shall have to their use the one moiety of the issues,
amerciaments, &c.; and the other moiety thereof, to the use of the
lord of the manor. John Morral to be Common Clerk of the Borough,
and Clerk of the Court; and may have a deputy, to be appointed by the
steward: that the common clerk to be nominated by the lord of the
manor, and to be sworn, as well as all other officers by the mayor:
that if he shall not reside in the said borough, then he shall
employ, in his absence, an honest and able attorney of the said
court, to be approved of by the steward: and the said attorney shall
officiate in the time of his absence.—Six Attornies to be of the
court: whereof four to be chosen by the mayor, and two by the
steward. One Marshal, or Crier to be chosen by the mayor. The
mayor, aldermen, &c. to have within the borough a Gaol or Prison, for
detaining of all prisoners, committed by the mayor, steward, or
recorder, or any of them: and that the mayor, recorder, clerk of the
market, common clerk, marshal, keepers of the prison, and sergeants
(for the time being) shall receive such Fees, &c. as the bailiffs,
&c. of Ludlow, and the said borough, have hitherto received. [Ludlow
fees are half of the Common Pleas.] All burgesses and other
inhabitants of the said borough to pay scot and lot, and to be
assessed for the maintenance, good order, and further profit of the
same; and in default of payment, distresses to be laid upon their
goods.—The mayor, &c. to have power to elect persons who have served
seven years’ apprenticeship, or that have been householders (paying
scot and lot) seven years within the said borough, Burgesses: and
with the approbation of the steward, to make any other person burgess
of the said borough; and so continue, unless for any just cause he be
expelled by the mayor, &c. No Stranger or Foreigner shall exercise
any Trade in the borough (except it be in time of fair) unless he be
a burgess; nor keep any shop, without special licence from the mayor,
aldermen, &c. or the major part of them: the mayor, &c. to punish
such foreigners and strangers by fines, and to distress upon their
goods, in default of payment. The mayor and corporation, and
burgesses, Exempt from serving on Juries out of the borough, at
assizes or quarter-sessions. The corporation to have return of
writs; and all which returns to be made by the mayor. No
high-sheriff, or any of his officers, to enter the liberty, unless in
defect of the mayor for the time being. The mayor or clerk to
receive recognizances, according to form of Statute Merchant, or
Acton Burnell; and to make execution, &c. as fully as any other town
can do, by virtue of the said statute: and that there shall be a seal
for the sealing of those recognizances. The mayor and corporation
may purchase lands, &c. not exceeding £50 a year, but such as are not
held _in capite_ or knight’s service. The said borough is to enjoy
two Markets weekly, for ever; that is, one on Wednesday and the other
on Friday. To have a Fair on the 2nd, 3rd, and 4th days of March,
yearly; and the fairs on the 1st and 2nd of May, the 4th and 5th of
August, and the 29th and 30th of November, to be continued as
heretofore. And if any of the said fairs shall fall upon the
Lord’s-day, then the same to be kept on the Monday following. The
mayor, &c. may hold a Court of Pie-poudre at the time of the fairs;
and to take the usual tolls of markets and fairs—all rights, &c. of
the lord of the manor excepted.”

The privileges secured to the inhabitants of the borough by this Charter must, at the time of its being granted, have been very valuable, and no doubt contributed greatly to the good government and prosperity of the town, during subsequent times. Some of such privileges have been superseded by the provisions of the Municipal Corporation Act, 5 & 6, William 4th, cap. 76, entitled “An Act to provide for the Regulation of Municipal Corporations in England and Wales,” and other modern enactments; but others still remain, although the value and convenience of them appear in some degree to be overlooked. The Charter secures some peculiar privileges with respect to trade which may not probably harmonize with modern views and notions; but the privileges of trying at Quarter Sessions all offences, except felonies, committed within the borough, and of suing for debts, unlimited in amount, in the Court of Record, ought not to be regarded otherwise than as precious relics of byegone times. It is true, that the Court of Quarter Sessions has been constantly and regularly held by the most able Recorder, J. R. Kenyon, Esq.; but the Court of Record has of late years been so seldom resorted to, that on a late occasion, when a cause was tried before it, a local newspaper referred to it with special wonder, hinting its surprise that, in a place where the weapons of legal warfare were so easily obtained, the inhabitants should so long have ceased to use them, and to remain in peace amongst themselves, without any legal strife in a Court of Record. Although, however, debts without limit, as regards amount, may be sued for, the final process of the Court is confined to the borough, and cannot be put in force beyond its boundary; and this circumstance, connected also with the facilities for the recovery of debts afforded by the Small Debts Act, has rendered resort to the Court of Record less frequent than, under other circumstances, it doubtless would have been; still, to have it is a privilege, as is also the exemption from serving on Juries at the Assizes, or County Quarter Sessions, secured by the Charter.

The RESTORATION brought with it, of course, the ascendancy of loyal subjects and monarchical principles in all parts of the realm. Charles, however, did not make the wisest use of the power and influence he had newly acquired; and the closing hours of his life proved that his religious principles, unfixed and vacillating, were ill adapted to the requirements of the age. Howsoever much other parts of the kingdom were disturbed during this reign, the town of Oswestry would seem to have resumed a tranquil position: the injury and damage sustained in it during the many years of disquietude and war were partially restored; the ancient Church was gradually repaired; but the Castle, so dilapidated and broken down, was permitted to lie in ruins; the crown made no effort to restore it; and by degrees its shattered walls and fallen columns were carried away by nocturnal depredators, until at length the vestiges of the fortress consisted of little more than the mound still left in our sight.

In 1681, only four years before Charles’s death, a polemic scene was enacted in Oswestry, which, from the celebrity of the parties engaged in it, forms no uninteresting feature in the history of the town. Charles’s reign was marked by odious political intolerance and injustice. He aimed at absolutism, and was as regardless of religious liberty as of religion itself. The controversy to which we have alluded occurred in the Guildhall of Oswestry, in September, 1681, and was conducted throughout in a spirit of candour and moderation not frequently to be witnessed in that turbulent period. The leading parties engaged were Dr. Lloyd, Bishop of St. Asaph (the prelate who preached the first sermon in the Chapel Royal to William III.), and the distinguished Philip Henry, of Broad Oak, Flintshire (father of the erudite and evangelical Matthew Henry, the Commentator on the Bible). Other nonconformist Ministers were present, and took part in the proceedings, especially Mr. James Owen, then of Oswestry—but afterwards of Shrewsbury Seminary for the education of Dissenting Ministers—a man of considerable acquirements and genuine piety. The Bishop, upon his elevation to the episcopal chair, was desirous of securing the conformity of those who dissented, and “that he might do it with the cords of a man, he resolved to reason the matter with them, and endeavour to effect their conviction by discourse, in which he had a very great facility both by learning and temper.” The account from which we derive these particulars goes on to state, that “one of the most eminent nonconformist ministers in his diocese was Mr. James Owen, of Oswestry. The Bishop had several interviews with Mr. Owen in private. At last he appointed a meeting to be held in the Town Hall, Oswestry, on Tuesday, the 27th of September, 1681, at which he requested Mr. Owen to give an account ‘by what right he exercised the ministry, not having episcopal ordination.’ He also directed him to procure any other ministers he could to assist him, for ‘he would be glad to hear what any of them had to say for themselves.’ Mr. Owen sought the co-operation of Mr. Henry, which, after much hesitation, was granted; to whom also was joined Mr. Jonathan Roberts, ‘a plain man of great integrity, and a very good scholar.’ On the day appointed the Bishop made his appearance with the famous Henry Dodwell. In those days of intolerance, some parties had refrained from engaging in the controversy, ‘lest it might be prejudicial to their liberty. The Bishop, however, was pleased to promise that no thing which should be said, by way of argument, should be any way turned to the prejudice of the disputants, nor advantage taken of it to give them trouble.’ There was convened a large number of the gentry and clergy of the neighbourhood, the magistrates of the town, and a great concourse of people. The discussion lasted from two in the afternoon till between seven and eight at night. ‘Much was said, pro and con, touching the identity of bishops and presbyters, the bishoping and unbishoping of Timothy and Titus, &c. It was managed with a great deal of liberty, and not under the strict laws of disputation.’ ‘The Bishop won golden opinions from all parties on account of the gravity, calmness, and evenness of spirit’ with which he conducted his part; while he seems to have been so much gratified with the temper of his opponents, as to have formed from that time a most intimate friendship with Mr. Henry.” The report does not inform us whether the Bishop was convinced by the arguments of the nonconformists. That Philip Henry retained his opinions is undeniable; for he never ceased advocating, with Christian zeal and moderation, the principles of nonconformity. It is gratifying, however, to read of so tolerant and well-conducted a disputation in so persecuting an age; it speaks much in favor of the just and beneficent spirit of Bishop Lloyd.

The reign of James II. offers no particular incident in relation to Oswestry. As a sovereign he was worthless and dangerous. His darling objects were, the establishment, throughout the land, of the Roman Catholic religion, and the restriction of popular freedom. During his brief occupation of the throne he paid a visit to Shrewsbury and Whitchurch; and on his way from the metropolis sojourned at Ludlow for a night, and passed through the Strettons. The people of Shrewsbury had not been favoured with a royal visit for nearly half a century, and were now disposed to give the monarch a cordial reception. All the public functionaries were trained and disciplined as to duty, for an incident had occurred in the royal progress, so ludicrous in character, that the Shrewsbury corporation resolved it should not be re-enacted amid their loyal congratulations. The story to which we refer may be true or fabulous; but it is too good not to be connected with a notice of James’s reign: and, after all, the mayor of the town where the scene is laid, in adopting literally the promptings of the learned recorder, was not, to use a common phrase, “so great a fool as he seemed to be.” If King James had received those promptings in a wise spirit—mirth-exciting as they must have been—he might have been a good sovereign, and had around him loyal and devoted subjects.

The mayor whose absurdities we are about to describe is said to have been both illiterate and dull, incapable of reading or remembering an address. It was settled therefore, says the tale, that the recorder should stand behind him, to set him right if he happened to be out. When they (the corporation) were ushered into the royal presence, and the chief magistrate was about to commence his harangue, as he appeared somewhat sheepish and embarassed, his friendly monitor whispered in his ear, “_Hold up your head_, _sir_, _and look like a man_!” Mistaking this for the beginning of his speech, he boldly stared the king in the face, and roared out, “_Hold_, _up your head_, _sir_, _and look like a man_!” Alarmed at the frightful blunder just made, the recorder whispered to the chief magistrate (who at this moment must have resembled the celebrated Mayor of Garrat, with two nosegays in his coat), “_What the d—l do you mean_, _sir_?” The mayor, as stolid as ever, and nothing abashed, thundered out the recorder’s exclamation as boldly as before. The recorder, indignant and irritated, muttered, “By heavens, sir, you’ll ruin us all!” His worship, taking this to be a continuance of the speech, and still staring his majesty full in the face, with a yet louder voice repeated, “_By heavens_, _sir_, _you’ll ruin us all_!” Even kingly patience could bear this no longer, and rising, his majesty in an angry tone demanded what was the meaning of this jargon? when the recorder laid before him “the facts of the case,” and the king passed the affair by with a gracious smile.

THE REVOLUTION.

The Revolution of 1688 brought over to England William III.; and his reign was followed by that of “good Queen Anne.” Her reign has been termed the Augustan era of English literature, as it was graced with the polished writings of Sir Isaac Newton, Addison, Steele, Farquar (who laid the scene of his comedy, “_The Recruiting Officer_,” in Shrewsbury, and who, in his epistle dedicatory, first used the lively sentiment, “To all friends round the Wrekin,” now one of the social laws of Salop), of Vanbrugh, Prior, Pope, Parnell, Garth, Gay, _cum multis aliis_. Instructed as the nation was by these and other eminent men, still bigotry and enthusiasm were evidenced by many in matters of religion and politics. In the year 1709 the nation was thrown into a gentle ferment by the indiscreet conduct of the government towards an obscure clergyman named Sacheverell (who had long been starving on a poor curacy in London), in consequence of his having preached and published two scurrilous and intemperate sermons, of which red-hot politics were the staple. He was summoned to the bar of the House of Lords, and impeached. The Whig ministry viewed his attacks with alarm, and he was sentenced not to preach for three years. This persecution, as the proceedings of the government were called at once martyrised Sacheverell, who suddenly found himself famous. A gentleman residing in the neighbourhood of Oswestry, Robert Lloyd, Esq., of Aston, sympathized with the suffering Sacheverell, and became his friend. Mr. Lloyd had been the doctor’s pupil at Magdalen College, Oxford; and as the rectory of Sylattyn, in his gift, became vacant at this juncture, he presented it to the high-church meteor. This was doubtless a god-send to the doctor, who set off from London, to take possession of his new living, with all the state which a corrupt popularity could give to him. A Tory writer of Queen Anne’s reign tells us that “he entered upon his triumphant progress to Shropshire. He was magnificently entertained at Oxford by the University, and received in the other great towns he passed through (Shrewsbury and Oswestry included) with the loud acclamations and joyful congratulations of the people, upon his deliverance from whig persecution.” In Shrewsbury the crier was sent about to proclaim his arrival, and the bells were rung in honour of the event. As he passed through Oswestry, it is related, the crowd assembled to witness his arrival was so great, that an enthusiastic old woman, a great dabbler in politics and religion, no doubt, was so excited in her endeavours to obtain a sight of the distinguished bigot, that she succeeded only in catching a passing glance at his figure and periwig. “I could see only part of the holy man,” she exclaimed, “but I console myself with having had a sight of his ever-blessed wig as he rode along.” This sort of mummery was not confined to Oswestry. In many towns people were desirous to have their new-born infants christened with a name so revered; which, having been transmitted through succeeding generations, is not yet extinct in this county. On his return to London he met with nothing but laudations, except at Worcester, where, by the direction of Bishop Lloyd, a suitable rebuff was administered to him. Of Dr. Sacheverell nothing more was heard worthy of transcription. Like most other men whose popularity is created by intolerant doctrines in religion or politics, he speedily found that his sudden greatness was as mutable as it was undeserved.

The death of Queen Anne, in 1714, secured to the kingdom the Brunswick Dynasty. The Act of Settlement, passed in the reign of William III., provided that the crown of Great Britain should henceforth be held only by Protestant Princes. James Stuart, Queen Anne’s brother, known more popularly as the Pretender, could not reign in England because he was a Roman Catholic, and George, Duke of Brunswick, and Elector of Hanover, a Protestant Prince, whose mother was grand-daughter of James I., became King of Great Britain. The Brunswick succession has continued till the present time, the united kingdom deriving especial benefits from the reigns of the three Georges, of William IV., and of Queen Victoria. Under the sway of George III. enlarged freedom, civil and religious, was extended to his subjects; arts, science, and commerce flourished, and the people made rapid advancement in religious and moral improvement. The memorable wish of the venerable monarch George III., “That every one of his subjects should read and possess the Bible”—a far more generous sentiment than that of the French King who desired to see the day when every one of his subjects should be able to put a fowl into the pot once a week—was largely realized through the instrumentality of Robert Raikes, Dr. Bell, and Joseph Lancaster, the great promoters of education in the land, and by, also, the foundation of the British and Foreign Bible Society, whose distribution of the Scriptures gave an impulse to religious and benevolent efforts which have been increasing in usefulness and efficiency to the present day. Under the auspices of George IV. the nation derived numerous blessings, deficient as he was of many of the bright qualities that ought to shine in the moral diadem of a British King. The reign of William IV.—the Sailor King, as he has been familiarly but appropriately called—was rendered illustrious by his intense regard for the interests of the people, and his sanction to the Second Great Charter of British rights. Under the mild and gracious rule of our beloved Sovereign QUEEN VICTORIA, the rights and privileges of Britons are held sacred; literature, arts, and science have acquired “a more than double sway;” commerce and manufactures, in a multiplicity of forms, for the comfort and luxury of mankind, have careered onwards with giant steps, that have astonished and delighted the wisest and the best; the social comforts of all classes of the British community are rendered almost boundless by the progress of invention, the ingenuity of mechanical skill, and the unceasing activity of all industrial pursuits; the unrighteous laws that prohibited the importation of corn have been abolished; free trade in bread has been established with all the nations of the earth; ancient grinding monopolies have been destroyed; national imposts reduced; the just demands of the people speedily granted; harsh feudal laws, carrying with them inhuman punishments, have been blotted out of the Statute-book; “man’s inhumanity to man,” under the sanction of Acts of Parliament, has been softened if not wholly subdued; the just principle of national brotherhood, inculcated by divine precept, has gained vital force; religion has become less sectarian, and more thoroughly Christian in profession and practice; the helping hand of man to his brother man, in the hour of necessity, is seen now more actively at work than ever; the people at large are united as one man, in all great designs of philanthropy and benevolence, and in all puissant combinations against injustice and oppression; our QUEEN and her enlightened and virtuous CONSORT are ever watchful for the country’s weal. The reign of VICTORIA is thus far the brightest page of regal history, because it has been pre-eminently the best. We may sum up in the eloquent language of Dr. Southwood Smith:—“We live in a glorious age. The rapidity of the progress of liberal opinion, and I will add, of liberal feeling, within these few years has been unexampled in the history of our race. Sometimes indeed the tide of improvement like the tide of the ocean may appear to have receded; but soon, as if deriving strength from its momentary retreat, slow, majestic, irresistible, it has rolled beyond its former limit; but, unlike its type, it has not returned, _and it will not return_, to the boundary it has passed.”

Topographical History.

OSWESTRY is one of the most interesting of the English Border towns, as we have already endeavoured to show; its early history, in various conflicting ages, being crowded with incidents to give to it a lasting renown. In its present state it offers numerous claims to public attention; and the time does not seem far distant when it will take its rank among the more flourishing towns of the empire. Having railway communication direct with the metropolis, the great seats of manufacturing industry in the northern counties, and by a new line of conveyance, both of passengers and goods, _via_ the rapidly-rising town and port of Birkenhead, with the sister kingdom, its importance and improvement will quickly increase. Nor is the contemplated railway extension from Oswestry to Welshpool and Newtown to be overlooked, as that may soon lead to the still further construction of a railway forming a junction with the projected line from the latter place to the busy town of Llanidloes, and stretching onward till it reaches the great harbour in course of formation at Milford Haven. With such “means and appliances” the trade and commerce of Oswestry are not likely to retrograde; and although we possess not the poetical and sanguine temperament of Griffith of Glyn Ceiriog, who, some centuries ago, fancied that “in merchandise it resembled Cheapside,” in London, yet we have no doubt that Oswestry, which is now prospering commercially, and diffusing much good, both morally and religiously, will advance steadily forward in the march of general and social improvement. We are too gallant not heartily to concur on another point with the Welsh poet just quoted. In his days, he says, “The handsomest women, and the most becomingly drest, are those of Oswestry.” If we did not unhesitatingly applaud this opinion of a Welshman, we should consider ourselves unworthy the name of Englishmen!

The site of Oswestry is remarkable. It stands upon more elevated ground than any other town in Shropshire, being 450 feet above the level of the sea. Its commanding position freely exposes to the gaze of the delighted spectator a range of landscape scenery which, for variety, beauty, and grandeur, cannot be excelled in any part of the kingdom. On the heights above the town the prospect expands. To the south-east the fertile vale of Salop displays its diversified charms, the Nesscliff Rock, Hawkstone (Lord Hill’s beautiful ancestral residence), and the huge and venerable Wrekin peering forth in the distance; whilst the high ridges of the Longmynd and Stiperstones form an uninterrupted chain along the Welsh border, with the bold and abrupt acclivities of Cefn-y-Castell and Moel-y-Golfa; and the Breidden, crowned with Rodney’s Pillar, completes the great natural panorama. Towards the east the Macclesfield hills, dividing Cheshire from Derbyshire, appear. The view on the Welsh side is equally impressive, and may well be called “the paradise of Cambria.”

The fullest topographical description of ancient Oswestry that we have discovered is that of Harrison, who wrote in 1564. He says,

“Oswester is eighteen miles from Shrewsburie, and containeth a mile
within the walls. It hath in like sort foure suburbs or great
streets, of which one is called Stratlan, another Wuliho, the third
Beterich, wherein are one hundred and forty barns, standing in a row,
belonging to the citizens or burgesses, and the fourth named the
Black Gate-street, in which are thirtie barns maintained for corne
and haie. There is also a brooke running thorough the town by the
crosse, coming from Simon’s well, a bowshot without the wall, and
going under the same, between Thorow-gate and New-gate, running under
the Black-gate. There is another, over whose course the Baderikes or
Baderich-gate standeth, and therefore called Baderich brooke; the
third passeth by Willi-gate or New-gate, and these all fall, together
with the Crosse brooke, a mile lower by south, into the Mordaunt.”

Leland, the historian, who briefly sojourned in the town in the reign of Henry VIII., informs us that the northern part, or Beatrice-street, at that period contained “many barns for corn and hay, to the number of vii score several barns;” the eastern, or Black-gate, “xxx barns for corn, with other houses ’longing to the townesmen.” The same writer adds, “There be within the town iii most notable streates, the Cross-streate, the Bayly-streate, and New-gate-streate. The houses withyn the town be of timbre, and slated. There is a castell, sette on a mont be likelihood made by hand; and ditched by south-west, betwixt Beatrise-gate and Willow-gate, to the which the wall comith. There be no towers in the waulles besides the gates. The town is dicked about, and brokettes ren ynto it.” Camden describes Oswestry in his day as “a place of good traffic, inclosed with a wall and ditch, and fortified with a castle.” Pennant’s brief description brings us nearer to the present time. “Oswestry,” he says, “stands just in Shropshire, on the very border of the British frontier. It is 17½ miles from Shrewsbury, 11 from Llangollen, and 179½ from London. The country for several miles round is delightfully varied with hills, vales, wood, and water, and abounds in rich scenery. The prospect on the Montgomery side is terminated abruptly by the august ridge of the prominent mountains of Breiddyn. It is upon higher ground than any other town in Shropshire.”

The Walls referred to by these writers were erected, as we have already stated, by Edward I. (probably under the superintendance of his celebrated architect Elreton, who built both Conway and Caernarvon castles), that he might secure Oswestry as a key to his intended conquest of Wales, and render it less liable to the plundering incursions of the Welsh. These walls were about a mile in circumference, with a skilfully-made intrenchment on the outside, which could be filled with water from the springs in the vicinity. Some remains of this ancient fortification may still be traced, and part of its boundary-line is designated, up to the present time, as “the Walls.”