Chapter XLV: Appendix: VIII (1)

THE RELATIONSHIP OF TRADE UNIONISM TO THE GOVERNMENT OF INDUSTRY

In our work on _Industrial Democracy_, published in 1897, we formulated the following tentative conclusions with regard to the participation of the workmen’s organisations in industrial management, and the relation of Trade Unionism to political Democracy:

“This survey of the changes required in Trade Union policy leads us straight to a conclusion as to the part which Trade Unionism will be expected to play in the management of the industry of a democratic state. The interminable series of decisions, which together make up industrial administration, fall into three main classes. There is, first, the decision as to what shall be produced--that is to say, the exact commodity or service to be supplied to the consumers. There is, secondly, the judgement as to the manner in which the production shall take place, the adoption of material, the choice of processes, and the selection of human agents. Finally, there is the altogether different question of the conditions under which these human agents shall be employed--the temperature, atmosphere, and sanitary arrangements amid which they shall work, the intensity and duration of their toil, and the wages given as its reward.

“To obtain for the community the maximum satisfaction it is essential that the needs and desires of the consumers should be the main factor in determining the commodities and services to be produced. Whether these needs and desires can best be ascertained and satisfied by the private enterprise of capitalist profit-makers, keenly interested in securing custom, or by the public service of salaried officials, intent on pleasing associations of consumers (as in the British Co-operative Movement), or associations of citizens (the Municipality or the State), is at present the crucial problem of Democracy. But whichever way this issue may be decided, one thing is certain, namely, that the several sections of manual workers, enrolled in their Trade Unions, will have, under private enterprise or Collectivism, no more to do with the determination of what is to be produced than any other citizens or consumers. As manual workers and wage-earners, they bring to the problem no specialised knowledge; and as persons fitted for the performance of particular services, they are even biassed against the inevitable changes in demand which characterise progressive community. This is even more the case with regard to the second department of industrial administration--the adoption of material, the choice of processes, and the selection of human agents. Here, the Trade Unions concerned are specially disqualified, not only by their ignorance of the possible alternatives, but also by their overwhelming bias in favour of a particular material, a particular process, or a particular grade of workers, irrespective of whether these are or are not the best adapted for the gratification of the consumers’ desires. On the other hand, the directors of industry, whether thrown up by the competitive struggle or deliberately appointed by the consumers or citizens, have been specially picked out and trained to discover the best means of satisfying the consumers’ desires. Moreover, the bias of their self-interest coincides with the object of their customers or employers--that is to say, the best and cheapest production. Thus, if we leave out of account the disturbing influence of monopoly in private enterprise, and corruption in public administration, it would at first sight seem as if we might safely leave the organisation of production and distribution under the one system as under the other to the expert knowledge of the directors of industry. But this is subject to one all-important qualification. The permanent bias of the profitmaker, and even of the salaried official of the Co-operative Society, the Municipality, or the Government Department, is to lower the expense of production. So far as immediate results are concerned, it seems equally advantageous whether this reduction of cost is secured by a better choice of materials, processes, or men, or by some lowering of wages or other worsening of the conditions upon which the human agents are employed. But the democratic state is, as we have seen, vitally interested in upholding the highest possible Standard of Life of all its citizens, and especially of the manual workers who form four-fifths of the whole. Hence the bias of the directors of industry in favor of cheapness has, in the interests of the community, to be perpetually controlled and guided by a determination to maintain, and progressively to raise, the conditions of employment.

“This leads us to the third branch of industrial administration--the settlement of the conditions under which the human beings are to be employed. The adoption of one material rather than another, the choice between alternative processes or alternative ways of organising the factory, the selection of particular grades of workers, or even of a particular foreman, may affect, for the worse, the Standard of Life of the operatives concerned. This indirect influence on the conditions of employment passes imperceptibly into the direct determination of the wages, hours, and other terms of the wage contract. On all these matters the consumers, on the one hand, and the directors of industry on the other, are permanently disqualified from acting as arbiters. In our chapter on ‘The Higgling of the Market’ we described how, in the elaborate division of labour which characterises the modern industrial system, thousands of workers co-operate in the bringing to market of a single commodity; and no consumer, even if he desired it, could possibly ascertain or judge of the conditions of employment in all these varied trades. Thus, the consumers of all classes are not only biassed in favour of low prices; they are compelled to accept this apparent or genuine cheapness as the only practicable test of efficiency of production. And though the immediate employer of each section of workpeople knows the hours that they work and the wages that they receive, he is precluded by the stream of competitive pressure, transmitted through the retail shopkeeper and the wholesale trader, from effectively resisting the promptings of his own self-interest towards a constant cheapening of labour. Moreover, though he may be statistically aware of the conditions of employment his lack of personal experience of those conditions deprives him of any real knowledge of their effects. To the brain-working captain of industry, maintaining himself and his family on thousands a year, the manual-working wage-earner seems to belong to another species, having mental faculties and bodily needs altogether different from his own. Men and women of the upper or middle classes are totally unable to realise what state of body and mind, what level of character and conduct, result from a life spent, from childhood to old age, amid the dirt, the smell, the noise, the ugliness, and the vitiated atmosphere of the workshop; under constant subjection to the peremptory, or it may be brutal, orders of the foreman; kept continuously at the laborious manual toil for sixty or seventy hours in every week of the year; and maintained by the food, clothing, house-accommodation, recreation, and family life which are implied by a precarious income of between ten shillings and two pounds a week. If the democratic state is to attain its fullest and finest development, it is essential that the actual needs and desires of the human agents concerned should be the main considerations in determining the conditions of employment. Here then we find the special function of the Trade Union in the administration of industry. The simplest member of the working-class organisation knows at any rate where the shoe pinches. The Trade Union official is specially selected by his fellow-workmen for his capacity to express the grievances from which they suffer, and is trained by his calling in devising remedies for them. But in expressing the desires of their members, and in insisting on the necessary reforms, the Trade Unions act within the constant friction-brake supplied by the need of securing employment. It is always the consumers and the consumers alone, whether they act through profit-making _entrepreneurs_ or through their own salaried officials, who determine how many of each particular grade of workers they care to employ on the conditions demanded.... Thus we find no neat formula for defining the rights and duties of the individual in society. In the democratic state every individual is both master and servant. In the work that he does for the community in return for his subsistence he is, and must remain, a servant, subject to the instructions and directions of those whose desires he is helping to satisfy. As a Citizen-Elector jointly with his fellows, and as a Consumer to the extent of his demand, he is a master, determining, free from any superior, what shall be done. Hence, it is the supreme paradox of democracy that every man is a servant in respect of the matters of which he possesses the most expert proficiency, namely, the professional craft to which he devotes his working hours; and he is a master over that on which he knows no more than anybody else, namely, the general interests of the community as a whole. In this paradox, we suggest, lies at once the justification and the strength of democracy. It is not, as is commonly asserted by the superficial, that Ignorance rules over Knowledge, and Mediocrity over Capacity: In the administration of society Knowledge and Capacity can make no real and durable progress except by acting on and through the minds of the common human material which it is desired to improve. It is only by carrying along with him the ‘average sensual man,’ that even the wisest and most philanthropic reformer, however autocratic his power, can genuinely change the face of things. Moreover, not even the wisest of men can be trusted with that supreme authority which comes from the union of knowledge, capacity, and opportunity with the power of untrammelled and ultimate decision. Democracy is an expedient--perhaps the only practicable expedient--for preventing the concentration in any single individual or in any single class of what inevitably becomes, when so concentrated, a terrible engine of oppression. The autocratic emperor, served by a trained bureaucracy, seems to the Anglo-Saxon a perilously near approach to such a concentration. If democracy meant, as early observers imagined, a similar concentration of Knowledge and Power in the hands of the numerical majority for the time being, it might easily become as injurious a tyranny as any autocracy. An actual study of the spontaneous democracies of Anglo-Saxon workmen, or, as we suggest, of any other democratic institutions, reveals the splitting up of this dangerous authority into two parts. Whether in political or in industrial democracy, though it is the Citizen who, as Elector or Consumer, ultimately gives the order, it is the Professional Expert who advises what the order shall be.

“It is another aspect of this paradox that, in the democratic state, no man minds his own business. In the economic sphere this is a necessary consequence of division of labour; Robinson Crusoe, producing solely for his own consumption, being the last man who minded nothing but his own business. The extreme complication brought about by universal production for exchange in itself implies that every one works with a view to fulfilling the desires of other people. The crowding together of dense populations, and especially the co-operative enterprises which then arise, extend in every direction this spontaneous delegation to professional experts of what the isolated individual once deemed ‘his own business.’ Thus, the citizen in a modern municipality no longer produces his own food or makes his own clothes; no longer protects his own life or property; no longer fetches his own water; no longer makes his own thoroughfares, or cleans or lights them when made; no longer removes his own refuse or even disinfects his own dwelling. He no longer educates his own children, or doctors and nurses his own invalids. Trade Unionism adds to the long list of functions thus delegated to professional experts the settlement of the conditions on which the citizen will agree to co-operate in the national service. In the fully-developed democratic state the Citizen will be always minding other people’s business. In his professional occupation he will, whether as brain-worker or manual labourer, be continually striving to fulfil the desires of those whom he serves; whilst as an Elector, in his parish or his co-operative society, his Trade Union or his political association, he will be perpetually passing judgment on issues in which his personal interest is no greater than that of his fellows.

“If, then, we are asked whether democracy, as shown by an analysis of Trade Unionism, is consistent with Individual Liberty, we are compelled to answer by asking, What is Liberty? If Liberty means every man being his own master, and following his own impulses, then it is clearly inconsistent, not so much with democracy or any other particular form of government, as with the crowding together of population in dense masses, division of labour, and, as we think, civilisation itself. What particular individuals, sections, or classes usually mean by ‘freedom of contract,’ ‘freedom of association,’ or ‘freedom of enterprise’ is freedom of opportunity to use the power that they happen to possess--that is to say, to compel other less powerful people to accept their terms. This sort of personal freedom in a community composed of unequal units is not distinguishable from compulsion. It is, therefore, necessary to define Liberty before talking about it; a definition which every man will frame according to his own view of what is socially desirable. We ourselves understand by the words ‘Liberty’ or ‘Freedom,’ not any quantum of natural or inalienable rights, but such conditions of existence in the community as do, in practice, result in the utmost possible development of faculty in the individual human being. Now, in this sense democracy is not only consistent with Liberty, but is, as it seems to us, the only way of securing the largest amount of it. It is open to argument whether other forms of government may not achieve a fuller development of the faculties of particular individuals or classes. To an autocrat, untrammelled rule over a whole kingdom may mean an exercise of his individual faculties, and a development of his individual personality, such as no other situation in life would afford. An aristocracy or government by one class in the interests of one class, may conceivably enable that class to develop a perfection in physical grace or intellectual charm attainable by no other system of society. Similarly, it might be argued that, where the ownership of the means of production and the administration of industry are unreservedly left to the capitalist class, this ‘freedom of enterprise’ would result in a development of faculty among the captains of industry which could not otherwise be reached. We dissent from all these propositions, if only on the ground that the fullest development of personal character requires the pressure of discipline as well as the stimulus of opportunity. But however untrammelled power may affect the character of those who possess it, autocracy, aristocracy, and plutocracy have all, from the point of view of the lover of liberty, one fatal defect--they necessarily involve a restriction in the opportunity for development of faculty among the great mass of the population. It is only when the resources of the nation are deliberately organised and dealt with for the benefit, not of particular individuals or classes, but of the entire community; when the administration of industry, as of every other branch of human affairs, becomes the function of specialised experts, working through deliberately adjusted Common Rules; and when the ultimate decision on policy rests in no other hands than those of the citizens themselves, that the maximum aggregate development of individual intellect and individual character in the community as a whole can be attained.

“For our analysis helps us to disentangle from the complex influences on individual development those caused by democracy itself. The universal specialisation and delegation which, as we suggest, democratic institutions involve, necessarily imply a great increase in capacity and efficiency, if only because specialisation in service means expertness, and delegation compels selection. This deepening and narrowing of professional skill may be expected, in the fully-developed democratic state, to be accompanied by a growth in culture of which our present imperfect organisation gives us no adequate idea. So long as life is one long scramble for personal gain--still more, when it is one long struggle against destitution--there is no free time or strength for much development of the sympathetic, intellectual, artistic, or religious faculties. When the conditions of employment are deliberately regulated so as to secure adequate food, education, and leisure to every capable citizen, the great mass of the population will, for the first time, have any real chance of expanding in friendship and family affection, and of satisfying the instinct for knowledge or beauty. It is an even more unique attribute of democracy that it is always taking the mind of the individual off his own narrow interests and immediate concerns, and forcing him to give his thoughts and leisure, not to satisfying his own desires, but to considering the needs and desires of his fellows. As an Elector--still more as a chosen Representative--in his parish, in his professional association, in his co-operative society, or in the wider political institutions of his state, the ‘average sensual man’ is perpetually impelled to appreciate and to decide issues of public policy. The working of democratic institutions means, therefore, one long training in enlightened altruism, one continual weighing, not of the advantage of the particular act to the particular individual, at the particular moment, but of those ‘larger expediencies’ on which all successful conduct of social life depends.

“If now, at the end of this long analysis, we try to formulate our dominant impression, it is a sense of the vastness and complexity of democracy itself. Modern civilised states are driven to this complication by the dense massing of their populations, and the course of industrial development. The very desire to secure mobility in the crowd compels the adoption of one regulation after another, which limit the right of every man to use the air, the water, the land, and even the artificially produced instruments of production, in the way that he may think best. The very discovery of improved industrial methods, by leading to specialisation, makes manual labourer and brainworker alike dependent on the rest of the community for the means of subsistence, and subordinates them, even in their own crafts, to the action of others. In the world of civilisation and progress, no man can be his own master. But the very fact that, in modern society, the individual thus necessarily loses control over his own life, makes him desire to regain collectively what has become individually impossible. Hence the irresistible tendency to popular government, in spite of all its difficulties and dangers. But democracy is still the Great Unknown. Of its full scope and import we can yet catch only glimpses. As one department of social life after another becomes the subject of careful examination we shall gradually attain to a more complete vision. Our own tentative conclusions, derived from the study of one manifestation of the democratic spirit, may, we hope, not only suggest hypotheses for future verification, but also stimulate other students to carry out original investigations into the larger and perhaps more significant types of democratic organisation.”

In 1920, after nearly a quarter of a century of further experience and consideration, we should, in some respects, put this differently. The growth, among all classes, and especially among the manual workers and the technicians, of what we may call corporate self-consciousness and public spirit, and the diffusion of education--coupled with further discoveries in the technique of democratic institutions--would lead us to-day to include, and even to put in the forefront, certain additional suggestions, which we can here only summarise briefly.

There is, in the first place, a genuine need for, and a real social advantage in giving recognition to, the contemporary transformation in the status of the manual working wage-earners, on the one hand, and of the technicians on the other, as compared with that of the manager or mere “captain of industry.” This change of status, which is, perhaps, the most important feature of the industrial history of the past quarter of a century, will be most easily accorded its legitimate recognition in those industries and services in which the profit-making capitalist proprietor is dispensed with in favour of public ownership, whether national, municipal, or co-operative. This is, incidentally, an important reason for what is called “nationalisation.” It is a real social gain that the General Secretary of the Swiss Railwaymen’s Trade Union should sit as one of the five members of the supreme governing board of the Swiss railway administration. We ourselves look for the admission of nominees of the manual workers, as well as of the technicians, upon the executive boards and committees, on terms of complete equality with the other members, in all publicly owned industries and services; not merely, or even mainly, for the sake of the advantages of the counsel and criticism that the newcomers may bring from new standpoints, but principally for the sake of both inspiring and satisfying the increasing sense of corporate self-consciousness and public spirit among all those employed in these enterprises.

In the second place we should lay stress on the change that is taking place in the nature (and in the conception) of authority itself. In our analysis of 1897 we confined ourselves unduly to a separation of spheres of authority. Whilst still regarding that analytic separation of “management” into three classes of judgements or decisions as fundamentally valid, we should nowadays attach even more importance to the ways in which authority itself, in industry as well as in the rest of government, is being rapidly transformed, alike in substance and in methods of expression. The need for final decisions will remain, not merely in emergencies, but also as to policy; and it is of high importance to vest the responsibility for decision, according to the nature of the case, in the right hands. But we suggest that a great deed of the old autocracy in industry and services, once deemed to be indispensable, is ceasing to be necessary to efficiency, and will accordingly, as Democracy becomes more genuinely accepted, gradually be dispensed with. A steadily increasing sphere will, except in matters of emergency, be found for consultation among all grades and sections concerned, out of which will emerge judgements and decisions arrived at, very largely, by common consent. This will, we believe, produce actually a higher standard of industrial efficiency than mere autocracy could ever hope for. Where knowledge is a common possession the facts themselves will often decide; and though decisions may be short, sharp, and necessarily formulated by the appropriate person, they will not inevitably bear the impress of (or be resented as) the dictates of irresponsible autocracy. We may instance two large classes of considerations which will, we think, with great social advantage, come to be matters for mutual consultation in those committees and councils which already characterise the administration of all industry on a large scale, whether under private or public ownership, and which will, in the future, be increasingly representative of all grades of workers by hand or by brain. To such committees and councils there will come, as a matter of course, a stream of reports from the disinterested outside costing experts, which will carry with them no coercive authority, but which will graphically reveal the efficiency results, so far as regards cost and output, of each part of the enterprise, in comparison both with its own past, and with the corresponding results of other analogous enterprises. Similarly, there will come a stream of financial and merely statistical reports from equally disinterested outside auditors and statisticians, making graphic revelations as to the progress of the enterprise, in comparison with its own previous experience and with the progress of like enterprises elsewhere. Further, there will be a stream of what we may call scientific reports, also from disinterested outside experts, not only describing new inventions and discoveries in the technique of the particular enterprise, but suggesting, in the light of recent surveys of the work, how they could be practically applied to its peculiar circumstances. These three classes of reports, all of them by disinterested experts, engaged in keeping under review all analogous enterprises at home or abroad, and having neither interest in, nor authority over, any of them, will, we suggest, be discussed by the members of the committees and councils on terms of equality; the decisions being taken, according to the nature of the case, by those in whom the responsibility for decision may be vested.

But there will be a second extensive class of reports of a different character, conveying not statements of fact but views of policy. There will, we must assume, be reports from those responsible, not merely or mainly for satisfying the existing generation of consumers, producers, or citizens, but for safeguarding the interests of the community as a whole, in the future as well as in the present. There will be the reports from the organs of the consumers or users of the particular commodity or service (such as the District Committees representing telephone users set up by the Postmaster-General as organs of, criticism and suggestion for his telephone administration). Finally there will be reports conveying criticisms and suggestions from committees or councils representing other enterprises, or other sections of producers (whether technicians or manual workers), which may have something to communicate that they deem important. These reports will, none of them, come with coercive authority, but merely as conveying information, to be considered in the consultations out of which the necessary decisions will emerge.

Opinions may differ as to the competence to take part in such consultations of the selected representatives of the manual workers and the technicians respectively. We are ourselves of opinion that, taking the business as a whole, such representatives will be found to compare, in competence, quite favourably with the average member of a Board of Directors. But whether or not the counsels and decisions of great industrial enterprises are likely to be much improved by such consultations--and we confidently expect that they will be--we suggest that it is predominantly in this form that the principles of Democracy may, in practice, be applied to industrial administration; and that it will be for the Professional Associations of the technicians and the Trade Unions of the manual workers to prove themselves equal to the transformation in their status that this or any other application of Democracy involves.

But here we must pause. In a future work on the achievements, policy, and immediate controversies of the British Labour and Socialist Movement we shall give the historical and the psychological analysis, in the light of the experience of the past few decades, upon which we base our present conclusions.

INDEX

Aberdare, 514

Aberdare, Lord, 276-7, 285

Aberdeen, cotton-weavers of, 82;
tailors of, 79

Abnormal place, 513-16

Abraham, William, 596

Acetylene Welders, 495

Acland, Sir A. H. Dyke, 308

Actions for damages, 597-634

Actors’ Association, 507

Actuarial position of T.U., 267-8

Adamson, W., 699

Admiralty Constructive Engineers, 507

Agricultural Labourers, 136, 144-6, 328-34, 405, 416, 439-40, 488-9,
624, 648

Agriculture, Royal Commission on, 648

Albert Hall, 666, 669

Alison, Sir Archibald, 170, 173

“All Grades Movement,” 525-6

Allan, Wm., 210-14, 232, 234 (life), 233-40, 243, 248, 350, 362, 419.

Alliance Cabinet Makers’ Association.
_See_ Cabinet Makers

Almshouses, provided by the Liverpool Shipwrights, 39

Althorpe, Lord, 132

Amalgamated Association of Boot and Shoe Makers, 436

Amalgamated Association of Miners, 306, 349, 511

Amalgamated Engineering Union, 488, 551

Amalgamated Metal Wire and Tube Makers’ Society, 359

Amalgamated Society of.
_See_ Carpenters, Engineers, Cotton-spinners, Cotton-weavers, Boot
and Shoemakers, Builders’ Labourers, Card and Blowing Room
Operatives, Metal Planers, Railway Servants, Tailors, Watermen and
Lightermen

Amalgamated Tramway and Vehicle Workers, 744

Amalgamations and Federations, 546-554

American Federation of Labour, 135, 556

Amicable and Brotherly Society of Machine Printers (Cotton and
Calico), 70, 75

Amicable Society of Woolstaplers, 83

Anderson, W. C., 699

Anti-corn Law League, 174, 176

Applegarth, Robert, 232, 233-40, 236-7 (life), 248, 350, 362, 391,
419, 680

Appleton, W. A., 556

Apprentices, 27, 29, 38, 45, 47, 83, 267

Apprentices, Statute of, 47, 59, 66, 250-51

Arbitration, 29, 71, 226-7, 337, 643

Arch, Joseph, 329, 334, 680, 682

Armstrong, Lord, 315

Arnot, R. Page, 489, 511, 524, 532, 633, 662

Ashley, Sir W. J., 4, 5, 13, 15, 29, 511, 735-7

Ashton, murder of, 122

Ashton, Thomas, 311, 356

Ashton-under-Lyne, strikes at, 119, 122

Ashworth, 169

Asquith, H. H., 528-9, 636, 645, 692

Assinder, G. F., 599

Associated.
_See_ Blacksmiths, Carpenters, Engineers, Iron-forgers,
Railwaymen, and Shipwrights

Associated Society of Locomotive Engineers and Firemen, 439, 505,
527, 530, 535, 539, 545.
_See also_ Railwaymen

Associations of Consumers, 706-18

Associations of Producers, 653-63, 704-18, 752-62

Atchison’s Haven, 10

Austin, Michael, 596

Ayrshire Miners, 681

Bachelor Companies, 4, 5, 6, 7

Baernreither, Dr., 220, 300

Baker, C., 634

Bakers, 369, 438, 559

Bamford, Samuel, 96, 164

Bank Officers’ Guild, 505

Barker, Ernest, 414

Barnes, Geo. N., 490, 692-3, 695, 698

Barnsley, first working-man Town Councillor elected in, 305

Basketmakers, 14, 45, 438, 552

Bass, Michael, 523

Bass-dressers, 336

Beale, C. G., 530

Beamers, 477

_Beehive_, the, 36, 254-5, 298

Beer, M., 131, 157, 162, 175, 414, 680

Beesly, Professor E. S., 222, 231-2, 236, 238, 246, 250, 263-4, 269,
275, 288, 293, 298, 312, 341, 362, 415, 510.
_See_ Positivists

Belfast, 123, 136, 523

Belfast and Dublin Locomotive Engine-drivers’ and Firemen’s Trade
Union, 523

Bell, Sir Hugh, xiv

Bell Inn, Old Bailey, 205, 243, 245

Bell, Richard, 526-7, 601, 684

Bell, Robert, 58

Benbow, William, 163-4

Bennett, T. R., 246

Bentham, Jeremy, 96, 178

Bernstein, Eduard, 652

Besant, Mrs. Annie, 396, 399, 402

Bevan, G. Phillips, 347

Bibliography, 751

Birmingham, building trades of, 129;
“Builders’ Parliament” at, 130;
tailors of, 32;
Trade Unionism in, 358-9;
Trades Council of, 280, 329-30, 399;
trades procession at, 177

Birtwistle, Thomas, 309

Bit and Spur Makers, 92

Blackburn, 307, 697;
riots at, 344

Blackburn List, the, 226

“Black-coated proletariat,” 503-9

Blacklisting, 284, 598

Blacksmiths, Associated Society of. Scotland.
_See_ Smiths

Blastfurnacemen.
_See_ Ironworkers

Bleachers, 478, 480

Block Printers, Glasgow, 552

Blok, P. J., 24

Boa, Andrew, 290

“Board of Green Cloth” at Dublin, 104

Boilermakers, 174, 205, 230, 247, 259, 261-2, 314, 321-2, 348, 353,
365, 378, 428-31, 490-91, 559, 744

Bolton, calico-printers at, 79;
cotton operatives of, 81, 92, 307;
engineers of, 207-8

Bondfield, Miss Margaret, 496

Bookbinders, 23, 77, 79, 91, 176, 188, 196-7, 201, 244-5, 437-8, 744

Boot and Shoe Operatives, 57, 68, 77, 79-80, 143, 150, 192, 228,
236, 336, 407, 436-7, 493-4, 744.
_See also_ Shoemakers

Booth, Charles, 375, 380-81

Bowerman, C. W., 362

“Box Club,” 36-7

Boy labour, 202

Brace, W., 692

Bradford, woollen strike of 1825, 111

Bradlaugh, Charles, 289, 370-71

Bradninch, woolcombers in, 34

Brainworkers, inclusion of, 697;
organisations of, 503-9

Bramwell, Lord, 279, 363

Branch meeting, description of, 446-8

Brassey, Lord, 269

Brassfounders.
_See_ Brassworkers

Brassworkers, 323, 353, 358-9, 430-31, 486-8, 744

Braziers, 80, 91

Breeches Makers’ Benefit Society, 24

Brentano, Dr. Luigi, 9, 12, 13, 15, 16, 25, 39, 47, 52, 209, 212,
339, 677

Brett, Lord Justice, 285

Bricklayers, 125, 169, 223, 226-32, 241, 245, 275, 282, 354, 365,
407, 428-9, 431-3, 559, 744

Bricklayers’ and Plasterers’ Company, Dublin, 721-4

Brickmakers, 241, 267-9;
Hebrew in Egypt, 2

Brief Institution, 40, 67

Bright, John, 35-6, 178, 247, 293, 382

Brighton Trades Council, 558

Bristol, 14, 33, 35, 53, 133, 243, 252, 350

British and Foreign Consolidated Association of Industry, Humanity,
and Knowledge, 167

British Association of Steel Smelters.
_See_ Steel Smelters

Broadhead, W., 268-9

Broadhurst, Henry, 240, 285, 289, 295, 311-12, 325, 353, 362-3, 365,
370, 372, 395, 401, 408, 635, 680

Brontë, Charlotte, 89

Brooklands Agreement, 476

Brooks, J. G., 655

Brougham, Lord, 156, 178

Brushmakers, 14, 45, 75, 84, 91, 438

Buchez, 225

Builders’ Labourers, 125, 483

“Builders’ Parliament” of 1833, 130;
of 1918-19, 483, 649

Building Trades, early combinations, 8-11;
lock-out in 1833, 150;
in 1860, 228-32;
in 1912, 690;
nine hours movement in, 312-17;
statistics of, 407, 428-9, 431-3, 481-3

Bull & Co., 343

Bullinger, 4

Burdett, Sir Francis, 69, 109

Burgess, Joseph, 412

Burnett, John, 19, 36, 211, 314-15 (life), 316, 325, 347, 368, 423,
530

Burns, John, 298, 375, 383, 385
(life), 387-8, 396, 400, 402-3, 407-13, 419, 490, 636, 682

Burrows, Herbert, 402

Burt, Thomas, 181, 289-90, 296, 307, 340, 342, 362, 510-11, 625, 635,
680

Burton, hatters of, 53

Bussy, J. F. Moir, 524

Buxton, Lord, 404

Buxton, Sir T. Fowell, 264

Byron, Lord, 89

Cab-fare regulations, 9

Cabinetmakers, 76-8, 83-4, 136, 243, 248, 290, 389, 432-3, 481, 744-5

Cabmen, 369

“Ca’ Canny,” 487

Cairns, Earl, 275

Calender-men, Glasgow, 110

Calhoun, J. C., 167

Calico Engravers of Manchester, 80

Calico-printers, 45, 56-7, 70, 75, 79, 90, 121, 193, 436

Callender, W. R., 272

Cambridge, tailors of, 68

Campbell, Alexander, 30, 240, 243, 249-53

Campbell, G. L., 366

Campbell-Bannerman, Sir Henry, 635

Candidatures, independent, 287-9

Canning, 60

Capitalist, elimination of, 673-6

Card and Blowing Room Operatives, Amalgamated Association of, 435,
475-80.
_See also_ Cotton Operatives and Textiles

Carlisle, cotton-weavers of, 82

Carmarthenshire, coal-miners of, 44

Carmen, 439-40

Carpenters, 18, 75, 110, 125, 169, 192, 202, 224, 228-32, 245, 254,
259, 265-7, 313, 319, 323-4, 343, 346, 354-5, 391, 415, 432-3,
481, 744;
Company of London, 18;
of Dublin, 721-4

Carpet-weavers, 112, 224, 435-6

Cartwright, 36

Census of Trade Unionists, 741-750

Central Institute, 593

Chalmers, G., 62

Chamberlain, Joseph, 370, 373

Champertors, 67

Champion, H. H., 387, 400

Chandler, F., 354

Channel Isles, etc., T.U. in, 743

Chapel, 27, 74, 489

Character Note, 29, 284

Chartism, 164, 174-8, 649, 653

Checkweigher, 302, 304-6, 466, 489

Chester, hatters of, 53

Chimney-sweeps, 136

Chinese Labour, 691

Chippers and Drillers, 548

Chipping Norton case, 332

Christian Socialists, the, 215, 225, 246, 263-4, 707.
_See also_ Hughes, Ludlow and Neale

Churchill, Winston, 494, 501

Cigarmakers, T.U. among, 438

“Citizen Guard,” 544

City of Glasgow Bank failure, 345

Civil Service, 507-8;
Arbitration Tribunal, 508-9

Clark, W. S., 601, 607, 634

Clayden, A. W., 329

Clerical Workers’ Union of Ireland, 473

Clerks, 440, 473, 504-5, 744

Clode, 3, 6

Clothiers, 33-6, 40, 67-8, 151

Clothiers’ Community, the, 40

Clothing Trades, statistics of, 428-429, 436-7

Clothworkers’ Company, 5, 33-4

Clyde, depression on, 346;
engineers on, 690;
ferment on, 656, 659;
shipyard workers of, 256;
shorter day on, 316;
strike on, in 1877, 343;
“Weekly Pays” on the, 552

Clyde Workers’ Committee, 488, 640, 659

Clynes, J. R., 497, 692

Coachmakers, 46, 80, 230, 423, 438, 744

Coal Industry Commission, 511, 518-22, 648, 662-3

Coal-miners.
_See_ Miners

Coal-porters, 18, 439, 500-501

Cobbett, Wm., 94, 96, 132, 154-5;
the younger, 253

Cobden, Richard, 178, 383

Cohen, H., 599, 601

Cokemen, 434, 512, 549

Cole, G. D. H., 485, 524, 532, 553, 633, 637, 660

Cole, Percy, 491

Colliery Clerks, 513, 549;
Enginemen, 434, 512, 549;
Mechanics, 434

Combe, Delafield & Co., 150

Combination Acts, 64, 251

“Committee Liquor,” 203

Common employment, 364-6

Common Rules, 758

Composite Branches, 483

Compositors, 27, 57-8, 77-8, 169, 176, 181, 196, 198-9, 201, 205,
361, 389, 398-9, 415, 437-8, 492-3, 606, 666, 671, 744,
_See also_ Typographical

Conditions of Employment, 754

Confédération Générale de Travail, 655

Conference of Amalgamated Trades, 263-83

Confiscation of funds proposed, 140

Congress, Trades Union, origin of, 280-81;
description of, 561-6;
summons to, 738-740

Congreve, Richard, 269

Connolly, T., 248, 273;
James, 472-3, 655-7

Conscription, 639-40, 666-7

Consolidated Society of Bookbinders, London.
_See_ Bookbinders

Conspiracy, law of, 67, 367, 598;
to injure, 598

Constitution of Labour Party, 697;
of Trade Unions, 716

Consumers, organisation of, 762

Contagious Diseases Acts, 237

Contracting Out, 366

Cook, A. G., 399

Co-operative Employees, 504, 559, 744;
Movement, 225, 647, 675, 752-62;
production, 168, 194, 225-6, 335-6, 650-51, 659, 707-8;
Society of Smiths.
_See_ Smiths;
Union, the, 545, 691;
Wholesale Society, 541;
workshops, 194

Coopers, 74-5, 104, 230, 350, 423, 438, 548, 685

Co-partnership, 653

Copper-miners, absence of T.U. among, 434

Cordwainers.
_See_ Boot and Shoe Operatives

Corn Production Act, 475, 498

Costing experts, 761

Cotton-spinners, 7, 41, 56, 81, 92, 116-24, 127, 151-2, 170-71, 176,
181, 191, 226, 259, 307-13, 415-16, 423, 435, 475-80, 744

Cotton-weavers, 56-9, 81-2, 86, 109, 307-13, 344, 435, 475-80

Coulson, Edward, 233-40, 248, 252, 255, 282, 362

Coventry, 95

Cowen, Joseph, 316

Cox, Harold, 391, 393

Craft Gilds, 4-21;
labourers excluded from, 43

Cranmer, Archbishop, 4

Crawford, William, 296, 303-4, 391

Crayford, calico-printers of, 193

Cremer, Sir W. R., 248, 289, 682

Criminal Law Amendment Act of 1871, 282-3, 290-91, 364

Crompton, Henry, 265, 278, 282, 284, 286, 298, 338, 362, 374.
_See_ Positivists

Cromwell, combinations reported to, 3

Crooks, W., 685

Cross, Viscount, 291, 312, 618, 624

Cruikshank, James, 20

Cubitt’s, Messrs., strike at, 150

Cunningham, Dr. William, 9, 15, 16, 49, 52, 55, 62, 308

Curriers, 37, 45, 46, 59, 90, 92, 181, 236

Customs officers, 507

Cutlers, 73, 80, 92, 108, 241

Cutlers’ Company, 39

_Daily Citizen_, 689

_Daily Herald_, 502, 542, 689

Dale, David, 328, 339

Danter, 255, 318

Dartmouth, 34

Davenport, W., 30

Davis, J. E., 251

Davis, R. J., 503

Davis, W. J., 281, 324, 356, 358-9 (life), 368, 391, 395, 401, 554,
601, 680

Davitt, Michael, 473

Defoe, Daniel, 35

Delahaye, Victor, 385

De Leon, Daniel, 656

Demarcation disputes, 247, 353

Democracy, nature of, 704-18;
analysis of, 752-62

Deportation of Clyde workers, 640

Deputies, 513, 549

Derby, hatters of, 53;
potters of, 133;
“turn-outs” of, 137-8

Devon, clothiers of, 33-5, 68

Devonport, Lord, 501-2

Dilke, Sir Charles, 238, 494, 617

Dilution, 637-43.

Direct action, 663-73, 712

Directory of Trade Unions, 244-5

District Committee, 221-2, 449;
Councils, 547

District Delegate, 322, 462-3

Dock Foremen and Clerks, London Society of, 440

Dockers, 401-5, 416, 420, 439, 497-502, 744

Document, the, 130, 150-51, 164, 193, 215-16, 244, 255

Doherty, John, 107, 117-18, 122, 124

Dolléans, E., 175

Dorchester labourers, 138, 144-8

Dowlais iron workers, 224

Drake, Barbara, 637

Dronfield, William, 240, 252, 257-8

Druitt, 278-9

Drummond, C. J., 398

Drummond, Henry, 277

Drury, John, 184, 186

Dublin, 14, 37, 53, 76, 104, 172, 243, 551, 721-4

Dugdale, 6

Duncombe, Thomas Slingsby, 185-7, 193-5, 277

Dundee, 136

Dunning, T. J., 23, 188, 228, 240, 243, 245, 252, 321

Dunsford, Martin, 34

Durham, coal-miners of, 44, 181-2, 186, 304, 342, 349, 386, 391-2,
511-12, 517

Dyer, Colonel, xiv

Dyers, 100, 243, 436, 478, 480, 552

Eastern Counties Labour Federation, 405.
_See also_ Agricultural Labourers

Edinburgh, compositors of, 58;
trade clubs of, 177;
Trades Council of, 242, 252;
Upholsterers’ Sewers’ Union at, 336

Educational Institute of Scotland, 473

Eight Hours Bill, textile agitation for, in 1867-75, 309;
general, 387, 390-92, 408, 648

Eight hours day, 402-3;
demanded in 1834, 151;
on the railways, 535

Elcho, Lord.
_See_ Wemyss, Earl of

Eldon, Lord, 105

Election expenses, 368

Electioneering by Trade Unions, 274-5

Electrical Trades Union, 488, 551

Elizabeth, Act of, 47-9

Ellenborough, Lord, 59-60, 144

Ellicott, Dr., Bishop of Gloucester, 332

Ellis, Sir T. Ratcliffe, 530

Ely, Bishop of, 3

Emblem, 450

Emigration, 201-2, 328

Employer and Workman Act, 291, 625

Employers’ Associations, service of, 479;
as combinations, 73

Employers’ liability, 364-6, 370, 373

Employers of Labour, National Federation of Associated, 326-7

Employment Exchanges, 646

Engels, Friedrich, 186

Engineering and Shipbuilding Federation, 552-3

Engineers, 174, 176, 178, 196-7, 201, 204-24, 230, 232-4, 245, 255,
259, 261, 313-17, 346, 348, 353, 355, 384-5, 408, 415-16,
420-21, 551, 555, 559, 636, 643, 692, 744;
statistics of, 407, 428-31, 484-490;
strike of 1836, 206;
strike of 1852, 214-16;
strike of 1897, 484-5

Enginemen, 440

Equalisation of funds, 220

Erle, Sir William, 195, 264, 279

Evans, D., 511

Evans, Frederick, 523

Eversley, Lord, 228

Excess Profits Duty, 641

Excise officers, 507-8

Exeter, 34-5, 136

Fabian Research Department.
_See_ Labour Research Department

Fabian Society, 375, 399, 414, 561, 642, 662, 680-82, 684

Factory Acts, 679

Factory Acts Reform Association, 310-13

Factory inspectors, 371-2

Fagniez, 3, 7, 8

Fairbairn, Sir W., 84, 205

Fair Trade League, 394-5

“Fair Wages” agitation, 398-9, 558

Farr, Dr. William, 228

Farriers, 46

Farringdon, prosecution of labourers at, 332

Farwell, Lord Justice, 627

Faulkner, H. V., 175

Fawcett Association, 508

Fawcett, Henry, 228, 238, 312

Federal Council of Secondary School Associations, 506

Federation of British Industries, 545

Federation of the Engineering and Shipbuilding Trades, 355, 421, 552-3

Federation of Organised Trade Societies, 356

Felkin, W., 38, 52, 169

Feltmakers’ Company, 28, 30, 52-3

Female Umbrella Makers, 337

Fenwick, Charles, 362

Fernehough, Thomas, 260

Ferrand, M.P., 186

Fielden, J., 132, 151, 158

Fielding, Sir John, 54

Figgis, J. N., 611

Filesmiths of Sheffield, 80

Findlay, Sir George, 525

Finlaison, 268

Flannel-weavers of Rochdale, 127

Flax Roughers, 473;
workers, 133, 435-6

Flint Glass Makers, 181, 183-4, 197, 199-202, 228, 230, 379-80, 423,
744

Forbes, Archibald, 329

Foreign policy of Labour Party, 695-6

Foremen, 440, 506

Forest of Dean Miners’ Association, 434. _See also_ Miners

Forster, W. E., 228

Foster, Thomas, 118-20;
(another) 648

Foxwell, Professor H. S., 58, 155, 157, 162, 308

Framework-knitters, 14, 38-9, 51, 51-2, 62, 75, 88-9, 94, 121

Franchise, 368, 372, 624, 672

Franklin, Benjamin, 27

Free Colliers of Scotland, 20

Freemasons, 19

French Polishers, 432-3

Friendly Benefits, 222, 445, 620-21

Friendly Societies, 19, 24;
Act for, 261

Friendly Society of Oddfellows, 19

Friendly Society of Operative Stonemasons.
_See_ Stonemasons

Friendly Union of Mechanics, 208

Friendly United Smiths of Great Britain and Ireland, 207.
_See also_ Smiths

Friziers, 91

Frost, Williams, and Jones, Newport Chartists, 177

Froude, J. A., 48

Furnishing Trades, 481

Fynes, Richard, 90, 124, 181, 186

Gaevernitz, von Schulze, 339, 414

Galloway, 61, 205

Galton, F. W., 23, 97, 150

Gammage, R. G., 175

Garibaldi, 247

Garment Workers.
_See_ Tailors

Garton Foundation, 648

Gascoyne, Colonel, 71

Gas-stokers, London (1872), 284-5;
strike of (1834), 138, (1888) 395.
_See_ Gas-workers

Gast, John, 84-5, 107, 111, 115

Gas-workers, 402, 406, 420, 439, 497, 499

Gateshead Trades Council, 561

Geddes, Sir Auckland, 536-7

Geddes, Sir Eric, 536-8

Geldart, W. M., 609, 634

General Federation of Trade Unions 554-7, 603-4, 700

General Labourers’ National Council, 499

General Railway Workers’ Union, 405-6, 524, 530.
_See also_ Railwaymen

General staff, need for, 546

General Union of Carpenters.
_See_ Carpenters

General Union of Sheet Metal Workers.
_See_ Sheet Metal Workers

General Union of Textile Workers, 480

General Workers, 497-502

George, D. Lloyd, 509, 518, 522, 527, 537-9, 541, 543-4, 645, 692,
694-5

George, Henry, 375-6, 389

Gierke, O., 611-12

Giffen, Sir Robert, 424

Gig-mill, 48

Gild of St. George, Coventry, 6

Girdlestone, Canon, 329

Gladstone, W. E., 248, 262, 284-6, 302, 365

Glasgow, calico-printers of, 75;
cotton operatives of, 56, 58-9, 89, 170-71;
gilds of, 14;
labourers’ society in, 417;
stonemasons of, 347;
Trades Council of, 240, 242-3, 252-3, 258, 280;
violent Trade Unionism of, 165

Glass-bottle Makers, 259, 423, 441, 744

Glass-workers.
_See_ Flint Glass Makers and Glass-bottle Makers

Glaziers of London, 66

Gloucestershire, clothiers of, 33-5;
weavers of, 50;
woollen-workers of, 33-4, 50

Glovers, 43, 437

Goderich, Lord.
_See_ Ripon, Marquis of

Gold, Silver, and Kindred Trades Society, 551

Goldasti, 20

Goldbeaters, 37, 91

Gompers, Samuel, 556

_Gorgon_, the, 99

Government of Industry, 752-62

Government officials, 507-8

Graham, Sir James, 60, 185

Graham, R. B. Cunninghame, 386, 682

Grain-porters, 501

Grand National Consolidated Trades Union, 125, 417;
rules of, 725-733

Grey, Sir George, 185

Grinders, 80, 260

Gross, Dr., 15

Grote, George, 178

Guild Socialism, 548, 660-1

Guilds.
_See_ Craft Gilds

Guile, Daniel, 233-40, 238 (life of), 252, 291, 362

Gurney, J, and W. B., 89

Gurney, Russell, 275

Haddleton, 197

Halévy, Élie, 648

Halifax, woollen-workers of, 35

Hall, Rev. Robert, 94

Halliday, Sir Leonard, 4

Halliday, Thomas, 289

Hallsworth, Joseph, 503

Halsbury, Lord, 610, 614

Hamilton, A. H. A., 33

Hammond, J. L. and B., 70-71, 82, 86, 89, 100, 105, 112, 115, 144

Hanley Trades Council, 558

Hansom, 130

Hardie, J. Keir, 396, 681-4, 688

Harford, E., 390

Harrel, Sir David, 530

Harrison, Frederic, 246, 262, 263, 265, 267, 270-71, 273-4, 275, 279,
284, 286, 295-7, 298, 362, 374, 610.
_See also_ Positivists

Harvey, George, 511

Hasbach, Dr. W., 329, 405

Hatters, 28, 30, 45, 52-3, 68, 90, 437.
_See also_ Feltmakers’ Company

Headlam, Rev. S. D., 399

Heath, F. G., 329

Henderson, Arthur, 490, 529-30, 666, 669, 680, 685, 692, 694-5, 699

Henson, Gravener, 38, 77, 81, 89, 94, 100, 105

Hepburn, Tommy, 124

_Herald of the Rights of Industry, The_, 158

Herbert, Hon. Auberon, 329

Hewins, W. A. S., 49

Hexham, hatters of, 53

Hibbert and Platt, 214

Hill, Frank, 14, 228

Hill, Frederic, 257, 272

Hilles, Richard, 4

Hobhouse, Benjamin, 69, 70

Hobhouse, John Cam, 122

Hobson, S. G., 660

Hodge, John, 491, 692, 695

Hodges, Frank, 517, 673-5, 715

Hodgskin, T., 162

Holders-up.
_See_ Boilermakers.

Holland, John, 124

Holland, Lord, 70

Holyoake, G. J., 302

Holy town, miners of, 193

Hornby _v._ Close, 262

Hosiery-workers, 435-6.
_See also_ Framework-knitters

Hour, payment by the, 245-6

House of Call, 69, 77, 445

Hovell, Mark, vi, 158, 164, 170, 175

Howell, George, 12-13, 17, 27, 30, 40-41, 65, 71, 100, 105, 139, 144,
170, 173, 188, 195, 228, 240, 245, 248, 255, 275, 281, 285-6,
289, 291-2, 295, 298, 325, 329-30, 352, 361, 370, 372, 391,
395, 416, 599, 601, 616-17, 623, 665, 682, 748

Howick, Lord, 146

Hoxie, R. F., 717

Hozier, J. H. C., 393.

Huddersfield, 125

Hughes, Judge Thomas, Q.C., 216, 228, 244, 246, 265, 270, 274-5, 282,
290, 263-4, 341.
_See also_ Christian Socialists

Hughson, David, 32, 34

Hull, ropemakers of, 91;
Trade Unionism at, 136

Hume, James Deacon, 158

Hume, Joseph, M.P., 72, 81, 99-168, 142, 186, 251, 277, 415

Humphrey, A. W., 237, 275, 289, 604, 680

Humphries, E., 195

Hunt, D. R. C., 599

Hunt, Henry, 96, 164

Hunter, Thomas, 170

Huskisson, W., M.P., 60, 105-6

Hutchinson, Alexander, 153, 207-8

Hutton, R. H., 228, 246

Hutton, W., 177

Huysmans, Camille, 666, 669, 670

Hyde, spinners’ strike at, 117

Hyett, W. H., 111

Hyndman, H. M., 376-7, 387, 400, 409-11

“Illegal men,” 59

Incorporation of Trade Unions, 596

Independent Labour Party, 384, 652, 680-84, 692

Independent Order of Engineers and Machinists.
_See_ Engineers

Index numbers, 339

Industrial Conscription, 639-40

Industrial Courts Act, 1919, 643

Industrial Remuneration Conference, 380

Industrial Unionism, 656-9

Industrial Unions, 548-50

Industrial Workers of the World, 655

Industries, difficulty of delimiting, 714

Ingram, Dr. J. K., 26

Initiation Parts, 149

Injunctions, 599, 600, 688

Inspectors, 504-5

Insurance Agents, 440, 507

Inter-Allied Conferences, 693-6

Interlocutor, 581

International Association of Working-men, 235-6, 248, 297, 316, 379,
396-7, 421, 666, 693-6

International Federations of Trade Unions, 555-6

Intimidation, 597

Ireland, laws in, 68-9;
Trade Unionism in, 472-3

Irish Bank Officials’ Association, 505

Irish Clerical Workers’ Union, 505

Irish Labour Party, 473

Irish Railway Workers’ Trade Union, 524

Irish Teachers’ Society, 473

Irish Textile Workers’ Federation, 473

Irish Trades Union Congress, 473

Iron and Steel Trades Confederation, 492, 552, 749

Iron and Steelworkers, Associated Society of.
_See_ Ironworkers

Iron Forgers, Associated Fraternity of, or Old Smiths, 205

Ironfounders, 78, 121, 174, 176, 198-9, 200-203, 205, 213, 226, 233,
245, 261, 319-20, 348-9, 353, 391, 415, 429-30, 488, 685, 692,
744

Irongrinders, 744

Ironmoulders.
_See_ Ironfounders

Iron shipbuilders.
_See_ Boiler makers

Iron Trade--Midland Wages Board, 734-5;
North of England Wages Board, 734-5

Ironworkers, 240, 259, 273, 324, 339, 349, 430-31, 491-2, 734-5;
of Dowlais, 224;
of Staffordshire, 256;
sliding scales of, 734-5

Jackson and Graham, 290

Jackson, Col. Raynsford, 344

James, 37

James of Hereford, Lord, 206, 493, 610, 615-16, 618, 626

Jeffrey, Lord, 72

Jevons, H. Stanley (the younger), 186, 511, 516

Jewish Unions, 478

Joiners.
_See_ Carpenters

Joint Board, 700

Joint Committees.
_See_ Arbitration, Whitley Councils

Jones, Benjamin, 225, 708

Jones, Daniel, 734

Jones, Lloyd, 243, 298, 329, 340-41 (life), 510

Jones, W. C., 341

Journalists, 493, 507

Journeyman Fraternities, 4-9

Journeymen Steam Engine and Machine Makers and Millwrights Friendly
Society, 204-20.
_See also_ Engineers

Jude, Martin, 182, 299

Junta, the, 233-98

Jupp, 18

Jury service, 367-8, 372

Justices of the Peace, 372, 594

Kane, John, 240 (life of), 273, 286, 289, 299, 324, 339

Karslake, Sir John, 275

Kay-Shuttleworth, Sir James, 228

Keeling, F., 500

Keelmen, 44

Kenney, Rowland, 524, 527

Kettel, F. E., 329

Kettle, Sir Rupert, 338-9

Kidderminster, 112;
carpet-weavers of, 224

Kitchen-range, etc., Fitters’ Union, 323

Knight, Charles, 141, 178

Knight, Robert, 322, 324, 351, 355, 378, 421, 554

Knights of Labour, 135

Laboratory workers, 506

Labour and the New Social Order, 679, 697

Labour Commission, 595-6, 602, 650, 735

Labour Department, 596

_Labour Elector, The_, 387

Labour Electoral Committee, 680

Labour League, London and Counties, 417, 439

Labour members, characteristics of, 701-2

Labour Party, 604

Labour Representation League, 287-9, 680

Labour Research Department, 225, 542, 561, 751

_Labour Standard, The_, 298

Labour Time, 162-3

Labourers, no early organisation among, 43;
statistics of, 428-9, 438-40;
increase of, 497-502

Lacemakers, 435-6, 441, 559

Ladies’ Shoemakers’ Society, 238

_Laisser-faire_, 56

Lanarkshire, cotton-weavers of, 58, 170

Lancashire Federation of Protection Societies, 478

Lancashire Miners, 182, 433, 511

Land Nationalisation, 389, 390, 395

Langford, 32

Lansbury, George, 689

Larkin, James, 472-3

Lathom, R. M., 680

Laundresses, T.U., 336

Law, Bonar, 668

Law reforms, 367-8

Lawrence, F. Pethick, 681

Lawrence, Miss Susan, 494, 496

Laws, Mr., 287

Layton, W. T., 527

Lead miners, absence of T.U. among, 434

Leathergrounders, 92

Leatherworkers, 437, 552

Lee, H. W., 501

Leech, H. J., 293

Leeds, 35;
clothing trade of, 35, 40, 127;
Clothiers’ Union, 133, 147

Leeds, Huddersfield, and Bradford District Union, 147

Legal assaults, 597-634

Legal Minimum Wage, under Trade Boards Act, 494-5;
under Corn Production Act, 498;
under Mines Act, 514-16

Leicester, 94, 125, 137;
hosiery workers of, 335;
Trades Council, 558;
woolcombers of, 36

Levi, Leone, 424

Levine, Louis, 655

Lewis, Sir G. C., 247

Liberty, analysis of, 757

Lichfield, Earl of, 254

Life Assurance Agents.
_See_ Insurance Agents

Linen Weavers, 436

_Link, The_, 402

Liquor, 448;
allowance, 203-4

Litchfield, R. B., 246

Liverpool, building trades of, 128-130;
dockers of, 405;
hatters of, 53;
ropemakers of, 91;
shipwrights of, 551;
Trades Council, 242-3, 252, 354-5

Liverpool, Lord, 105

Liverpool Sailmakers’ Friendly Association of Shipwrights,
_See_ Shipwrights

Liverpool, Trades Guardian Association of, 243

Lloyd, C. M., 160

Local Government elections, 305, 399, 413;
employees, 508;
successes, 703-4

Local _versus_ Central Administration, 714

Lock-out, the, 255-6;
of agricultural labourers, 332, 334

London and Counties Labour League, 417, 439

London Carpenters’ Company, 18;
city companies of, 14;
coal-porters of, 18;
early combinations in the City of, 2, 3;
framework knitters of, 14, 38, 51-2;
joiners’ company of, 18;
shipwrights’ company of, 18;
Trades Council, 231, 236, 238, 285, 333, 558-60;
woodsawyers of, 18

London Consolidated Society of Bookbinders, 188, 196

London Society of Compositors, 181, 399, 415, 437-8, 492

London Working Men’s Association, 298, 680

Londonderry, Lord, 90, 166, 186

Longe, F. D., 228

Looms, renting of, forbidden, 48

Loveless, George, John, and James, 144-6, 148

Lovett, Samuel, 96

Lovett, William, 84, 114, 145, 156, 157, 172, 174

Lowe, Robert.
_See_ Sherbrooke, Lord, 285

Lucraft, Benjamin, 235, 289

Luddites, the, 87-9

Ludlow, J. M., 14, 26, 216, 228, 246, 264, 341.
_See_ Christian Socialists

Lushington, Sir Godfrey, 228, 246, 264

Lushington, Vernon, 264

Macarthur, Miss Mary, 494, 496

Macclesfield, hatters of, 30

McConnel and Co., 308

McCulloch, J. R., 23, 99, 197

Macdonald, Alexander, 240, 249, 252, 277, 286, 289, 290, 299, 300
(life of), 301-7, 338, 342, 362, 393, 510, 680

MacDonald, J. Ramsay, 23, 337, 529, 666, 669, 684-5, 688, 699

McGowan, Patrick, 118, 120

Machine, Engine, and Iron Grinders’ Society, 744-7

Machine Printers, 744.
_See also_ Compositors

Machine Workers.
_See_ Engineers

Machinery, export of, 100, 103

M’Hugh, Edward, 582

MacManus, A., 619

Madox, T., 612

Maitland, F. W., 611-12

Maitland, General, 88

_Man, The_, 134

Management, analysis of, 752

Manchester--Association of T.U. Officials, Manchester and District,
324;
brickmakers of, 268;
building trades of, 130-31, (strike of 1846) 193;
carpenters of, 343;
cotton-spinners of, 81;
lengthening of hours at, 348;
painters of, 275;
Trades Council, 243, 280, 558-60, 738-40

Mandamus, 600

Manley, Thomas, 22

Mann, Tom, 383-4
(life), 396, 402, 406-7, 409, 412-14, 419, 490, 595-6, 651-2, 657-8

Manners, Lord John, 186

Manning, Cardinal, 332, 404

Marcroft family, the, 152

Marine Engineers’ Union.
_See_ Engineers

Marlborough, Duke of, 332

Marshall, James, 170

Martineau, Harriet, 141

Marx, Karl, 162, 235, 297, 367, 376, 389

Masons.
_See_ Stonemasons

Master and Servant, law in 1844, 185-6;
Act of 1867, 249-53

Match girls, London strike of, 402

Maudsley, 61

Maurice, Rev. F. D., 228

Mavor, James, 524

Mawdsley, James, 379, 479, 596

Mawdsley, Thomas, 311

Maxwell, William, 598

May, John, 33

Mayhew, 11

Mechanics’ Friendly Union Institution, 208

_Mechanics’ Magazine_, the, 197

Medico-Political Union, 506-7

Melbourne, Lord, 138-48

_Memorandum on War Aims_, 695

Memorial of Freedom and Peace, 593

Menger, Anton, 155, 157, 162

Mercantile Marine Offices, Superintendents of, 507

Merchant Shipping Acts, 607

Merchant Taylors’ Company, 3, 6

Mersey Quay and Railway Carters’ Union.
_See_ Carmen

Merton College buildings, 10, 11

Mess, H. A., 500

Middleton, J. S., 691

Midland Iron Trade Board, 734

Miles, Wm., 185

Military Service Acts, 639-40

Mill, James, 96, 157

Mill, John Stuart, 287, 617

Millers, 59, 438;
of Kent, 59-60

Millmen.
_See_ Ironworkers

Millwrights, 45, 69, 83-4, 92, 204-6