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The Tower of Knowledge
DESCRIBED BY PROFESSOR PAUL MONROE, TEACHERS’ COLLEGE, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY.
Among the many symbolical representations of the world of learning or schemes of intellectual pursuits or of educational institutions furnished by the Middle Ages or the Renaissance period, none is more interesting and few more complete than the accompanying illustration from the “Margarita Philosophica” of Gregorovius de Reisch (or George Reisch).
Reisch was prior of the Carthusian monastery at Freiburg and confessor of the Emperor Maximilian I. Noted for his learning, he published one of the briefest, but also one of the most popular of the numerous cyclopedias of learning produced during the late mediæval and early modern centuries. This work, the “Margarita Philosophica,” first appeared at Heidelberg in 1496, and went through numerous editions, eight of them appearing by 1535. While the substance of the work was mediæval, it was tinged by the dawning modern spirit, as is shown by the title and by a consciousness of the significance of the Renaissance period by the claim set forth in the title to the incorporation of additions to “all known things.” The full title reads: The “Margarita Philosophica,” or the “Philosophical Pearl: treating of all known things; with additions, such as are to be found nowhere else.” (_Aepitoma Omnis Phylosophiae, Alias Margarita Phylosophica Tractans de omni genere scibili: Cum additionibus: Que in alijs non habentur._)
The first seven books treat of the seven liberal arts, the eighth and ninth of natural phenomena; the tenth, eleventh and the twelfth of the soul. These twelve books are divided into 573 chapters containing an epitome of the knowledge of the day. Much of the value of the work to present day students depends upon the numerous illustrations of symbolic character. One of the most important of these is the accompanying Tower of Knowledge, which gives the whole scheme of education of that period.
The youthful victim is admitted to the Tower by the Muse of Wisdom, who presents to him the horn book. Once admitted he begins the toilsome progress through various chambers of the tower which correspond to the twelve books of the treatise, namely, the first eight to the seven liberal arts, grammar being given, not only two chambers but two entire floors. The first chamber is devoted to Donatus, whose “Eight parts of speech,” written about 400 A.D., formed the traditional approach to all studies for many centuries. So nearly universal was the use of this part of Donatus’ larger work on grammar, that the term _donat_ came into frequent use as a synonym for an introduction into any subject. Donatus continued very popular into the 16th or even 17th century, though its popularity was successfully contested by many later works, especially that of Alexander de Villa Dei of the 13th century.
The second chamber is devoted to Priscian, whose more elaborate work on grammar (from about 526 A.D.) formed the source of much of the common literary knowledge of the middle ages. Priscian was one of the works most frequently issued from the early press, and yet exists in more than a thousand manuscripts. In all Priscian quotes more than 250 authors, several of them more than 100 times, the “Æneid” of Vergil more than seven hundred times. Thus the study of Latin grammar was of far greater significance than the modern conception of the term indicates and justifies to Reisch the assignment of two floors of the Tower.
From the study of grammar the youth proceeds to the study of rhetoric and poetry, the middle one of the three rooms of the third floor. Cicero is here the presiding genius. From rhetoric the student proceeds to the logic of Aristotle, thus completing the trivium.
The first subject of the _quadrivium_ is arithmetic, represented by Boethius. The remaining three subjects of the quadrivium form the fourth floor. These are astronomy, represented by Ptolemy; geometry, by Euclid, and music by Pythagoras.
Following the quadrivium come the subjects which no doubt represent “the additions to known things” in the mind of the compiler. These are the physical sciences, typified by Pythagoras, and Moral Philosophy, by Seneca. Crowning all comes the study of theology and metaphysics, represented by Peter the Lombard, whose “Sentences” had been the orthodox theological text now for two centuries.
The symbolic illustrations which accompany the book of the treatise on these several subjects are of no less interest than the tower of knowledge itself; for these go into great detail in exposition of the aim and characteristic features of each study. Such illustrations present in a concrete way the curricula and the methods of school work in the past.
Recent History
The Situation in Great Britain
BY JOHN HAYNES, PH.D., DORCHESTER HIGH SCHOOL, BOSTON, MASS.
In the last article of this series it was stated that the rejection by the House of Lords of the Budget of 1909 brought before the British people not only a fundamental question of taxation, but the constitutional question of the position of the Upper House. For centuries it had been generally conceded that the authority over finance belonged exclusively to the House of Commons. But the Lords in 1909, claiming that the new proposals were revolutionary, passed a resolution respecting the budget, “that this House is not justified in giving its consent to this bill until it has been submitted to the judgment of the country.” The Commons answered by another resolution that this action was “a breach of the Constitution and a usurpation of the rights of the Commons.” Nevertheless it was necessary for the ministry to dissolve Parliament in January 1910, and carry the issue before the voters. In the campaign the Liberals stood for the budget, the denial of the right of the Lords to reject it, and home rule for Ireland. The Labor party, in addition to supporting the views of organized labor on questions affecting working men, were strongly in favor of the budget. The Irish Nationalists, as always, put Irish home rule before everything else. The Conservatives, under the name of Unionists, which they use to emphasize their opposition to home rule, made their campaign chiefly on the issue of “tariff reform,” which in Great Britain means the abandonment of her free trade policy. Sentiment in favor of doing this has greatly increased in recent years, and those who favor it are supplied with much greater financial resources for pushing their views than those who uphold the present policy. It would not surprise the present writer to see Great Britain return to the “protective” system, though he believes it would be a misfortune of the greatest magnitude to the British people.
The resolution passed by the Lords when they rejected the budget implied that an election would be in the nature of a referendum, and so it was to a certain extent, but it was a very imperfect one. The law which permits plural voting was, as always, a great disadvantage to the Liberals, and undoubtedly lost them several seats. Again, there has been no distribution of seats since 1885, and the present arrangement is grossly inequitable. As an extreme example the member from Romford represents over seventeen times as many voters as the member from Whitehaven. The Liberals and Labor party are the ones who suffer from this condition. Ireland, whose representation is wholly Nationalist and Conservative, has one-fourth more members of Parliament than she is justly entitled to. Another thing which helped the Conservatives were “three-cornered contests” which gave them at least five seats as representatives of districts where the Liberal and Labor voters together far outnumbered the Conservatives. Then, again, the question was so confused with other matters that there was not a direct issue on the budget. Doubtless many free traders voted for Unionist candidates from opposition to Irish home rule or the policy of the Liberals on the school and liquor questions. It is the misfortune of the Liberals that their progressive policies at the same time encounter the three powerful interests represented by the landholders, the liquor dealers, and the Anglican Church. In Ireland the home rule question so overshadowed all others that there was no expression whatever of popular opinion on the budget, though enough is known to make it pretty certain that the majority would be against it. In England, Wales and Scotland, the popular majority of the Liberals and Laborites combined in spite of plural voting, was nearly three hundred thousand. It may be concluded that notwithstanding the growth of sentiment adverse to free trade the Lloyd-George budget would be adopted by a safe margin if it were submitted as a simple question to the British people. The actual result was the choice of 274 Liberals, 273 Conservatives, 82 Irish Nationalists and 41 Labor members, a situation which gives the Irish Nationalists under the leadership of John Redmond the balance of power.
The new Parliament met February 15th. The King’s speech was very brief and foreshadowed the re-introduction of the budget and proposals for giving the House of Commons undivided authority over finance and preponderance in all legislation. This speech from the throne contained the altogether unusual phrase “in the opinion of my advisers.” The motion of the Unionists to amend the King’s speech by inserting a resolution in favor of “tariff reform” was defeated by the votes of the Liberals and Laborites, the Irish Nationalists abstaining from voting. From the opening of Parliament till the 24th of March the time has been occupied with necessary routine work, but it has become evident from the attitude of Mr. Redmond and the more radical supporters of the ministry that the question of curbing the power of the Lords must take precedence of the consideration of the budget. If the Nationalists are satisfied by the action of the ministry on this question the budget will probably pass the Commons, the Irish members either voting for it or abstaining from voting.
For the present, the question of the power of the House of Lords has become paramount. It is recognized even by the Conservatives that the present situation is indefensible. The fact that the membership of the House of Lords is overwhelmingly conservative leads to what is practically a government by a single chamber when the Conservatives are in the majority in the Commons. It has been possible for Conservative ministries to put through measures, like the Education Act of 1902, which have never been submitted to the country and would probably not be approved if submitted. On the other hand when the Liberals are in power the Lords by rejecting and mutilating legislation have prevented the principal Liberal measures from becoming law. The only recourse of the Liberals would be to appeal to the country on every question of any importance. March 23d the House of Lords by a vote of 175 to 17 adopted a set of resolutions introduced by Lord Rosebery, which are likely to become the Conservative platform on the question. They are: “First, that a strong and efficient Second Chamber is not merely an integral part of the British Constitution, but is necessary to the well-being of the State and the balance of Parliament.
“Second, that a strong and efficient Second Chamber can best be obtained by the reform and reconstruction of the House of Lords.
“Third, that a necessary preliminary to such reform and reconstruction is the acceptance of the principle that the possession of a peerage should no longer itself give the right to sit and vote in the House of Lords.”
It will be noticed that this resolution is non-committal on the question of how the voting members shall be chosen. The suggestions which have found their way into print are that the Peers should choose a certain part of their own number, that county councils should elect, that learned societies should be represented, and that men who had held high posts should be voting members. It has been stated that there would be a number of life peers. The proposal is very indefinite, and furnishes no guarantee on the most necessary point, namely, that the Second Chamber must be one which will not forever defeat the measures of the Liberals when they have a majority of the Commons. It would seem that the only logical position of those who favor a strong upper house would be to have it elected from larger districts and for longer terms than the House of Commons.
The Liberals, however, have not adopted such a plan. On March 22d, Prime Minister Asquith gave notice of three resolutions which will probably for some time or until carried out constitute the platform of the Liberals and their allies. The first declares it expedient that the House of Lords be disabled by law from rejecting any money bill. The second that it is expedient that the powers of the House of Lords over other bills be restricted so that any such bill which has passed the House of Commons for three successive sessions and has been rejected by the House of Lords in each of these sessions shall become a law without the consent of the House of Lords provided that not less than two years have elapsed between the introduction of a bill and its becoming law. The third resolution proposes to limit the duration of each Parliament to five years. These proposals possess the advantage of definiteness which the Rosebery resolutions lack. They are obviously open to the charge of proposing a one-chambered government. Late dispatches seem to indicate that these resolutions have been approved by the leaders of the Nationalists and Laborites, and that at no distant day Premier Asquith will again go to the country with these propositions instead of the budget as the chief issue, for the resolutions are certain to be rejected by the Lords.
In the interval between the preparation of this article (March 28th) and its publication, it is probable that events will move rapidly in Great Britain, but the writer hopes that this and the preceding article on the budget will furnish in brief form a useful historical background for such events as may take place.
ANNOUNCEMENTS.
Officers of associations are requested to send notices of meetings to W. H. Cushing, South Framingham, Mass., as long before the date of meeting as possible.
AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.--December 27, 1910, at Indianapolis, Ind.
PACIFIC COAST BRANCH OF AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.--November 18-19, 1910, at University of California, Berkeley.
CALIFORNIA HISTORY TEACHERS’ ASSOCIATION.--July 14, 1910, at Berkeley.
INDIANA.--History Section of the State Teachers’ Association, April 29-30, 1910, at Indianapolis.
LOUISIANA STATE HIGH SCHOOL RALLY.--April 29-30, at Baton Rouge.
MIDDLE TENNESSEE PREPARATORY SCHOOL CONFERENCE.--May, at Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tenn.
MISSOURI HISTORY TEACHERS’ ASSOCIATION.--May 14, at Kirksville.
MISSISSIPPI ASSOCIATION OF HISTORY TEACHERS.--April 30, at Meridian, Miss.
MISSISSIPPI VALLEY HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.--Third annual meeting, May 25-27, 1910, at Iowa City, Iowa.
NATIONAL EDUCATION ASSOCIATION.--Forty-eighth annual convention, July 2 to 8, 1910, at Boston, Mass.
NEWARK, N. J., EXAMINATION FOR HIGH SCHOOL TEACHERS OF HISTORY.--May 21, 1910.
European History in the Secondary School
D. C. KNOWLTON, PH.D. Editor.
THE UNIFICATION OF ITALY.
Italy in Its Relation to Europe.
The history of the unification of Italy is so closely connected with developments outside the peninsula that it is difficult to make the details of the story intelligible, and at the same time preserve the proper European perspective. In order to link together the various episodes which mark the appearance of this new state, the teacher must, of necessity, direct the attention of the class to ground already traversed, besides anticipating in a measure certain events which call for fuller treatment later. There is, then, an unparalleled opportunity for review; but a very real difficulty arises when the instructor has occasion to refer to such events as the Six Weeks’ War or the Franco-Prussian War, which have not yet been taken up in their European setting. In view of these problems it might be advisable to review some of these details after the story of German unification has been told, making the year 1871 an occasion for a retrospect of the history of the preceding quarter of a century. In this way the importance of this period may be brought home forcibly to the class. “With the Crimean War began a period of wars and territorial changes. In sixteen years there were four European wars between great powers, not to mention the local wars in Italy and Denmark; all central Europe was rearranged.” (Seignobos, p. 787.) “Indeed the changes made in the map of Europe between 1850 and 1871 were in some respects greater than the final results of the warfare which ended in that great pacification.” (The reference here is to the Congress of Vienna.)[2]
The Central Theme.
The main points which call for emphasis at the hands of the instructor have been summed up by Seignobos in the following statement: “The union of Italy was accomplished by all the Italian advocates of unity, royalists and republicans, working in harmony with the Piedmontese government, aided by a great European power, first France, then Prussia (p. 351).” Possibly additional interest may be aroused by suggesting the thought that here was the unusual spectacle of a nation made one, “not by conquest, but by consent.” This idea may be brought out best by comparison.
Obstacles to Union.
The chief obstacles to a union of the various states of Italy afford a proper introduction to the story. The most important of these was undoubtedly the presence of the foreigner. Italy had long been “a geographical expression,” controlled in the interest of an extra-Italian power. Dismemberment was its normal condition. A series of maps might be prepared to illustrate this fact, using a vivid color to indicate the territory controlled, first by Spain, then by Austria, then by France, and again by Austria, according to the arrangements made at Vienna. The following subjects are suggested:
(1) The Spanish Hegemony; (2) Beginning of Austria’s power in Italy (1715); (3) Restoration of Spain’s power in Italy, including the Austrian possessions in the peninsula (1735); (4) Italy in the time of Napoleon (1810); and (5) Power of Austria in Italy after the Congress of Vienna, showing the Sardinian territories (1815). These maps will serve the purpose best if not over three colors are used in their construction. The atlases of Dow and Putzger, and such text-books as Robinson and West will supply the necessary details. The constant reappearance on each of these maps of a black band stretching across the peninsula will serve to emphasize the importance of another hindrance to Italian unity, namely, the temporal power of the papacy.
Italy After the Revolution of 1848.
The discussion of Italian politics from 1815 to 1840 will be determined in part by the plan which the teacher has adopted for the treatment of this period in its general European aspect. Whatever line of treatment has been pursued, 1840 marks the real point of departure for presenting the facts connected with the formation of the kingdom of Italy. This date affords an opportunity for summing up the condition of the peninsula and for pointing out some of the lessons taught by the February Revolution. The next ten years constitute “the period of preparation.” Ten more were consumed before the hopes of the advocates of unity had been fully realized--if indeed they can be said to have been altogether realized. One of the first problems confronting the makers of modern Italy was the welding together of the widely scattered territories, occupied by diversified elements and possessing but few interests in common, which were known as the kingdom of Sardinia. (Read Seignobos, p. 346.) If Sardinia was to lead in the movement for unity and independence she must be thoroughly organized and prepared to assume the financial and military burdens involved. Not the least of her problems was that of “convincing all Italian Liberals that she could be trusted;” that she was their Heaven-sent leader. The task was all the more difficult because of the humiliation she had so recently undergone at the hands of Austria. Piedmont, however, had “failed heroically,” and, in spite of Novara, still remained “the center of nationalist hopes.” Two things were patent to the keen student of affairs, first, that Sardinia alone could not drive out the foreigner, and second, that any attempt at union must not be imperiled in the future by differences of opinion as to the nature thereof.
The Great Personalities.
Four great personalities fill the period from 1840 to 1860--“each was complementary in his life work to the other”--Mazzini, Cavour, Garibaldi, and behind them all, displaying rare wisdom and common sense at every crisis, the warrior king, Victor Emmanuel II. Mazzini has been called the Prophet of Italian unity; Cavour, its Statesman; and Garibaldi, its Knight-Errant. Of these three, Mazzini is most difficult to understand. The secondary student will find it next to impossible to enter into the far-reaching, although somewhat Utopian, schemes of this great Italian publicist. It is enough perhaps to point out how, by organizing Young Italy, he created the necessary enthusiasm among his countrymen to make possible the work of Cavour and Garibaldi.
Neither is Cavour’s public career devoid of difficulties. The attention of the class should be confined here to his efforts to place Sardinia on a sound economic basis, and at the same time secure for her the support and friendship of the great powers of Europe. The ambitions of Napoleon III, who dominated European politics prior to 1870, were utilized by the great state-maker in the furtherance of these plans. (See also Cesaresco, Cavour, Preface, for an outline of the policy of Cavour.)
The Attainment of Unity.
When the “epoch of realization” (1859-1870) has been reached, several plans are open to the instructor for presenting the various steps in the process of state-making. Beginning with the Crimean War, it is possible to associate the various acquisitions of territory with the wars which fill the period, namely, the Austro-Sardinian War, the Six Weeks’ War and the Franco-Prussian struggle; or to deal with the successive additions of territory as such, emphasizing the date and circumstances attending each. (See Seignobos, p. 351.) In the first case, emphasis is placed on the means employed; in the second, on the end attained. In either case reference should be made to the eagerness of the people to join with Sardinia, as shown in the plebiscites. If the second plan be followed, it will be easier to introduce Garibaldi. The episode of the Thousand offers material for an interesting report. In this connection mention might be made of a recent work by G. M. Trevelyan, Garibaldi and the Thousand.
Literature.
Out of the great mass of material on this subject mention might be made of the following: Seignobos, Europe since 1814, Chaps. XI and XXVII (one of the best accounts); Judson, Europe in the Nineteenth Century,
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The History Teacher's Magazine, Vol. I, No. 9, May, 1910Chapter III: Part II: THE MODERN AGE 45 cents (2)
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