Chapter XXX: Appendix (7)

Among our authorities for this period the English Chronicles of course
still retain their preeminent place, and the differences, especially
the marked differences in political feeling, between the various
versions become of constantly increasing importance. Florence also,
always valuable, now increases in value. His narrative is still
grounded on that of the Chronicles, but he gradually ceases to be a
mere copyist. It is always of moment to see which of the several
versions he follows; and, as he draws nearer his own time, he
gradually acquires the character of a distinct authority. He can
however hardly be looked on as such during the period embraced in this
Chapter. The contemporary Biographer of Eadward now becomes of the
greatest value in his own special department. For all matters which
are strictly personal to the King, the Lady, and the whole family of
Godwine, his authority is primary. He is however very distinctly not
an historian, but a biographer, sometimes a laureate. In his narrative
there are many omissions and some inaccuracies; his value lies mainly
in his vivid personal portraits of the great men of the time, with all
of whom he seems to have been personally acquainted. It must be borne
in mind that his book, dedicated to the Lady Eadgyth, is to a great
extent a panegyric on her family. Still it is highly important to have
this description of them from the English side to set against the
dominant Norman calumnies. It is to the Chronicles as harmonized by
Florence that we must go for our main facts; the Biographer gives us
their personal aspect, their personal colouring, and many personal
details. Just as the Encomiast of Eadgyth becomes of so much value, we
lose the Encomiast of Emma, who ends his narrative with the accession
of Harthacnut. The purely Norman writers now gain in importance. But,
as regards purely English affairs, their importance is of this
peculiar kind, that, after reading the English account of any fact, it
is needful to turn and see what is the Norman perversion of it. At the
head of the class stands William of Poitiers, Archdeacon of Lisieux,
the chaplain and biographer of William the Conqueror. His work,
unluckily imperfect, is our primary authority for all that concerns
his hero; but allowance must be made throughout for his constant
flattery of his own master and his frantic hatred towards Godwine and
Harold. The later Norman writers, William of Jumièges and his
continuator, and the poetical chroniclers, Robert Wace and Benoît de
Sainte-More, are of use as witnessing to Norman tradition, but they do
not yet assume that special value which belongs to William of Jumièges
and Wace at a somewhat later time. The subsidiary English writers, and
the occasional notices to be found in the works of foreign historians,
retain the same secondary value as before. Indeed, as Scandinavian
affairs are of great importance during several years of this period,
the Sagas of Magnus and Harold Hardrada may be looked upon as of
something more than secondary value. Among the secondary English
writers, Henry of Huntingdon diminishes in importance, as he gets more
out of the reach of those ancient ballads and traditions which it is
his great merit to have preserved. On the other hand, the value of
William of Malmesbury increases, as he draws nearer to his own time.
He often sets before us two versions of a story, and makes an attempt
at a critical comparison of them. But his prejudices are distinctly
Norman, and his utter lack of arrangement, his habit of dragging in
the most irrelevant tales at the most important points of his
narrative, makes him one of the most perplexing of writers to consult.

Footnote 2:

See vol. i. p. 589.

Footnote 3:

On the different statements, see Appendix A.

Footnote 4:

Chronn. and Flor. Wig. 1043.

Footnote 5:

Vol. i. p. 560.

Footnote 6:

See vol. i. p. 396.

Footnote 7:

Vol. i. p. 592.

Footnote 8:

As at the election of Eadmund Ironside, vol. i. p. 419. So, after the
fall of Harold the son of Godwine, the citizens of London were
foremost in choosing the young Eadgar King. Fl. Wig. 1066. The
expression of “all folk,” and the extreme haste at a time when the
Witan seem not to have been sitting, point to an election of this
kind, forestalling the next ordinary Gemót.

Footnote 9:

Vol. i. p. 404.

Footnote 10:

Vol. i. p. 568.

Footnote 11:

Lyfing’s share in the business comes from Florence; “Eadwardus,
annitentibus maxime Comite Godwino et Wigornensi Præsule Livingo,
Lundoniæ levatur in Regem.”

Footnote 12:

This contrast is not directly stated, but it seems implied in the
reference to the age and experience of Eadward.

Footnote 13:

Will. Malms. ii. 196. “Jure ei competere regnum, ævi maturo, laboribus
defæcato, scienti administrare principatum per ætatem severè, miserias
provincialium [Harthacnut’s Danegeld?] pro pristinâ egestate
temperare.”

Footnote 14:

Ib. “Quo se pronior inclinaverit, eo fortunam vergere; si auxilietur,
neminem ausurum obstrepere, et è converso.”

Footnote 15:

Vita Eadw. 394. “Quoniam pro patre ab omnibus habebatur, in paterno
consultu libenter audiebatur.” Will. Malms. ii. 197. “Quidam
auctoritatem ejus secuti.”

Footnote 16:

Will. Malms. u. s. “Quidam muneribus flexi.”

Footnote 17:

See vol. i. p. 591.

Footnote 18:

Adam Brem. ii. 74. See Appendix A.

Footnote 19:

See below under the years 1045 and 1047.

Footnote 20:

Will. Malms. ii. 197. “Et hinc censoriè notati et postmodum ab Angliâ
expulsi.”

Footnote 21:

Thierry, i. 180. St. John, ii. 132.

Footnote 22:

Henry of Huntingdon indeed (M. H. B. 759 A) hints at a suspicion of
Eadward’s Normannizing tendencies, when he makes the English embassy
stipulate that he shall bring the smallest possible number of Normans
with him (“quod paucissimos Normannorum secum adduceret”). But Henry’s
narrative just here is so very wild that it is not safe to rely on his
authority.

Footnote 23:

See vol. i. p. 117.

Footnote 24:

Chron. Petrib. 1041. “Eall folc geceas Eadward to cynge on Lundene;
healde þa hwile þe him God unne.” (Cf. Hen. Hunt. M. H. B. 759 A.
“Electus est in Regem ab omni populo.”) This prayer is the opposite to
that of Antinoos, Od. i. 386:—

μή σέ γ’ ἐν ἀμφιάλῳ Ἰθάκῃ βασιλῆα Κρονίων
ποιήσείεv, ὅ τoι γενεῇ πατρώϊόν ἐστι.

See Gladstone, Homer, iii. 51.

Footnote 25:

Chron. Ab. 1042. “Eall folc underfeng ða Eadward to cinge, swa him
gecynde wæs.” “Right of birth” does not very well express “gecynde,”
but I do not see how better to translate it. The word occurs again in
Chron. Wig. 1066, as applied to young Eadgar. It will be remembered
that the Abingdon Chronicle is the only one which charges Godwine with
a share in the death of Ælfred. See vol. i. pp. 545, 546. The
Biographer (p. 396) speaks of Eadward as reigning “ex Dei gratiâ et
hæreditario jure.” This is of course a courtier’s view. “Hæreditario
jure” must here mean a right derived from ancestors, not a right to be
handed on to descendants, as must be the meaning of the words in the
Waltham Charter, Cod. Dipl. iv. 154.

Footnote 26:

Chron. Wig. 1042. “Eall folc geceas þa Eadward, and underfengon hine
to kyninge, eallswa him wel gecynde wæs.” This expression is the exact
counterpart of that of Rudolf Glaber describing the election of Lewis
in 946. See vol. i. p. 224.

Footnote 27:

With the expressions used about the succession of Eadward compare the
still stronger expressions used by Florence about the succession of
Eadred in 946; “Proximus hæres Edredus, fratri succedens, regnum
naturale [gecynde] suscepit.” Yet Eadmund left two sons, both of whom
afterwards reigned.

Footnote 28:

Chron. Flor. Wig. See Appendix A.

Footnote 29:

Flor. Wig.

Footnote 30:

Chron. Ab. and Petrib. “Eadsige arcebisceop hine halgade, and toforan
eallum þam folce wel lærde, and to his agenre neode and ealles folces
wel manude.” So Will. Malms. ii. 197; “Ab Edsio archiepiscopo sacra
regnandi præcepta edoctus, quæ ille tunc memoriâ libenter recondidit,
et postea sanctè factis propalavit.”

Footnote 31:

At Githslep, now Islip, in Oxfordshire. Cod. Dipl. iv. 215.

Footnote 32:

Vita Eadw. 395.

Footnote 33:

Vita Eadw. 395. “Primus ipse Romanorum _Imperator_ Heinricus,” &c. But
Henry was not crowned Emperor till 1047. Hermannus Contractus in anno.

Footnote 34:

On the marriage of Henry and Gunhild, see vol. i. pp. 505, 559.

Footnote 35:

Vita Eadw. 395. “Munera imperiali liberalitate exhibenda mittit, et
quæ _tantos decebat terrarum dominos_.” Æthelred of Rievaux (X
Scriptt. 375), who seems here to copy the Biographer, says the same.

Footnote 36:

Vita Eadw. 395. “Rex quoque Francorum item Heinricus nomine.”

Footnote 37:

Ib. “Ejusdem Anglorum Regis vicinâ carnis propinquitate
consanguineus.” The Biographer throughout makes the most of his hero,
but there is a marked difference in his tone towards the German King
and towards any other prince. The expression “terrarum domini,”
reserved for the lords of the continental and the insular Empires, is
most remarkable. I am at a loss to see what kindred there was between
Eadward and Henry of Paris.

Footnote 38:

Vita Eadw. 395. “Ceteri quoque eorumdem Regum tyranni [a very singular
expression] et quique potentissimi duces et principes, legatis suis
eum adeunt, amicum et dominum sibi suisque constituunt, eique
fidelitatem et servitium suum in manus ponunt.” Is this merely the
flourish of an English Dudo (cf. the talk about Cnut, vol. i. p. 504),
or did any foreign princes really plight a formal homage to Eadward in
exchange for his gifts and favours? In the _later_ feudalism such a
relation would not be impossible.

Footnote 39:

See vol. i. p. 566. For the submission of Denmark to Magnus, see Adam
of Bremen, ii. 74, 75. Snorro, Saga of Magnus, c. 19 (Laing, ii. 377).
Adam however represents Magnus’ first occupation of Denmark as the
result of several battles with Swend, while Snorro makes Magnus be
peacefully elected in a Thing at Viborg, after which he makes Swend an
Earl and leaves him as his representative in Denmark.

Footnote 40:

Vita Eadw. 395. “Patrem eum sibi eligit, seque ut filium illi in
omnibus subjicit.” Compare the famous form of the Commendation of
Wales and Scotland to a greater Eadward, vol. i. pp. 60, 129. The
monastic biographer of Eadward gives quite another picture, by way of
preparation for his legendary account of the death of Magnus; “Sola
tamen Dacia, adhuc spirans et anhelans cædes, Anglorum interitum
minabatur, verum quis fuerit tanti conatûs finis sequentia
declarabunt.” Æthel. Riev. X Scriptt. 375.

Footnote 41:

Vita Eadw. 395. “Mittuntur singulis pro celsitudine suâ ab ipso Rege
regalia munera, quæ ut nullius quamlibet multiplex Regis vel principis
umquam æquaret munificentia, Regum pulcherrimus et nobilissimus
Anglorum Rex Ædwardus facit eisdem Francorum principibus _vel annua
vel continua_.” The money seems all to go to France, none to Germany
or Denmark.

Footnote 42:

Vita Eadw. 397.

“Multa dedere quidem, verum supereminet omnes
Larga Ducis probitas Godwini munere talis [tali?].”

The Biographer here, as often, breaks forth into hexameters.

Footnote 43:

Mr. Luard seems to think this ship a mere repetition of the ship given
to Harthacnut. Why?

Footnote 44:

Vita Eadw. 397.

“Aureus è puppi leo prominet; æquora proræ
Celsæ pennato perterret corpore draco
Aureus, et linguis flammam vomit ore trisulcis.”

Were the dragon and the lion thus coupled to express Eadward’s mixed
origin, English and Norman?

Footnote 45:

Ib.

“Nobilis appensum pretiatur purpura velum,
Quo patrum series depicta docet varias res,
Bellaque nobilium turbata per æquora Regum.”

For instances of historical tapestry see vol. i. p. 303.

Footnote 46:

See vol. i. p. 307.

Footnote 47:

On the legendary history of Eadward see Appendix B.

Footnote 48:

See vol. i. pp. 288, 365.

Footnote 49:

See vol. i. pp. 244, 462.

Footnote 50:

See Appendix B.

Footnote 51:

His monastic biographer (Æth. Riev. X Scriptt. 388) says by way of
praise, “Cuncta regni negotia Ducibus proceribusque [to Earl Harold
and the Witan] committens, totum se divinis mancipat obsequiis. Quantò
autem se corporalibus subtrahebat, tantò luminosius se spiritalibus
indidit theoriis.”

Footnote 52:

See vol. i. p. 327.

Footnote 53:

Vita Eadw. 396. “Si ratio aliquem suscitaret animi motum, leonini
videbatur terroris, iram tamen non prodebat jurgiis.” We shall
presently come across a ludicrous example of his “nobilis ira,”
venting itself in an oath. Possibly the reference may partly be to his
abstinence, like that of Saint Lewis, from the French, and generally
southern, vice of reviling God and the Saints. See Joinville, p. 120
ed. Du Cange, 1668; p. 217 ed. Michel, 1858.

Footnote 54:

I allude to his wish, frustrated by Godwine, to subject Dover to
military chastisement (Chron. Petrib. 1048. Cf. the dealings of the
Emperor Theodosius with Thessalonica and Antioch), and his wish,
frustrated by Harold, to wage war with the Northumbrians on behalf of
Tostig in 1065. Vita Eadw. 423.

Footnote 55:

See vol. i. pp. 328, 330, 383, 635.

Footnote 56:

Vita Eadw. 414. “Benignissimus Rex Ædwardus ... plurimum temporis
exigebat circa saltus et silvas in venationum jocunditate. Divinis
enim expeditus officiis, quibus libenter quotidianâ intendebat
devotione, jocundabatur plurimum coram se allatis accipitribus vel
hujus generis avibus, vel certè delectabatur applausibus multorum
motuum canibus. His et talibus interdum deducebat diem, et in his
tantummodo ex naturâ videbatur aliquam mundi captare delectationem.”
So William of Malmesbury (ii. 220), in a passage which, like several
others, makes one think that he had this Life of Eadward before him.
“Unum erat quo in sæculo animum oblectaret suum, cursus canum
velocium, quorum circa saltus latratibus solebat lætus applaudere;
volatus volucrum quorum natura est de cognatis avibus prædas agere. Ad
hæc exercitia continuis diebus, post audita manè divina officia,
intendebat.” He retained these tastes to the last. In 1065 Harold
built a house at Portskewet as a hunting-seat for the King. Chronn.
Ab. and Wig., and Flor. Wig. in anno.

Footnote 57:

For these two beautiful stories of Saint Anselm, see his Life by John
of Salisbury, Anglia Sacra, ii. 165.

Footnote 58:

It is not clear whether Eadward did not take the same delight as Queen
Elizabeth in another form of animal torture. There is something
suspicious in part of the royal dues paid by the city of Norwich,
“ursum et sex canes _ad ursum_ [a very business-like phrase].”
Domesday, ii. 117. Cf. Will. Fitz-Stephen, Giles, i. 180.

Footnote 59:

Will. Malms. ii. 196. “Dum quâdam vice venatum isset, et agrestis
quidam stabulata illa quibus in casses cervi urgentur confudisset,
ille _suâ nobili percitus irâ_, ‘Per Deum’ inquit ‘et Matrem ejus,
tantumdem tibi nocebo si potero.’” William’s whole comment is very
curious. This story has been made good use of by Lord Lytton, in his
romance of “Harold,” which, if the sentimental and supernatural parts
be struck out, forms a narrative more accurate than most so-called
histories of the time. For a somewhat similar tale see Motley, United
Netherlands, iii. 172.

Footnote 60:

Vita Eadw. 396. “Hominis persona erat decentissima, discretæ
proceritatis, capillis et barbâ canitie insignis lacteâ, facie plenâ
et cute roseâ, manibus macris et niveis, longis quoque interlucentibus
digitis, reliquo corpore toto integer et regius homo.” William of
Malmesbury (ii. 220) seems again to copy the Biographer; “Erat
_discretæ proceritatis_, barbâ et capillis cygneus, facie roseus, toto
corpore lacteus, membrorum habitudine commodâ peridoneus.” Eadward was
seemingly an _albino_.

Footnote 61:

In the Bayeux Tapestry Eadward and one or two others are represented
with long beards. William and Harold, and the mass of their respective
countrymen, are represented according to the later fashions described
in the text.

Footnote 62:

Vita Eadw. 396. “Cunctis poscentibus aut benignè daret aut benignè
negaret, ita et ut benigna negatio plurima videretur largitio.”

Footnote 63:

Ib. 415. So Will. Malms. ii. 220.

Footnote 64:

Ib. 396. “In frequentiâ verè se Regem et dominum, in privato, salvâ
quidem regiâ majestate, agebat se suis ut consocium.”

Footnote 65:

Vita Eadw. 415. “Inter ipsa divinorum mysteriorum et missarum
sacrosancta officia agninâ mansuetudine stabat, et mente tranquillâ
cunctis fidelibus spectabilis Christicola, inter quæ, nisi
interpellaretur, rarissimè cui loquebatur.” Compare the opposite
description given of Henry the Second, who always talked of public
affairs during mass (Gir. Camb. Exp. Hib. i. 46. p. 305 Dimock), and
the curious story of his holding a discourse at such a moment with
Saint Thomas of Canterbury himself, as told by Roger of Pontigny
(Giles, i. 132). It is however somewhat differently told by William
Fitz-Stephen (ib. i. 218). See Gentleman’s Magazine, April, 1860, p.
386.

The Ayenbite of Inwyt (p. 20 ed. Morris) reproves this practice as a
common fault. “And huanne þe ssoldest yhere his messe oþer his sermon
at cherche, þou iangledest and bourdedest to-vor God.”

Footnote 66:

Vita Eadw. 414. “Abbates religiosos et monachos, _potissimum autem
transmarinos_ ... quam benignè susceperit.” So Will. Malms. 220;
“Pauperibus hospitibusque, _maximè transmarinis_ et religiosis,
benignus appellando, munificus dando.” See Appendix C.

Footnote 67:

Vit. Eadw. 399. “Quum prædictus sanctæ memoriæ Ædwardus Rex
repatriaret à Franciâ, ex eâdem gente comitati sunt quamplures non
ignobiles viri, quos plurimis honoribus ditatos secum retinuit idem
Rex, utpote compos totius regni, ordinariosque constituit secretorum
consilii sui, et rectores rerum regalis palatii.” It is remarkable how
seldom, especially in the early part of Eadward’s reign, the
foreigners appear to sign charters. They were doubtless jealously
watched.

Footnote 68:

Vol. i. p. 584.

Footnote 69:

Vol. i. p. 593.

Footnote 70:

See above, p. 15.

Footnote 71:

Will. Malms. ii. 197. See Appendix D.

Footnote 72:

See above, p. 9.

Footnote 73:

See vol. i. p. 471. The French biographer of Eadward says (p. 57):—

“Godwin k’out mis entente
Cunquere tresor e rente,
Mut fu garniz e estorez
D’or e de argent dunt out asez,
Ke par plaiz e par achatz
De grant aver out fait purchaz;
Mut out cunquis par boesdie
Plus ke par chivalerie.”

Footnote 74:

See Appendix E.

Footnote 75:

A Godwine appears (W. Thorn. X Scriptt. 2224) as a benefactor of
Christ Church, Canterbury. This may be the great Earl, or it may be
the Godwine whose marriage settlement we have in Cod. Dipl. iv. 10.

Footnote 76:

This comes out nowhere more emphatically than in the comparatively
hostile Abingdon Chronicle, 1052.

Footnote 77:

Vita Eadw. 408. cf. Fl. Wig. 1066.

Footnote 78:

See the Peterborough Chronicler’s character of William, under the year
1087.

Footnote 79:

Ib. 1135.

Footnote 80:

Will. Malms. iv. 314.

Footnote 81:

Ord. Vit. 672 B.

Footnote 82:

Vit. Eadw. 408.

Footnote 83:

Fl. Wig. 1048, 1049.

Footnote 84:

“When the chronicler praises the gift of speech, he unconsciously
proves the existence of constitutional freedom.” Lytton, Harold, i.
165.

Footnote 85:

I attribute the Danish names in Godwine’s family to the influence of
Gytha rather than to any Danish tastes prevalent at the Court of Cnut,
because the Danes settled in England seem to have so often adopted
English names for their children. See vol. i. pp. 580, 591.

Footnote 86:

I should perhaps have done better had I used the English form of this
name throughout, as _Swegen_ is clearly more correct etymologically
than Svein, Sven, or Swend. It may however be convenient to
distinguish the English and Danish bearers of the name.

Footnote 87:

On the sons and daughters of Godwine, see Appendix F.

Footnote 88:

Cod. Dipl. iv. 74. This charter must be early in the year 1043,
earlier at least than the Gemót which we shall presently see was held
in November. Swegen was therefore probably appointed in the Gemót at
which Eadward was finally established as King. Another charter, of
1044 (Cod. Dipl. iv. 80), signed by Harold, Leofwine, Swegen, Tostig,
and Gyrth, all with the rank of “Dux,” is deservedly marked as
doubtful by Mr. Kemble.

Footnote 89:

See vol. i. p. 580, and Appendix G, on the Great Earldoms. His first
signature is in 1045. Cod. Dipl. iv. 97.

Footnote 90:

Fl. Wig. 1051.

Footnote 91:

Chronn. Ab. and Wig. 1065. See Appendix D.

Footnote 92:

Vita Eadw. 408. “Virtute corporis et animi in populo præstabat ut
alter Judas Machabæus.”

Footnote 93:

In the Bayeux Tapestry Harold is represented as lifting the Norman
soldiers from the quicksands with the greatest ease.

Footnote 94:

Vita Eadw. 409. “Uterque [the writer is comparing Harold and Tostig]
satis pulcro et venusto corpore et, ut conjicimus, non inæquali
robore, non disparis audaciæ. Sed major natu Haroldus procerior
staturâ, patris satis [these words are clearly corrupt] infinitis
laboribus, vigiliis et inediâ, multâ animi lenitate et promptiori
sapientiâ.”

Footnote 95:

See vol. i. p. 640.

Footnote 96:

De Inv. c. 14. “Tum ... astutiâ et legum terræ peritiâ, tum quia se
talem gerebat quod non solum Angli, verum etiam Normanni et Gallici
imprimis invidebant pulcritudini et prudentiæ, militiæ et sagacitati.”

Footnote 97:

Vita Eadw. 409. “Multum obloquia perferre, nam non facile prodere, non
facile quoque, et in civem sive compatriotum, ut reor, nusquam,
ulcisci.” Compare the character of Edward the First,

“Totus Christo traditur Rex noster Edwardus;
Velox est ad veniam, ad vindictam tardus.”

Political Songs (Camd. Soc.), p. 163.

Footnote 98:

See the poem in the Chronicles. So Snorro (Ant. Celt. Scand. 189.
Laing, iii. 75), while strangely making Harold the youngest of the
family and hardly realizing his position in the Kingdom, bears ample
testimony to the kindly relations existing between him and the King.
He is there called Eadward’s “foster son.” The Biographer (p. 433)
calls him “nutricius suus frater.”

Footnote 99:

Vita Eadw. 410; a passage which I shall have to refer to again.

Footnote 100:

I refer both to Harold’s own proceedings at Waltham and to the general
promotion of Germans under this reign. See Stubbs, De Inv. ix.

Footnote 101:

See Appendix E.

Footnote 102:

See William of Malmesbury’s Life of Wulfstan, Angl. Sacr. ii. 248,
253.

Footnote 103:

He was however a benefactor to the Abbey of Peterborough. The local
historian Hugo Candidus says (p. 44. ap. Sparke), “Comes Haroldus
dedit Cliftune et terram in Londone juxta monasterium Sancti Pauli,
juxta portum qui vocatur Etheredishythe.” Harold’s connexion with
London should be noticed. It was also at his advice that King Eadward
made a grant to Abingdon (Hist. Mon. Ab. i. 469), and that a Thegn
named Thurkill, of whom we shall hear again, commended himself to the
same church (Ib. i. 484).

Footnote 104:

Vita Eadw. 409. “Cum quovis, quem fidelem putaret, interdum
communicare consilium operis sui, et hoc interdum adeò differre, si
debet duci, ut minùs conducibile à quibusdam videretur fore suæ
commoditati.”

Footnote 105:

Ib. 410. “Uterque [Harold and Tostig] interdum quædam simulare adeò
egregiè, ut qui eos non noverit incertius nil æstimare poterit.” In
connexion with this curious passage I may quote a singular
exaggeration from an unknown author; it is found in a marginal note on
one of the manuscripts of the Winchester Annals (Luard, 27); “Haroldus
Rex, si sapientèr ageret quidquid agebat furore, nullus hominum illum
[sic] resisteret. Sed adeò erat animi inconstantis, quod nullus suorum
se credidit illi.” Yet “sapientèr” is the adverb which the Biographer
specially applies to Harold, in distinction to the “fortitèr” of
Tostig.

Footnote 106:

The charge of rashness as brought against Harold during the last scene
of his life I shall discuss elsewhere. I here add the Biographer’s
disclaimer (Vita Eadw. 409); “Porro de vitio præcipitationis sive
levitatis, quis hunc vel illum sive quemvis de Godwino patre genitum,
sive ejus disciplinâ et studio educatum arguerit?” There is a very
remarkable passage further on (p. 422), in which the Biographer says
that Harold was “ad sacramenta nimis (proh dolor) prodigus.” The
allusion clearly is to Harold’s oath to William, which the Biographer
never distinctly mentions.

Footnote 107:

I refer of course to the tale of Eadgyth Swanneshals, of which I shall
have to speak again more than once.

Footnote 108:

See vol. i. p. 577.

Footnote 109:

Chron. Ab. Cant. 1044. Petrib. 1043. I shall discuss the exact date
afterwards.

Footnote 110:

Vita Eadw. 415. She sat at his feet, unless he lifted her up to sit at
his side. This must be compared with the account of the legislation
about West-Saxon Kings’ wives after the crime of Eadburh (Asser, M. H.
B. 471 B). She had shown personal kindness to the Biographer (427);

“Scribes Reginam primo tibi subvenientem,
Et quicquid scribes, laus et honor sit ei.”

This perhaps gave occasion for the more elaborate and better known
description in the false Ingulf.

William of Malmesbury’s account of her (ii. 197) is singular; “Femina
in cujus pectore omnium liberalium artium esset gymnasium, sed parvum
in mundanis rebus ingenium; quam quum videres, si literas stuperes,
modestiam certè animi et speciem corporis desiderares.”

Footnote 111:

Hist. Rams. cxiv. (p. 457). Abbot Ælfwine, wishing to obtain certain
lands bequeathed to the monastery by one Æthelwine the Black, but
which were withheld from it by one Ælfric the son of Wihtgar,
“apposuit quoque de divitis crumenæ dispendio viginti marcas auri,
quibus gratiam Regis mercaretur, Ædthithæ [sic] quippe Reginæ
sedulitatem quinque marcarum auri pretio exegit interponi, ut pias
ejus preces regiis auribus fideliter importaret.” So again, in a
charter of 1060 in Cod. Dipl. iv. 142, Eadgyth lays claim to certain
lands claimed by the Abbey of Peterborough, but on the intercession of
her husband and her brothers Harold and Tostig (none of whom seem to
have taken anything), and on the gift of twenty marks and certain
church ornaments, she is induced to confirm the grant. That she looked
carefully after her rents in money, kine, and honey, and after the men
who stole her horse, is no blame to her (Cod. Dipl. iv. 257).

Footnote 112:

Will. Pict. 199 A, B (Duchesne).

Footnote 113:

Flor. Wig. 1065.

Footnote 114:

See Appendix B.

Footnote 115:

Vita Eadw. 431, (cf. 433).

Footnote 116:

Ibid. 403. See below.

Footnote 117:

Godgifu was the sister of Thorold the Sheriff, founder of the Priory
of Spalding. See John of Peterborough, a. 1052. p. 49. Giles. The
legend of her riding naked through Coventry is found in Bromton (949),
and Knighton (2334). They do not mention peeping Tom, who, it is some
comfort to think, must at any rate have been one of King Eadward’s
Frenchmen.

Footnote 118:

See Will. Malms. ii. 196. Cf. Æthel. Riev. 389. Chron. Evesham. 84.
This last writer extends Leofric’s authority to the borders of
Scotland. Did Cumberland reach to the Ribble in those days?

Footnote 119:

“Stow sub promontorio Lincolniæ.” Bromton, 949. See the charters of
Bishop Wulfwig, Cod. Dipl. iv. 290. The church was not built by
Leofric, but by Eadnoth the Second, Bishop of Dorchester (1034–1050);
Leofric’s benefaction took the form of ornaments. See Flor. Wig. 1057,
where he calls Stow “locus famosus qui Sanctæ Mariæ Stou Anglicè,
Latinè verò Sanctæ Mariæ Locus appellatur.” The antiquity of part of
the church is indisputable, but a more wretched village cannot be
found.

A document, professing to be a petition from Godgifu to Pope Victor,
praying for the confirmation of her gifts to Stow, is marked doubtful
by Mr. Kemble (Cod. Dipl. iv. 168), doubtless on good grounds. But I
do not understand his date, 1060–1066, as the Popedom of Victor the
Second was from 1055 to 1057. Siward, who died early in 1055, could
hardly have signed an address to Pope Victor.

Footnote 120:

See vol. i. p. 539.

Footnote 121:

See vol. i. p. 588.

Footnote 122:

See Appendix G.

Footnote 123:

Vita Eadw. 421, 422.

Footnote 124:

See Chronn. 1055.

Footnote 125:

See vol. i. p. 274.

Footnote 126:

See Appendix G.

Footnote 127:

Chron. 1051.

Footnote 128:

Chron. 1055.

Footnote 129:

Cod. Dipl. vi. 203.

Footnote 130:

For the earliest example, one of 1020, see Kemble, Archæological
Journal, xiv. 61, 62.

Footnote 131:

See vol. i. p. 102.

Footnote 132:

See vol. i. p. 499.

Footnote 133:

See vol. i. p. 564.

Footnote 134:

Orkneyinga Saga, Ant. Celt. Scand. 172 et seqq. Robertson, i. 114.
Burton, i. 369.

Footnote 135:

Fordun, iv. 44. Robertson, i. 116. Marianus Scotus (Pertz, v. 557)
says expressly, “Donnchad Rex Scotiæ in autumno occiditur a duce suo
Macbethad mac Finnloech, cui successit in regnum annis xvii.”

Footnote 136:

Fordun, u. s. “Consanguinea Siwardi Comitis.”

Footnote 137:

Robertson, i. 120 et seqq. Burton, i. 371–2.

Footnote 138:

Innes, Scotland in the Middle Ages, p. 118.

Footnote 139:

Marianus (Pertz, v. 558). “Rex Scottiæ Macbethad Romæ argentum
pauperibus seminando distribuit.” Florence (1050) leaves out the word
“pauperibus,” and changes “seminando” into “spargendo.” The change can
hardly be undesigned, and of the influence of money at Rome we shall
hear presently in the case of Bishop Ulf. Chron. Petrib. 1047. John of
Peterborough (48) combines the two readings, saying, “Machetus Rex
Scotorum Romæ argentum spargendo pauperibus distribuit.”

Footnote 140:

See Robertson, i. 122. Burton, i. 373.

Footnote 141:

See vol. i. p. 36.

Footnote 142:

See vol. i. p. 564.

Footnote 143:

Ann. Camb. 1039. Brut y Tywysogion, 1037.

Footnote 144:

Brut. 1040, 1042. Ann. Camb. 1039–1047. In one battle in 1040 Gruffydd
seems to have been taken prisoner by the Danes of Dublin. But the
whole narrative is very confused. See the entries under 1041 and 1042.

Footnote 145:

Brut, 1042. Ann. Camb. 1045?

Footnote 146:

See above, p. 40.

Footnote 147:

See above, p. 41.

Footnote 148:

See above, p. 18.

Footnote 149:

Æthel. R. 375. “Tunc elevatus est sol et luna stetit in ordine suo,
quando, Edwardo gloriâ et honore coronato, sacerdotes sapientiâ et
sanctitate fulgebant, monasteria omni relligione pollebant, clerus in
officio suo, populus stabat in gradu suo; videbatur etiam terra
fecundior, aer salubrior, sol serenior, maris unda pacatior. Quoniam
diu Rege pacifico regnante in uno vinculo pacis omnia convenirent, ut
nihil pestilentiosum esset in aere, nihil in mari tempestuosum, in
terrâ nihil infecundum, nihil inordinatum in clero, nihil in plebe
tumultuosum.” It would be endless to contrast all these details with
those found in the Chronicles and the Biographer. Even William of
Malmesbury, comparatively sober as he is, goes too far when he says
(ii. 196), “Denique eo regnante, nullus tumultus domesticus qui non
citò comprimeretur, nullum bellum forinsecùs, omnia domi forisque
quieta, omnia tranquilla.”

Footnote 150:

“Forðam heo hit heold ǽr to fæste wið hine,” say the Abingdon,
Peterborough, and Canterbury Chronicles. Worcester is more explicit;
“Forþan þe heo wæs æror þam cynge hire suna swiðe heard, _þæt heo him
læsse dyde þonne he wolde_, ær þam þe he cyng wære, and eac syððan.”
This is translated by Florence; “Vel quia priusquam Rex esset
effectus, vel post, _minus quam volebat illi dederat_, et ei valdè
dura exstiterat;” and by Roger of Wendover, “eo quod priusquam Rex
fuerat, _nihil illi contulerat quod petebat_” (i. 482). William of
Malmesbury says (ii. 196), “Mater ‘Angustos filii jamdudum riserat
annos,’ nihil umquam de suo largita.” He then gives the reason, namely
her preference for Cnut over Æthelred.

Footnote 151:

See vol. i. p. 454.

Footnote 152:

See vol. i. pp. 544, 555, 559.

Footnote 153:

See vol. i. p. 545 et seqq.

Footnote 154:

See vol. i. pp. 535, 561.

Footnote 155:

See the writ quoted at vol. i. p. 580, which cannot belong to the
_first_ reign of Harthacnut in Wessex only.

Footnote 156:

Besides land, the Abingdon Chronicle speaks of her wealth “on golde
and on seolfre and on unasecgendlicum þingum.” So that of Worcester
says of her treasures, “þa wæron unatellendlice.” So Florence;
“quicquid in auro, argento, gemmis, lapidibus, aliisve rebus pretiosum
habuerat.”

Footnote 157:

Will. Malms. ii. 196. “Congestis undecumque talentis crumenas
infecerat, pauperum oblita; quibus non patiebatur dari nummum ne
diminueret numerum. Itaque _quod injustè coacervârat_ non inhonestè
ablatum, ut egenorum proficeret compendio _et fisco sufficeret
regio_.” Though accepting this account (hæc referentibus etsi plurimum
fides haberi debeat), he goes on, as he does elsewhere (ii. 181. see
vol. i. p. 487), to speak of her bounty to monasteries, especially at
Winchester.

Footnote 158:

A meeting of the Witan is implied in the language of the Worcester
Chronicle, “Man gerædde þan cynge þæt he rád of Gleawcestre,” and in
the presence and consent of the three Earls—“ut illi [Leofricus,
Godwinus, et Siwardus] consilium ei dederant,” as Florence says.

Footnote 159:

See vol. i. p. 539.

Footnote 160:

See vol. i. p. 588.

Footnote 161:

So says the Worcester Chronicle, followed by Florence; “He rád of
Gleawcestre, and Leofric eorl and Godwine eorl and Sigwarð eorl mid
heora genge, to Wincestre;” “Festinato Rex cum comitibus Leofrico,
Godwino, et Siwardo de civitate Glawornâ Wintoniam venit.” The other
Chronicles do not imply the King’s personal presence; “se cyng let
geridan,” &c.

Footnote 162:

Chron. Wig. “On únwær on þa hlæfdian.” Flor. Wig. “Venit improvise.”

Footnote 163:

Chronn. Ab., Petrib., Cant. “Se cyng let geridan ealle þa land þe his
modor ahte him to handa.” The Worcester Chronicler says nothing of the
land.

Footnote 164:

Flor. Wig. “Verumtamen sufficienter ei ministrari necessaria præcepit
et illam ibidem quietam manere jussit.”

Footnote 165:

Emma signs a charter of her son’s during this year 1043 (Cod. Dipl.
iv. 74), which therefore belongs to an earlier Gemót than this of
November, probably to one held at Winchester at the time of the
coronation. From this time we find her signing only a few private
documents (Cod. Dipl. iv. 86, 116) and documents connected with the
Church of Winchester (iv. 90, 93). After her son’s marriage she seems
not to sign her son’s charters at all. The documents at iv. 80, 99 are
doubtful or spurious. On the Legend of Emma see Appendix H.

Footnote 166:

See above, p. 10.

Footnote 167:

Adam of Bremen, iii. 13.

Footnote 168:

Chronn. and Flor. Wig. 1044, 1045, 1046, 1047. All dates are given.

Footnote 169:

De Inv. 14. “Adelstanus ... degenerans à patris astutiâ et
sapientiâ ... multa ex his perdidit, et inter cetera Waltham.” This
may however only mean that he squandered his estate. His son Esegar
was Staller two years later. See Professor Stubbs’ note, and vol. i.
p. 591.

Footnote 170:

Chron. Wig. 1045. Flor. Wig. 1044. If Gunhild’s sons were old enough
to be dangerous, they must have been the children of Hakon who died in
1030. The names Heming and Thurkill have already appeared as those of
a pair of brothers. Vol. i. p. 376. Cf. Knytlinga Saga, ap. Johnston,
Ant. Celt. Scand. 105.

Footnote 171:

On this Harold see vol. i. p. 476. The signature to a charter of
Bishop Lyfing’s, 1042 (Cod. Dipl. iv. 69), must be his.

Footnote 172:

Adam Brem. ii. 75. “Caussa mortis ea fuit quod de regali stirpe
Danorum genitus, propior sceptro videbatur quam Magnus.”

Footnote 173:

The Chronica Sclavica, c. 13, makes Godescalc leave England after the
death of Cnut (vol. i. 649, 494), but Adam (u. s.) puts his departure
after the death of Cnut _and his sons_. If this last account be
correct, it looks very much as if Godescalc was banished. According to
Saxo (p. 204), he served for some time under Swend in his war with
Magnus. Saxo also (p. 208) marries him to Siritha (Sigrid?) a natural
daughter of Swend, but the national Chronicle distinctly makes his
wife Demmyn, Cnut’s sister or daughter, alive at the time of his
death.

These banishments probably helped, along with the displaced massacre
of Saint Brice, to form the groundwork for the legend of the general
expulsion or massacre of Danes in England. See vol. i. p. 592.

Footnote 174:

See vol. i. p. 473.

Footnote 175:

See vol. i. p. 563.

Footnote 176:

A private document in Cod. Dipl. iv. 116 is signed by “Stigand p̃.” It
is assigned to the year 1049, but this date must be wrong, as it is
signed by Ælfweard Bishop of London, who died in 1044. As it is signed
by Eadward and Emma, it must belong to the early Gemót of 1043, that
at which Stigand received his appointment as Bishop and Swegen as
Earl.

Footnote 177:

Chron. Ab. 1043. Chronn. Petrib. and Cant. 1042.

Footnote 178:

Chron. Ab. “And raðe þǽs man sette Stigant of his bisceoprice, and nam
eal þæt he ahte þam cinge to handa; forðam he wæs nehst his modor
rǽde, and heo for swá swá he hire rædde; þæs ðe men wendon.”

Footnote 179:

Chron. Petrib. 1048.

Footnote 180:

See vol. i. p. 320. Chron. Ab. 1050.

Footnote 181:

See vol. i. p. 565. Vita Eadw. p. 399.

Footnote 182:

In very much later times, in the fifteenth century, we find
Parliament, King, and Chapter all combining in the appointment of
Bishops, in a way which would rather surprise us now. The House of
Commons petitions the King to recommend a particular person to the
Chapter. Two such applications were made in favour of Archbishop
Bourchier, at different stages of his advancement. See Hook, Lives of
Archbishops, v. 276, 282. The order in Eadward’s time was different,
as the Chapter seems, sometimes at least, to have first elected and
then to have asked the confirmation of King and Witan. But the
principle is much the same. At all events, in the eleventh century,
though the papal veto was just beginning to be heard of, a papal
provision was quite unknown.

Footnote 183:

See Lingard, Anglo-Saxon Church, i. 94, where the whole matter is very
fairly stated. Investiture by the staff is implied in the famous
legend of Saint Wulfstan at the tomb of Eadward.

Footnote 184:

Chron. Petrib. 1047.

Footnote 185:

See vol. i. pp. 563, 588.

Footnote 186:

Chron. Ab. 1044. Petrib. 1043. “Forðam se arcebiscop wende þæt hit sum
oðer man _abiddan wolde, oþþe gebicgan_, þe he wyrs truwode and uðe,
gif hit ma manna wiste.”

Footnote 187:

Ib. “Be þæs cynges leafe, and ræde, and Godwines eorles. Hit wæs elles
feawum mannum cuð ær hit gedón wæs.” So William of Malmesbury, ii.
197. “Ante cum Rege tantùm et Comite communicato consilio, ne quis ad
tantum fastigium aspiraret indignus, vel prece vel pretio.”

Footnote 188:

He was consecrated to the see of Upsala, according to Professor Stubbs
(Ep. Succ. p. 20) and Dean Hook (i. 491); to Rochester, according to
the Abingdon History (i. 452). But Florence (1049) calls him
“Siwardus, Edsii Dorubernensis archiepiscopi chorepiscopus.” William
of Malmesbury (De Gest. Pont. 116) has a strange story, how Siward was
to succeed Eadsige, but treating him harshly, and not even allowing
him enough to eat, was deprived of the succession to the
Archbishoprick, and had to content himself with Rochester—“quo
leviaret verecundiam, quo detrimentum consolaretur.” Siward signs
charters with the title of Archbishop, Cod. Dipl. iv. 96, 103, 105; as
Bishop only in iv. 99; as Abbot only in a very doubtful charter, iv.
102. See also Hen. Hunt. M. H. B. 759 B. Angl. Sacr. i. 106. Bromton,
938.

Footnote 189:

Chron. Ab. 1048. Chron. Wig. 1050. Fl. Wig. 1049. See Hist. Ab. i.
461. Siward was a benefactor to his abbey, and fills a considerable
place in its history.

Footnote 190:

Chron. Ab. 1048. Petrib. 1046.

Footnote 191:

See vol. i. p. 568.

Footnote 192:

Chron. Wig. 1045. Fl. Wig. 1044. Hist. Eves. p. 85. Hist. Ram. c. 104.

Footnote 193:

Fl. Wig. u. s. “Ablatis ex maximâ parte libris et ornamentis, quæ ipse
eidem contulerat loco, et quædam, ut fertur, quæ alii contulerant.”
Cf. Hist. Rams. u. s. But the Evesham historian, who uses very strong
language against the monks of his own house, does not charge Ælfweard
with more than transferring his intended gifts from Evesham to Ramsey;
“quæ huic loco offerre cogitabat, versâ vice præfatæ ecclesiæ Ramesiæ
omnia condonabat.” Hist. Eves. p. 85.

Footnote 194:

Chron. Wig. 1045. Fl. Wig. 1044. Hist. Eves. p. 86. Mannig rebuilt the
church (Chronn. Ab. and Wig. 1054), and continued Abbot till 1066,
when he died, having been for some time disabled by palsy.

Footnote 195:

Will. Malm. Gest. Pont. 134 b. He is there spoken of simply as a monk
of Jumièges, but from the Biographer (399) and from the Nova Chronica
Normanniæ, A. 1037, it appears that he had been Abbot. (See Neustria
Pia, p. 309.) He became Abbot in 1037, and began the church in 1040.
William himself, in his History (ii. 199), speaks of his building as
“Ecclesia Sanctæ Mariæ, quam ipse præcipuo et sumptuoso opere
construxerat.” He begins to sign as Bishop in 1046. Cod. Dipl. iv.
110.

Footnote 196:

William of Malmesbury (Gest. Pont. 116) makes Robert’s influence with
Eadward the recompense of some services done to him in Normandy. He
goes on, “Is ergo et amore antiquo et recenti honore primas partes in
consiliis regalibus vendicabat, quos vellet deponeret, quos liberet,
sublimaret.”

Footnote 197:

Ann. Wint. 21, Luard. “Tanti fuit homo ille in oculis Regis ut si
diceret nigram cornicem esse candidam Rex citiùs ori illius quam
oculis suis crederet.”

Footnote 198:

Vita Eadw. 400. So William of Malmesbury (u. s.); “Ille contra
pertinaciùs insistere, donec præcipuos optimates, Godwinum dico et
filios ejus, proditionis apud Regem accusatos Angliâ expelleret.
Expulsionis aliæ quoque fuere caussæ, et alii auctores, sicut aliàs
non tacuimus. Sed ille clariùs classicum cecinit, instantiùs
accusavit.”

Footnote 199:

See vol. i. p. 573.

Footnote 200:

Bishop Godwin (Cat. of Bishops, p. 25) says truly, but without fully
understanding the force of his own words; “This man is said to have
laid the first foundation of the Normans conquest in England.”

Footnote 201:

Chron. Petrib. 1043. Fl. Wig. 1044.

Footnote 202:

See above, p. 63.

Footnote 203:

See above, p. 18.

Footnote 204:

Snorro, Saga of Magnus, 33, of Harold, 18 (Laing, ii. 391. iii. 17).
Chron. Roskild. Lang. i. 377. Saxo, 203.

Footnote 205:

Saxo, 204.

Footnote 206:

See vol. i. p. 649.

Footnote 207:

Saxo, 203. Swend. Agg. c. 5 (Lang. i. 56). So Adam Brem. ii. 75;
“Magnus autem Rex pro justitiâ et fortitudine carus fuit Danis, verùm
Sclavis terribilis, qui post mortem Chnut Daniam infestabant.”

Footnote 208:

Snorro, Magnus, 38 (Laing, ii. 397). Ant. Celt. Scand. 184.

Footnote 209:

Snorro, Ant. Celt. Scand. 185. “Var þat þá rád her allra landsmanna at
taka mik till Konungs her í Englandi.”

Footnote 210:

Does this mean that Eadward meant to meet Magnus in single combat?

Footnote 211:

Chron. Ab. 1044, 1045. Chron. Petrib. 1043.

Footnote 212:

Chron. Ab. 1045. “And þar wæs swa mycel here gegæderod swa nan man ne
geseh, sciphere nænne maran on þysan lande.”

Footnote 213:

For the life of Harold Hardrada our chief authority is his Saga in
Snorro, which will be found in the third volume of Laing’s
Translation. It fits in better than might have been expected with
authentic history. There are also notices in Adam of Bremen and the
Danish writers.

Footnote 214:

See Finlay, Byz. Emp. i. 466.

Footnote 215:

See vol. i. p. 577, and above, p. 44.

Footnote 216:

Adam Brem. iii. 16. “Erat vir potens et clarus victoriis, qui prius in
Græciâ et in Scythiæ regionibus multa contra barbaros prœlia
confecit.” For some legends, see Saxo, 205.

Footnote 217:

See Finlay, i. 487.

Footnote 218:

Ib.

Footnote 219:

It is worth noticing that the reigning Emperor Constantine Monomachos
had a hand in restoring the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. It would be
singular indeed if Harold Hardrada were in any way the instrument of
his bounty. See Finlay, i. 503.

Footnote 220:

So says the Saga, but it is hard to say who is meant by this niece of
Zôê. It is possible that, if there be any truth in the story, some
niece or other kinswoman of Constantine is intended. William of
Malmesbury (iii. 260) gives another turn to the story. He was “pro
stupro illustris fœminæ leoni objectus.” Of course he kills the beast.
In Saxo (205) the crime becomes murder, and the lion is exchanged for
a dragon.

Footnote 221:

Snorro, Harold, c. 18 (Laing, iii. 17).

Footnote 222:

Chron. Wig. 1046. “On þam geare gegaderade Eadward cyng mycele
scypferde on Sandwic, þurh Magnus þreatunge on Norwegon; ac his gewinn
and Swegenes on Denmarcon geletton þæt he her ne com.” So Fl. Wig.
1045. Rog. Wend. i. 483.

Footnote 223:

Chron. Ab. 1044. Petrib. 1043. Cant. 1045. But 1043 in Peterborough
really means 1045, and the 1044 of Abingdon takes in the whole
Christmas season running into the next year. The Hyde writer (288),
amusingly enough, places the marriage after Godwine’s return in 1052.
Eadward “adveniens multâ probitate multâque animi industriâ cœpit
florere, et _Normannos quos adduxerat principes per Angliam
constituere_; contra hunc quoque Comes Godwinus, pacis inimicus,
tentans rebellare, irâ commotus, Angliâ discessit, moxque repatrians
usque in ipsam metropolim Londoniam classem suam advexit. Denique _se
non posse prævalere animadvertens_, pacem cum Edwardo statuit
componere, et ut nullius rebellionis suspicio remaneret, filiam suam
Editham nomine ei matrimonio copulavit, filiumque suum Haroldum ejus
dapiferum constituit.”

Footnote 224:

See above, p. 36.

Footnote 225:

This legend occurs in the Vita Eadwardi, p. 394. It is of course not
omitted by the professed hagiographers. See Appendix B.

Footnote 226:

See above, p. 41.

Footnote 227:

See Gisa’s narrative in Hunter’s Ecclesiastical Documents, pp. 15, 16.
Compare the promotion of Savaric to the same see by the less kindly
influence of a later Emperor. Canon. Well. ap. Angl. Sacr. i. 563.

Footnote 228:

Hist. Rams. c. 75. (p. 434). “Quum esset bonæ vitæ et prudentiæ
laudabilis, genuinâ tum animi feritate, utpote Teutonicus natione,
damnum aliquod suæ attulit laudi.” His appointment is more remarkable,
as he succeeded Wulfsige who died at Assandun (vol. i. p. 432), so
that he must have been promoted very early in Cnut’s reign, before his
connexion with Conrad began. Wythmann got into all kinds of trouble
with his monks, and at last, after a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, died a
solitary. His story in the Ramsey History is worth reading.

Footnote 229:

See vol. i. p. 178.

Footnote 230:

Chron. Ab. 1045. “Eadward cyng geaf Heramanne his preoste þæt
bisceoprice.” Chron. Wig. 1046. “Man sette Hereman on his setle,” an
expression implying the consent of the Witan. Florence says, “Regis
capellanus Herimannus, de Lotharingiâ oriundus.”

Footnote 231:

Fl. Wig. 1031. Will. Malms. Gest. Pont. 145 _b_.

Footnote 232:

“Vir prudentissimus Livingus,” says Florence (1031); “Omnibus quæ
injuncta fuerant, sapientèr et mirificè ante adventum Regis
consummatis,” says William.

Footnote 233:

Will. Malms. Gest. Pont. 145 _b_. Cf. Gest. Regg. iii. 300.

Footnote 234:

See vol. i. p. 563.

Footnote 235:

See above, p. 7.

Footnote 236:

Will. Malms. u. s. “Ambitiosus et protervus ecclesiasticarum legum
tyrannus, ut fertur, invictus, qui nihil pensi haberet, quominùs omni
voluntati suæ assisteret.”

Footnote 237:

Will. Malms. u. s. “A majoribus accepimus, quum ille spiritum
efflaret, tum horrisonum crepitum per totam Angliam auditum, ut ruina
et finis totius putaretur orbis.” The loss of men like Lyfing is
indeed the ruin of nations.

Footnote 238:

Will. Malms. (u. s.), who speaks of his gifts to the monastery, and of
the services still said for him, “ut hodieque xv. graduum psalmos
continuatâ per successores consuetudine pro ejus decantent quiete.”

Footnote 239:

“Lyfing se wordsnotera biscop.” He adds, “he hæfde iii. biscoprice an
on Defenascire, and on Cornwalon, and on Wigracestre.” So Florence
calls him “Hwicciorum, Domnaniæ, et Cornubiæ præsul.” In the
Peterborough Chronicle he is “biscop on Defenascire,” which the
Canterbury Chronicler, using the language of his own age, turns into
“biscop of Exceastre.”

Footnote 240:

Flor. Wig. 1046. “Regis cancellario Leofrico Brytonico mox
Cridiatunensis et Cornubiensis datus est præsulatus.”

Footnote 241:

Will. Malms. Gest. Pont. 145 _b_. “Lefricus apud Lotharingos altus et
doctus.”

Footnote 242:

See vol. i. p. 320.

Footnote 243:

See vol. i. p. 353.

Footnote 244:

Will. Malms. u. s. He again speaks of Æthelstan’s walls. See vol. i.
pp. 337–340.

Footnote 245:

See vol. i. pp. 345, 346.

Footnote 246:

Such a personal installation seems to be the meaning of the
description in the foundation charter of the new see of Exeter, in
Cod. Dipl. iv. 118. The Charter is doubtful, but it may probably be
trusted for a fact of this kind. Cf. Will. Malms. iii. 300.

Footnote 247:

See the whole subject fully illustrated by Professor Stubbs in the
Preface to the _De Inventione_, p. ix. et seqq.

The rule of Chrodegang will be found at length in D’Achery’s
Spicilegium, i. 565 et seqq.

Footnote 248:

Cap. 53. “Ut Canonici cucullos monachorum non induant.”

Footnote 249:

See Stubbs, De Inventione, p. x.

Footnote 250:

Will. Malms. Gest. Pont. 145 _b_. “Canonicos statuit qui, _contra
morem Anglorum_, ad formam Lotharingorum uno triclinio comederent, uno
cubiculo cubitarent. Transmissa est hujuscemodi regula ad posteros,
quamvis pro luxu temporum nonnullâ jam ex parte deciderit, habentque
clerici œconomum ab episcopo constitutum, qui eis diatim necessaria
victui, annuatim amictui commoda suggerat.”

Footnote 251:

See vol. i. p. 353.

Footnote 252:

The name of Ealdred will be constantly recurring in our history for
the next twenty-three years. His general life and character are
described by William of Malmesbury, De Gest Pont. 154, and Thomas
Stubbs, Gest. Pont. Eb. X Scriptt. 1700 et seqq.

Footnote 253:

T. Stubbs, u. s. “Iste apud Regem Edwardum tantæ erat auctoritatis, ut
cum eo mortales inimicos reconciliaret et de inimicissimis amicissimos
faceret.”

Footnote 254:

The reconciliation of Gruffydd appears from his acting immediately
afterwards in concert with Earl Swegen. That Ealdred brought about
this present reconciliation is not distinctly stated, but it quite
falls in with his general character, and with the fact that he played
a prominent part in a later reconciliation between Eadward and
Gruffydd. The success of Ealdred in reconciling both Swegen and
Gruffydd to the King is specially commented on by Thomas Stubbs, the
biographer of the Archbishops of York (X Scriptt. 1701). Now Stubbs
wrote more than three hundred years after the time; still he is not a
romancer like Bromton or Knighton, but a really honest and careful
writer, and he doubtless had access to materials which are now lost or
unprinted. He may indeed refer to the later reconciliation in 1056,
but the combination of the names of Swegen and Gruffydd might lead us
to think that he was speaking of some event at this time.

Footnote 255:

Chron. Ab. 1046. “Her on þysum geare for Swegn eorl into Wealan, and
Griffin se Norþerna cyng forð mid him, and him man gislode.” In Ann.
Camb. 1046 we read, “Seditio magna orta fuit inter Grifud filium
Lewelin et Grifud filium Riderch.” Or possibly the expedition may be
that recorded under the next year, when Gruffydd ap Llywelyn ravaged
all South Wales in revenge for the treacherous slaughter of one
hundred and forty of his nobles. In any case the two independent
accounts exactly fit in to one another.

Footnote 256:

Chron. Ab. 1046. “þa he hamwerdes wæs þa het he feccan him to þa
abbedessan on Leomynstre, and hæfde hi þa while þe him geliste, and
let hi syððan faran ham.”

Footnote 257:

Florence does not mention the affair of Swegen and Eadgifu in its
chronological order, but refers to it when he describes the return of
Swegen in 1049. “Suanus ... qui, relictâ prius Angliâ, eo quod Edgivam
Leonensis monasterii abbatissam, quam corruperat, in matrimonium,
habere non licuerit, Danemarciam adierat.” So the Worcester Chronicle,
which does not mention Eadgifu, says, under 1050, “Swegen Eorl, þe fór
ær of þisan lande to Denmarcon, and þær forworhte hine wið Denum.”
Abingdon, the only Chronicle which mentions Eadgifu, does not speak
directly of Swegen’s departure, but implies it under 1049. Mr. St.
John (ii. 148 et seqq.) works up the story into an elaborate romance,
with a glowing description of the beauty, accomplishments, and
wickedness of Eadgifu and of nuns in general. M. de Bonnechose (ii.
85) tells us, “Sweyn _cinquième_ fils de Godwin, fit violence (?) à
_Elgive_, abbesse de Leominster; banni par le roi pour ce crime,” &c.

Footnote 258:

See vol. i. p. 279.

Footnote 259:

Chronn. Petrib. 1045. Cant. 1046. “On ðam ilcan geare ferde Swegen
eorl ut to Baldewines lande to Brycge, and wunode þær ealne winter,
and wende þa to sumere út.” “Út” means, of course, to Denmark. William
of Malmesbury says (ii. 200), “Swanus, perversi ingenii et infidi in
Regem, multotiens à patre et fratre Haroldo descivit, et pirata
factus, prædis marinis virtutes majorum polluit.” Whom did William
look on as the forefathers of Swegen?

Footnote 260:

Chron. Petrib. 1046. Swegen on his return asks for their restoration.

Footnote 261:

Will. Malms. ii. 196. “Leofricus ... monasteria multa constituit ...
_Leonense_, et nonnulla alia.” So Flor. Wig. 1057. On Leominster see
Monasticon, iv. 51.

Footnote 262:

Leominster Monastery had no existence in the time of Henry the First,
when it was a “dirutum monasterium” which that King granted to his new
Abbey of Reading (Will. Malms. Gest. Pont. Scriptt. p. Bed. 144). I
infer also from Domesday (180) that the house had no corporate being
at the time of the Survey. Leominster was then held by the King; in
King Eadward’s time it had been held by Queen Eadgyth. The monastery
is only casually mentioned; it holds no land, but a rent seems to be
reserved for the “victus monialium.” These facts together seem to me
to show that the society was dissolved, a certain rent being set aside
for the surviving members, like the pensions granted at the general
Dissolution under Henry the Eighth. See Appendix E.

Footnote 263:

Chronn. Ab. 1046. Wig. 1047. “Man utlagode Osgod stallere.” Chron.
Petrib. 1044. “On þis ilcan geare wearð aflemed ut Osgot Clapa.”
Chron. Cant. 1045. “And Osgod Clapa wærð ut adriven.” The difference
of expression in the different Chronicles is remarkable. On “ut
adriven,” see vol. i. p. 561. Florence, 1046, says, “Osgodus Clapa
expellitur Angliâ.”

Footnote 264:

See above, p. 7.

Footnote 265:

The Abingdon Chronicle says “on þis ylcan geare man geútlagode Osgod
Clapan _foran to middanwintre_.”

Footnote 266:

This is implied in the narrative of Florence, 1049. “Osgodus autem ...
Danemarciam rediit.”

Footnote 267:

See vol. i. p. 466.

Footnote 268:

Snorro, Harold, 21 (Laing, iii. 19).

Footnote 269:

Ibid. 26, 28 (Laing, iii. 25, 27).

Footnote 270: