Chapter XXI: Conclusion: 28th October 1918 to 15th March 1919

At the beginning of November 1918 Germany stood alone against her enemies. The tottering empire of Austria soon shared the fate of Bulgaria and Turkey. The Italian armies, which during the critical summer months had remained inactive, in the late autumn hastened to join in the general onslaught against the crumbling resistance of the Central European States. On the 23rd October the offensive began, and four days later the Piave was crossed by British and Italian forces. As a result of this blow the mouldering edifice of the Hapsburg dominions immediately collapsed, and on the 3rd November Austria[136] accepted the armistice terms of General Diaz.

The military position of Germany was utterly hopeless. While maintaining for a time her grasp on the Meuse against the Americans, she was wholly unable to arrest the progress of the British armies on the northern wing of the far-flung battle front. In the Battles of the Selle, 17th to 25th October, the British forced the passage of the river, and advanced to the line of the Sambre. Bankrupt of hope and device Ludendorff surrendered to the logic of events, and resigned on the 26th October. Surmounting their commissariat difficulties the Americans broke the enemy line on the southern flank of the battle, and this disaster destroyed all chance of the German army being safely withdrawn behind the Rhine for the protection of the Fatherland. The Allied forces were rapidly converging on the hostile lines of communication, and after the great British victory of the 4th November, when the Sambre was crossed and large numbers of prisoners were captured, the retreat developed into a rout. Though the pursuit was retarded by difficulties of transport owing to roads and railways having been mined by the enemy, it was beyond doubt that but for the Armistice on the 11th November the German forces would have been compelled ignominiously to lay down their arms. The Armistice was in fact a capitulation.

During these fateful days the Ninth was reorganising near Harlebeke. After a short spell of rest the troops recovered their wonted vigour and the drawn, haggard look disappeared from the faces of officers and men. On the 5th November the whole Division was reviewed by H.M. the King of the Belgians. After the ceremony H.M. the Queen of the Belgians requested General Tudor to cut from his sleeve the divisional sign (a silver thistle on a blue background); he did so, and then she pinned it on her breast. Ever after the G.O.C. wore only one badge. Every preparation was made for the Division to return to the front line, but as the days passed it became increasingly doubtful if it would see any more fighting; for it was known that the Germans were negotiating for terms, and even the consistent pessimists of all ranks admitted that there was a chance of the war being finished before Christmas. The spread of social agitation within the Fatherland and the flight of the Kaiser to Holland on the 9th November made it impossible for the enemy to do anything but surrender. On the evening of the 10th the news filtered through to the men that Germany had accepted the Armistice terms and that hostilities were to cease on the next day at 11 A.M. The event occasioned the wildest rejoicings and all units in the Division celebrated it by a special divine service on the 11th.

During the following days camp gossip was chiefly concerned with the question as to which British divisions would have the honour of marching through Germany to the bridgehead, which in accordance with the terms of the Armistice was to be formed across the Rhine. There was great jubilation when it became known that the Ninth had been chosen as the left division of the Army of Occupation. It was the only division of the New Armies to take part in the triumphal march.

The march began on the 14th November. Until the 4th December our route lay through the occupied portion of Belgium, and the troops received an exuberant welcome from the officials and inhabitants of the villages and towns through which they passed. Usually the main streets were spanned by arches gaudily decorated with streamers and the flags of the Allies. Here and there effigies clad in the familiar field-grey and suspended from gibbets, revealed clearly the intense hatred of the Belgians for the vanquished foe. The liberated people frequently evinced a childish delight in displaying the ornaments, goods and wines which they had succeeded in concealing from the invaders during the four years of war. Every place gave evidence of the universal respect and affection of the people for their heroic monarch, and there were tremendous rejoicings when on the 22nd November King Albert made his formal entry into the capital. On that occasion the Division was represented by the massed pipers of the Highland Brigade and a company of the same brigade, with platoons from each of the three battalions and the 9th Seaforths. Officers and men were also given an opportunity of visiting the city, and so overwhelming was the welcome of the citizens that they had the greatest difficulty in tearing themselves away from the attractions of Brussels.

On the 4th December the Ninth left the friendly soil of Belgium and entered the unravaged territory of the enemy, most of the battalions passing the boundary post to the tune of “A’ the Blue Bonnets are over the Border.” The atmosphere here was icy compared with that of Belgium. A few of the German civilians, well versed in military customs, tested the temper of the men by attempting to break through the ranks, but so rough and unpleasant were their experiences that they found few imitators. Apart from this show of bravado there was no expression of hostility. Several of the inhabitants showed signs of terror, evidently anticipating reprisals for the outrages which their soldiers had committed in Belgium and in France, but they were soon reassured when it became apparent that our men were neither vindictive nor malicious. Some of our wilder spirits regarded German shops and cafés as places that might be legitimately looted, but that practice was peremptorily repressed, and as a whole the troops showed the same scrupulous regard for the property of the enemy as for that of their allies.[137] Owing to the Revolution in Germany and the consequent collapse of regular government, riots broke out in the large towns, and in order to save Cologne the 28th Brigade was sent up there by rail at the request of the German authorities. The stately city of the Rhine was reached by the remainder of the Division on the 9th and 10th December.

Here three days were spent in cleaning up kit and polishing brass; then on the 13th December the Ninth crossed the Rhine by the boat bridge at Mulheim. Several of the units had to march a long way to reach the starting-point, and there was slight confusion which was regrettable, as it was the intention of our authorities to impress[138] the enemy with our discipline and organisation. The salute was taken by the British Military Governor, Sir Charles Fergusson, but the ceremony was spoiled by the torrents of rain which descended all day. By the 15th the Division had taken up its position on the perimeter of the bridgehead near Solingen, Wald, and Haan, D.H.Q. being established at Ohligs.

Thirty-two days had been spent in proceeding from Harlebeke to the perimeter. On fifteen of them no advance was made in order to allow the Supply Services to bring up rations and stores which had to be conveyed by motor lorries since all the railways had been damaged. During the other days, an average of 11½ miles per day was covered; the total distance was 193 miles.

It was eminently desirable that the men should realise in some tangible form that they had won the war. Only first-rate billets were accepted, and burgomasters and their staffs were badgered until these buildings were satisfactorily equipped with beds, cooking ranges, and up-to-date sanitary arrangements. Halls were taken over for concerts and reading-rooms, and cinematographs were run for the entertainment of the men. Parties were granted permission to visit Cologne, and every unit was given an allotment of tickets for the Opera House; but the boon most cherished by the men was the liberty to travel by tram or rail without payment. If there was little friendliness between the troops and the inhabitants, there was practically no friction, and the discipline of the soldiers and the fairness of their behaviour were gratefully acknowledged by the townspeople. The first great difficulty of “Q” was the provision of the Christmas dinner. Germany had barely sufficient food to feed her own people, and supplies had to be drawn from the rear areas. Unfortunately as the railway system over the devastated regions required a great deal of repair to put it in good working order, the provisions were delayed, but luckily they turned up in time for the 1st January, an appropriate date for a Scottish Division.

Bridgehead duties were not onerous. The troops certainly enjoyed the power of being able to subject the Germans to restrictions which they themselves had for more than four years imposed on Belgian and French people. The inhabitants were forbidden to be out of doors between 9 P.M. and 6 A.M. without a pass. In the small hours of the 1st January, a Royal Scot officer was proceeding to his billet after the Hogmanay celebrations when he met a civilian in the streets of Haan. This open disregard of our regulations was not to be tolerated, and the officer curtly asked the German for his pass; he was completely nonplussed by the bland query—“Is it not that we are permitted to circulate after 6 A.M.?”

Certain specified goods were not allowed to be taken across our frontier, and our most exacting task was the repression of smuggling. All sorts of ingenious devices were resorted to, but they were quickly detected as our men gained experience. The craft of Teutonic and Jewish traders in exploiting the innate chivalry of the British soldier by using their womenfolk to convey prohibited goods, the British authorities countered by sending up officers of the W.A.A.C. and soon it became as difficult to smuggle goods past our posts as it is to deceive the Customs officials at Dover. Periodic raids were made upon trains, and while W.A.A.C. officers searched the German women the troops searched the men and explored the engine and compartments; usually a surprising amount of contraband was brought to light, on one occasion several cases of whisky being found under the coals in an engine tender.

The defect of the Teuton is that as a rule he has no sense of humour, but he had one good score against us. A report from a German source reached our authorities to the effect that a certain citizen of Wald was manufacturing air bombs. The secret manufacture of munitions within our area was of course forbidden, and a party of soldiers of the 27th Brigade raided the offender’s house. He was found to be a paralytic old gentleman, unable to move about, and a thorough search of his premises failed to disclose any sign of the bombs. Ultimately the officer in charge asked him where he stored his weapons. At first the old man looked puzzled, then light seemed to dawn on him and he directed the party to a small cabinet in a drawer of which lay the air bombs. The feelings of the officer on picking one up can be better imagined than described; it consisted of a tiny pole with a paper flag attached to a small leaden contrivance which, when fitted with a cap of the sort used to discharge toy pistols and dropped on the ground, caused the flag to rise gently into the air to a height of over ten feet.

Those who infringed our regulations were tried by a summary court presided over by an officer of field rank. The maximum fine which such a court could impose was 7000 marks, and the maximum period of imprisonment was six months. All accused had the right of appeal to the Military Governor, and the more serious cases were tried by a special court equivalent to a court-martial. The fines and penalties depended upon the gravity which the officer ascribed to a particular offence, and naturally throughout the area of occupation there was for a time considerable discrepancy between the penalties imposed for the same kind of offence. Gradually only officers with legal training were placed over these courts, and a regulated scale for each particular type of offence was laid down.

Demobilisation was the question of greatest moment for one and all. Having viewed the enemy’s country, officers and men were eager to return as soon as possible to their civilian occupations. There would have been practically no trouble if a definite scheme had been issued, and a date assigned for the commencement of demobilisation. But demobilisation was begun at once, with the result that many soldiers who had seen little or no active service were demobilised either because they happened to be at home on leave at the time, or because they were classified as “pivotal.” The “pivotal” clause was grossly abused, and under this pretext mere youths of eighteen years of age, who had never heard a gun fired in anger, were allowed to go home. Such anomalies created much restiveness and irritation among the older men, and not until they were removed and a smooth-working system devised was the general discontent allayed.

The military authorities acted with tact and sympathy. Training was mostly recreational with a view to keeping the men interested and in good health. After a time those waiting for demobilisation were collected in special camps and separated from those who were to form part of the Army of Occupation. Education was a useful safety-valve during the period of irritation; it kept the men employed and was probably more congenial to them than ceremonial drill. Owing to lack of trained teachers and constant changes of personnel it could scarcely be said that the standard of instruction within units was very high, but all who were really anxious to study were taken from the various units and concentrated in the Ninth Divisional College, where the best teaching ability at the disposal of the Division was available. This College was opened at Ohligs before the end of December 1918, and there much excellent work was carried out.

In the month of February Colours were presented to the various Service Battalions; to those of the 26th Brigade at Solingen by General Plumer, to the 27th at Wald, and to the 28th at Benrath by General Jacob. The Division preserved its identity till the 15th March 1919, but long before that date the vast majority of the officers and men who had fought with it had been demobilised. After the 15th, divisions were reformed under different designations. When the well-tried and trusted leaders of the Ninth were transferred to other posts and new and unfamiliar officers took command it was clear that a new era had begun. The units of the Highland Brigade were transferred to another division and battalions who had not shared in the Ninth’s brotherhood of arms took their place.

The history of the Ninth Division ends with the formal disappearance of its title on the 15th March. In the chronicle of its achievements attention is inevitably focussed mainly on the doings of the infantry and the gunners. But just as a good Quartermaster is a blessing to his battalion, though his name rarely occurs in the story of its battles, a division cannot expect to be successful without efficient “Q” and administrative work. The Ninth had good reason to be proud of its special branches, the Sappers, Pioneers, R.A.M.C., A.S.C., and Ordnance; their skilled help, generously given, was a factor of first-rate importance in giving the Division its prominent name among the British forces in France. Their work was assiduous and unremitting and was often carried on under conditions of great strain and extreme peril, particularly in the case of the Sappers, Pioneers, and R.A.M.C. A more trying ordeal can scarcely be imagined than that of digging under a heavy bombardment. The preparations for every battle involved an enormous amount of toil on the part of the Pioneers and the Sappers, and a slight idea of it may be gathered from the summary of their preparations prior to the 9th April 1917 given in Appendix VI.

The Ninth was exceptionally fortunate in its “Q” Branch; no division could have had more efficient or painstaking officers than Lieut.-Colonel McHardy and Lieut.-Colonel Jeffcoat. Details were worked out with a precision and care that ensured success, and a promise of “Q” was equivalent to a fulfilment. Even when the Division was encamped in the most desolate regions “Q” was able in a surprisingly short space of time to furnish baths, laundries, changes of clothing, and all the other comforts that helped to make the war endurable, and its arrangements for the transference of the troops from one spot to another were such as to cause the minimum of discomfort and inconvenience to the men. Ever since the time of Lieut.-Colonel McHardy, “Q” showed the same concern for the welfare of units attached to the Ninth as for its own troops. This system was carried on and expanded by Lieut.-Colonel Jeffcoat, and the most convincing testimony of its value was that A.F.A. Brigades liked to be attached to the Division.

The unit that had perhaps most reason to complain that the worth of its labours was never fully appreciated by the infantry was the Ordnance Department, which, consisting of an officer and 13 men, had to satisfy the needs of 16,000 men, 3750 horses and mules, and numerous vehicles and bicycles, in everything except food, light, and fuel. The excellence of the work performed by this Branch was largely the explanation why it was so much taken for granted; if it had proved less competent in furnishing and repairing munitions it would have been better though less favourably known to the infantry. The Ordnance people averred that they toiled harder than any other section in the Division; when units were in the line they were busy meeting their fighting needs and when they were out they were busier still re-equipping them. Undoubtedly a vast amount of very useful work was done by the Ordnance and some idea of it may be gleaned from the list quoted in Appendix VII.

In a more subtle and impalpable fashion the Padres contributed to the efficiency of the Division by keeping before the men the lofty principles for which they were fighting, and by emphasising the moral basis of the war. Those attached to battalions were of enormous assistance to C.Os. in organising services, concerts and entertainments for the men, and never did they withhold comfort and advice from those who sought their help. Many men who took part in the Longueval fighting had cause to bless Padre Johnston and his coffee stall.[139] Padre Oddie was one of the personalities of the Division and he was noted for the assiduity with which he cultivated his “parish” both in and out of the trenches. All rendered yeoman service in the sad task of burying the dead, and Padre Smith MacIntosh treasures as one of his most cherished possessions a letter he received from Brig.-General Maxwell thanking him for his labours in this respect near the Chemical Works.

The popular Padre Brown was best known from his connection with “The Thistles” concert troupe, whose entertainments were as beneficial as a tonic to men just drawn from battle. The members of this troupe performed these duties in addition to their ordinary army work. But death made sad havoc among their ranks; the loss of Sergeant Peart of the 28th Field Ambulance at Passchendaele in 1917 was a great blow; he was the most charming lady impersonator that the Ninth ever possessed, and his death was mourned by the whole Division.

The battle record of the Ninth in the war is one to be proud of. It was engaged at Loos, at the Somme twice, four times at Arras, and twice at Passchendaele; it played a conspicuous part in breaking up the German offensives in March and April, and after two minor actions at Meteren took part in the final operations from the 28th September to the 27th October. On the few occasions on which it failed, as at the Butte de Warlencourt on the 12th October 1916 and at St Julien in 1917, the power to win success was beyond human means.

A soldier prizes no praise more highly than that of another soldier, and such praise is most practically shown when a division is frequently employed in important engagements. During its service in France the Ninth missed only two major actions—Messines and Cambrai. Although on neither occasion was it fit for action, there was a murmur of regret amongst all ranks because it had no share in these conflicts. For while individually officers and men realised the awful tragedy and pain of battle, their intense pride in their Division made them fiercely jealous lest the omission to employ it sprang from a poor appraisement of its worth.

The Division had the great fortune to be commanded by a succession of leaders outstanding for character as well as knowledge, who with their fingers ever on its pulse, knew well how to direct and control it to the best advantage. But the true value of the Ninth depended not upon the pre-eminence of a few individuals, but upon the co-operative ability shown by all ranks and departments to work together. Each officer and each man contributed to a common stock, and while he might pass away his spirit was absorbed by the Division. The group is always stronger than the individual. While

“’Tis that repeated shocks, again, again,
Exhaust the energy of strongest souls,
And numb the elastic powers,”

after each devastating battle the Ninth rose Phœnix-like from its ashes, and at the end of the long struggle exhibited the same keenness and purposeful vigour it had ever shown since its formation.

[_London Portrait Co._]

The splendid arrogance of the Division, its well-founded faith in its own prowess, rested on the sure foundation of the fervent belief of each man in the righteousness of the cause for which he was fighting. To die for it if need be was the simple duty that animated all. The qualities that created the Empire are equally necessary to maintain it, and the security of a heritage depends essentially on the sense of duty of those who hold it. War still remains the supreme test of a nation’s efficiency, and it is the glory of democracy that it did not shirk that test when challenged. In keeping with the national spirit the Ninth Division had ever before it the injunction received from H.M. King George V. on the 10th May 1915, and its greatest honour is that from beginning to end it faithfully and loyally carried it out.

“_Officii fructus sit ipsum officium._”

As the war recedes into the past and as the emotions roused by it subside, the tendency is to linger on the splendid and spectacular advances of the latter part of 1918, and to exalt them at the expense of the previous battles. If the war is to be viewed from the proper angle, it should never be forgotten that after August 1918 the Germans were men without hope, and to deduce our lessons of the war from the last four months of fighting would be the height of folly. None knew better than those who fought at Loos, the Somme, Arras, and Passchendaele, and who also took part in the victorious advance, that in the last months we were able with confidence to take risks which it would have been rash to take in 1915, 1916, and 1917. Those whose active service was confined to the fighting after August 1918 never experienced the same deadly nerve-rack and the fierce acuities of emotion that sprang from the pitiless shelling and desperate strife of the previous campaigns. The wearing-out battles, when the foe was encountered at the zenith of his strength, with all their disappointments and mistakes alone made possible the gigantic advances at the end. A glance at the Division’s casualty list[140] shows clearly that the heat and burden of the day fell principally upon those who faced the enemy during the campaigns fought between September 1915 and the close of 1917. And the dead of the Ninth in the long chain of battles from Loos to the Lys had by their valour and sacrifice paved the way for the triumphal onset that carried the Division from Ypres to the Scheldt. The countless graves that strew the battle-line of France and Flanders contain the flower of the British race, and furnish silent but eloquent evidence of the robust qualities and manly faith without which the British Empire and all that it stands for must have passed away.

“_Qui procul hinc_—the legend’s writ,
The frontier grave is far away;
_Qui ante diem periit,
Sed miles, sed pro patriâ_.”