Chapter II: Part 2

“Cum primum appuleram Ulissiponam ex Hibernia, scripsi Suae
Sanctitati omnem statum totius istius negotii Hiberniae
litterasque comitis Desmoniae Generalis Catholicorum per Nuntium
Apostolicum Hispaniarum suae Sanctitati misi. Tandem usque modo
omni diligentia egi cum rege Catholico, ut negotio subveniret:
hanc resolutionem jam recepi, usque quod sua Majestas sit parata
ut subveniat ac quod in Lusitania habet milites paratos ad
expeditionem istius negotii, et quod istud cum sit negotium
sanctae matris Ecclesiae et fidei restituendae in Hibernia,
necesse esse, ut Vestra Sanctitas juvet atque subveniat, et istud
subsidium quod exigitur est pecuniarum ut praedictis militibus
stipendia solvantur. Tandem jussum est ut ego conferrem me
Madritium ut cum Nuntio Apostolico et Cardinali Granvelano agerem
ut ipsi cum Sua Sanctitate solertes agant, ut Sua Sanctitas
ordinet quibus mediis et quo ordine hoc fiat: quare cum istud
negotium sit positum in sinu Sanctitatis Vestrae, atque ab ipso
omnino emanat, rogo atque obtestor S. Sanctitatem ut dignetur
subvenire, ordinemque praescribere, ut pecuniae in subsidium et ad
expeditionem istius negotii dentur ut militibus stipendia
solvantur, digneturque cum sua Majestate agere ut videlicet sine
dilatione incipiat vel cum ipsa postulat, ut non differatur,
alioquin actum erit de statu totius regni Hiberniae et scintilla
fidei quae illic adhuc remanet omnino extinguetur, illudque Regnum
quod semper in gremio sanctae matris Ecclesiae quievit et floruit
omnino subjicietur impiae potestati Reginae maledictae Angliae.
Comes enim Desmoniae postquam perdidit in hoc bello suos fratres
germanos cum nonnullis nobilibus ex sua domo, ingenue fatetur se
non posse amplius sustinere istud bellum sine subsidio sibi
pollicito: est igitur illi cito subveniendum antequam viribus
omnino enervetur. Vestra Sanctitas recordetur hanc caussam esse
suam, fidei et sanctae matris ecclesiae, et Hibernorum qui semper
vere filii Sedis Apostolicae sunt, et potissimum comitis Desmoniae
qui omnia sua omnemque suum statum periculo semper perdendi
exposuit fidei defensionis causâ. Valeat et vivat Sanctitas Vestra
in Nestoreos annos.

“Madritii, quarto die mensis Decembris 1582.

“Sanctitatis V. humilis filius et addictissimus servus,

“CORNELIUS LAONENSIS Episcopus”.

3. The letter to the Holy Father was accompanied by another short letter addressed to the _Cardinalis Comensis_ as follows:

“ILLUSTRISSIME DOMINE,

“In litteris Suae Sanctitatis poteris videre responsum regis
Catholici: respondet enim se habere milites in Lusitania ad
expeditionem nostri negotii Hiberniae, sed necesse esse ut Sua
Sanctitas subministret pecunias ut parti militum stipendia
solvantur. Proinde cum regis ordine veni Ulissipona Madritium ut
satagerem cum Nuntio Apostolico et Cardinali Granvelano, et hoc
Suae Sanctitati detegatur ut cum ejus ordine et subsidio res
incipiatur; demonstrat enim rex nobis se promptissimum esse ut jam
subveniat. Cum igitur istud negotium omnino emanet a
sollicitatione Dominationis suae Illmae. tum cum Sua Sanctitate,
tum etiam cum Rege Catholico, rogo atque obtestor suam
Dominationem Illmam. ut omni diligentia agat, ut non differatur
istud subsidium mittere ad illos nobiles qui toto hoc triennio
elapso istud exspectant quique omnia sua fidei defensionis causa
perdiderunt....

“Ex Madritio 4 Decemb., 1582.

“Illustrissimae ac Reverendissimae Dominationis Vestrae,

“CORNELIUS LAONENSIS Episcopus”.

4. On the 26th of May, the following year, the next letter was addressed from Madrid to the same cardinal:

“ILLUSTRISSIME AC REVERENDISSIME DOMINE,

“Accepi suae Dominationis Illustrissimae litteras datas Romae die
4 Januarii quibus hactenus distuli respondere donec ultimam
resolutionem a sua Majestate Catholica reciperem, quam suae
Dominationi Illustrissimae significare censui ut eam detegat Suae
Sanctitati. Quae quidem est haec, nempe quod sua Majestas sit
impedita donec videat exitum classis euntis in insulas Tertiae, et
ea ratione ducebatur ut me detineret quia comes Desmoniae scripsit
ad suam Majestatem quod si in meo adventu (in quem tum ipse tum
caeteri nobiles tantum confiderunt) istud negotium Hiberniae non
haberet prosperum successum, statim sisteret gradum gerendi
bellum, inducias foedusque componeret cum regina maledicta
Angliae. Jam vero ad nutriendum interim bellum in Hibernia, sua
Majestas Catholica praestitit nobis magnam summam pecuniarum,
armorum et victualium cum quibus ego hinc proficiscor ad portum
maris ut illa necessaria sine dilatione et cum omni diligentia
illinc transmittam ad comitem Desmoniae. Restat jam ut Sua
Sanctitas persaepe commendet istud negotium Hiberniae suae
Majestati Catholicae ut finito negotio praedictae insulae statim
negotium nostrum incipiat.

“Caeterum secretarius suae Majestatis Catholicae rogat me ut
exerceam Pontificalia in quodam episcopatu hîc cum certa pensione
donec sua Majestas parata erit ad mittendam classem in Hiberniam
gratumque hoc esse, minusque fastidiosum regi affirmat qui tantis
oneribus sumptibusque premitur. Jam in superioribus litteris petii
facultatem exercendi pontificalia et de hoc jam recepi responsum
Suae Sanctitatis per suam Dominationem Illustrissimam videlicet
Suam Sanctitatem dixisse hoc adversari decretis concilii
Tridentini et propterea nullatenus posse concedi. Intelligat Sua
Sanctitas hanc clausulam non esse positam in mea Bulla propter
meam culpam, neque etiam esse positam in Bullis Episcoporum
Hibernorum post me creatorum qui nihil perpessi sunt in hoc bello
Hibernico, quemadmodum ego perpessus sum nullaque praeclara
facinora ediderant quemadmodum longe lateque constat me edidisse,
nobilesque Hibernos esse valde offensos quando dicebam, in campo
me non posse exercere pontificalia extra meum episcopatum etiam
cum licentia ordinariorum loci. Proinde sua Dominatio
Illustrissima rogabit Suam Sanctitatem ut dignetur in praemium
laborum susceptorum et suscipiendorum in hoc bello Hibernico mihi
vivae vocis oraculo vel in scriptis concedere facultatem exercendi
pontificalia, et hîc interim quoad rex me detineat, cum licentia
ordinariorum, vel, sede vacante, jussu regis et in Hibernia eodem
modo et ubi non sunt Episcopi Catholici, jussu comitis Desmoniae
generalis Catholicorum possem similiter exercere pontificalia,
servatis servandis a jure et a sacro concilio Tridentino, contra
quod aliquid moliri illicitum esse semper duxi. Quare obtestor
suam Dominationem Illustrissimam ut statim et sine dilatione
dignetur de hoc agere cum Sua Sanctitate, hancque licentiam mihi
mittere per Nuncium Apostolicum Hispaniarum, hocque intelligat non
minus gratum esse regi quam comiti Desmoniae, aliisque nobilibus
ejus partem tuentibus in Hibernia. Christus Jesus suam
Dominationem Illustrissimam perquam diutissime nobis sospitem
conservet.

“Madritii, die 26 Maii, 1583.

“Illustrissimae Dominationis Suae,

“addictissimus servus,

“CORNELIUS LAONENSIS Episcopus”.

5. Six weeks later, the Bishop of Killaloe again writes to the Cardinal de Como, acquainting him with the measures taken by the Spanish monarch:

“ILLUSTRISSIME AC REVERENDISSIME DOMINE,

“Quamquam ternas ante has de eadem scripsi tibi litteras
superioribus diebus, tamen ne forte ad ejus manus minime
devenerint, censui rursus has tibi scribere litteras ut intelligat
regem Catholicum mihi respondisse impossibile esse jam classem
mitti in Hiberniam antequam sua Majestas intelligat exitum classis
quae jam proficiscitur ad insulas Tertiae contra Dominum Antonium.
Interim tamen ut bellum facilius sustentetur, in Hibernia
praestitit mihi subsidium pecuniarum, armorum et victualium
transmittendum mox in Hiberniam ad comitem Desmoniae; quorum
omnium causa et ex mandato regio in hoc portu permaneo, donec
praedicta omnia mittam ad Hiberniam quod spero fiet propediem cum
nihil aliud praestolatur nisi ventus prosperus. Interea Rex
Catholicus jussit ut pensio mihi assignaretur qua honeste
potuissem me sustentare super Episcopatu Tigitanensi, interimque
classis praeparabitur, cujus proprius pastor oblitus sui status se
junxit Domino Antonio contra Regem Catholicum...

“Ex portu de Scetufill, 5 Julii, 1583”.

6. The next letter is dated from Lisbon, the 1st August, 1583, and is addressed to the Holy Father Gregory XIII.:

“SANCTISSIME PATER,

“Comes Desmoniae generalis Catholicorum ferventer scripsit ad me
superioribus diebus ut cum Sua Sanctitate agerem ut dignaretur per
Bullam authenticam vel per Breve Apostolicum concedere terras
possessionesque illorum qui interfecerunt Dominum Jacobum
Geraldinum generalem vestrae Sanctitatis in Hibernia, Geraldo
Geraldino filio praedicti D. Jacobi ut ipsi Geraldini vehementius
habeant ansam inserviendi Sedi Apostolicae atque Suae Sanctitati,
ac ut adversarii hoc concedendo terreantur ne Sedem Apostolicam
impugnent neve istius Sedis Sanctissimae sint adversarii inter nos
qui Anglis faveant atque opitulentur posthac quemadmodum hactenus.
Quocirca nonnihil conducet negotio atque ad augmentationem fidei
in Hibernia ut Sua Sanctitas consideret servitium Geraldinorum et
potissimum Jacobi Gerald generalis Vestrae Sanctitatis et istius
postremo comitis Desmoniae qui totis viribus impugnat maledictam
reginam ejusque fautores quique progressus felices ipsam
impugnando hactenus habuit. Proinde in praemium horum omnium
Vestra Sanctitas dignetur concedere litteras atque possessiones
istorum qui interfecerunt D. Jacobum Geraldinum, Domino Geraldo
Geraldino filio praedicti D. Jacobi Generalis Vestrae Sanctitatis
prout comes Desmoniae Suae Sanctitati fusissime scripsit: quod si
fecerit Sua Sanctitas rem gratissimam comiti factura sit
coeterosque pene nobiles Hibernos concitabit ut sibi Sedique
Apostolicae inserviant, domumque Geraldinorum semper sibi
addictissimam et promptissimam experietur. Christus Jesus Suam
Sanctitatem nobis sospitem conservet in multos annos.

“Ex Ulissipona, 1 Augusti, 1583.

“Sanctitatis Vestrae,

“filius atque addictissimus servus,

“CORNELIUS LAONENSIS Episcopus”.

7. The seventh letter is addressed from Lisbon on 26th Nov. 1583, to Cardinal de Como:

“Persaepe hactenus egi litteris cum Sua Sanctitate atque
praesentia et verbo cum sua Majestate Catholica ut omnia tandem
dignentur subvenire Regno Hiberniae misere hactenus desolato. Sed
cum jam tempus adest subveniendi, censui rogare suam Dominationem
Illustrissimam ut dignetur agere cum Sua Sanctitate, ut cum Rege
Catholico agat, ut haec classis quae revertitur ex insula Tertiae
transmittatur ad Hiberniam, qua transmissa Hibernia legibus
sanctae matris ecclesiae atque Anglia propediem subjicietur.
Denique haec erit proximior via qua sua Majestas habebit Flandriam
quietam sibique subjectam....

“Valeat Dominus meus Illustrissimus, in Christo Jesu.

“Ex Ulissipona, 26 Novemb., 1583.

“Dominationis Suae Illustrissimae,

“addictissimus servus,

“CORNELIUS LAONENSIS Episcopus”.

8. Three months later another letter was addressed to the same cardinal, conveying the sad intelligence of the assassination of the Earl of Desmond:

“ILLUSTRISSIME DOMINE,

“Suam Dominationem Illustrissimam certiorem reddere censui de hoc
negotio Hiberniae ut Suam Sanctitatem dignetur de illo informare.
Imprimis intelligat Illustrissimus Dominus, Geraldum Comitem
Desmoniae generalem Catholicorum qui erat caput istius belli
Hibernici occubuisse nuperrime et traditorie in bello, ejusque
caput post ejus mortem a nefariis Anglis erat abscissum et
transmissum ex Hibernia ad maledictam Angliae nominatam reginam.
Tristissima ac longe moestissima nova nobis sunt ista ac prorsus
de reductione Hiberniae ad fidem principia desperandi, nisi S.
Sanctitas mox manus adjutrices porrigat, tum subveniendo militibus
aut pecuniis, tum etiam scribendo quam effectuosissime ad suam
Majestatem Catholicam, ut non differat jam mittere classem ad
Hiberniam, qua transmissa universa Hibernia legibus sanctae matris
Ecclesiae subjicietur eritque etiam principium et solidum
fundamentum reductionis Angliae ad fidem: quod si hoc non fiet mox
antequam Regina maledicta iniquis suis legibus subjiciat sibi
regnum cum non sit aliquis principalis qui resistat, actum erit de
toto negotio et scintilla fidei quae huc usque illic viguit omnino
extinguetur, eritque Hibernia non secus quam Anglia referta
iniquis legibus maledictae Reginae....

“Ex Ulissipona, 13 Februarii, 1584.

“Illustrissimae Dominationis Vestrae,

“addictissimus servus,

“CORNELIUS LAONENSIS Episcopus”.

IX. On the 7th of September, 1584, our Bishop again writes to His Eminence:—

“ILLUSTRISSIME DOMINE,

“Hactenus praestolabar cupidissimo animo profectionem classis Suae
Sanctitatis ac majestatis Catholicae in Hiberniam quod cum mihi in
mandatis a magnatibus Hiberniae et potissimum a Comite Desmoniae
incumbebat, ut hoc sollicitarem, officio non defui hactenus ut
probe novit Sua Dominatio Illustrissima. Jam vero cum praedictus
comes Desmoniae generalis Catholicorum sit interfectus in bello
neminemque alium moliri bellum in Hibernia post ejus mortem,
quinimo omnes obtemperant Reginae, comperio negotium esse tepidum
frigidumque, ac proinde censui oratum iri suam Dominem.
Illustrissimam ut dignetur alloqui Suam Sanctitatem, erga meam
penuriam et necessitatem rerum necessariarum, ob id quod nihil ex
propriis reditibus recipio, et cum Sua Sanctitate satagere ut
aliquid mihi quolibet mense vel annue subministretur per
collectorem Apostolicum commorantem Ulissiponae, ubi cupio
commorari prope nova Hiberniae, donec co classis mittatur aut
Regina moriatur, quia sine una aut altera nequeo adire
Hiberniam....

“Ulissiponae, 7 Septembris, 1584.

“Sua Dominatio Illustrissima dignetur favere Roberto Laseo
Cancellario Limericensi qui nedum est vir probus ac generosus sed
etiam quam multa perdidit in bello praeterito Hibernico cum Comite
Desmoniae.

“Illustrissimae ac Reverendissimae Dom. V.

“addictissimus servus,

“CORNELIUS LAONENSIS Episcopus”.

X. Another letter was addressed to the Pope on the same day:

“BEATISSIME PATER,

“Postquam in campo Catholicorum cum comite Desmoniae, caeterisque
nobilibus Regni Hiberniae solus episcopus tribus annis manseram
labores improbos sustinens praedicando, admonendo et imperando
quae expediebant saluti hominum progressuique belli contra
rabidissimos ferocesque ecclesiae hostes Anglos, nihilque interim
recipiens ex proprio Episcopatu, cujus redditus percipiuntur a
quodam haeretico nominato Episcopo qui illic residet ex parte
Reginae maladictae Angliae, me tandem contuli ad has partes jussu
comitis Desmoniae Generalis Catholicorum caeterorumque nobilium
sibi adhaerentium ut officio Ambasciatoris fungerer, nedum cum Sua
Sanctitate sed etiam cum sua Majestate Catholica ut dignaretur
sibi mittere classem vel saltem mediocre subsidium quo bellum
feliciter incoeptum ad optatum finem deduceret, quemadmodum ipse
comes suis litteris adhuc vivens persaepe detexit Suae Sanctitati.
Ego hactenus saepissime egi cum sua Majestate sed subsidium illud
exiguum quod extorsi a sua Majestate adeo dilatum erat ut comes
Desmoniae viam universae carnis ingrederetur in bello, antequam
navicula illa cum armis illis et pecuniis Hiberniam appulerat,
unde rediit cum eodem subsidio ad ministros suae Majestatis
Ulissiponam. Porro post mortem praedicti comitis Desmoniae nullus
est in Hibernia qui agit bellum contra Reginam neque autumo fore
postquam viderant comitem Desmoniae se suumque statum exspectando
subsidium tanto tempore, ne se suumque statum similiter, deperdant
quin potius tota Hibernia obtemperet Reginae. Proinde opus non
erit posthac subsidio mediocri sed classi: quod Sua Sanctitas
dignetur agere cum sua Majestate. Quod si transmittatur, statim
universa Hibernia atque postmodum Anglia legibus sanctae matris
ecclesiae subjicietur; brevior, aptiorque haec via quoque erit ut
Rex Catholicus habeat Flandriam quietam sibique subjectam.

“Ulissiponae, 7 Sept., 1584.

“Sanctitatis V. filius,

“atque addictissimus servus,

“CORNELIUS LAONENSIS Episcopus”.

XI. The last and most important of Dr. O’Melrian’s letters is dated the 29th October, 1584. It is addressed to Cardinal de Como, and besides many particulars connected with the Archbishops of Cashel and Tuam, and the Bishops of Emly, Ferns, Ossory, Ross, and Limerick, we also gather from it that our bishop, before his promotion to Killaloe, had held some other see, probably that of Kilmacduagh:

“ILLUSTRISSIME DOMINE,

“Decem sunt anni elapsi ex quo Sua Sanctitas me creavit Episcopum:
tamen postquam me contuli ad Hiberniam nullum ingressum habui ad
meum Episcopatum qui occupatus a quodam Pseudo-Episcopo Reginae
qui dumtaxat colligit reditus, minime gerens curam animarum,
totoque hoc tempore neque ingressum unius diei in Episcopatum,
neque obolum ex meis redditibus potui habere neque spero me
habiturum nisi post mortem Reginae, aut nisi classis a S.
Sanctitate et Majestate Catholica mittatur cum qua eo irem. Itaque
hactenus cum Comite Desmoniae caeterisque nobilibus sibi
adhaerentibus mansi in Hibernia in castris Catholicorum, me
praebens ut decuit praeclarum exemplar omnium virtutum improbos
labores et inediam sustinens, praedicando, exhortando, admonendo,
severitatem aliquoties cum lenitate adhibendo in corrigendis
vitiis, et persuadendo semper quae expediebant saluti hominum
progressuique belli contra rabidissimos atque feroces Ecclesiae
hostes Anglos. Placuit tandem comiti Desmoniae generali
Catholicorum, caeterisque proceribus me mittere huc, fretum
auctoritate Ambasciatoris ut cum Sua Sanctitate atque Majestate
Catholica agerem de classe vel subsidio mittendo ad Hiberniam quod
cum omni diligentia cum Sua Sanctitate litteris egi ut probe novit
sua Dominatio Illma.; verbo voce et praesentia egi cum sua
Majestate Catholica vixque extorsi naviculam unam cum armis et
pecuniis, quae antequam appulerat Hiberniam, repererat comitem
Desmoniae interfectum esse in bello, caeterosque suos dilapsos
esse adeo ut mentio belli minime habebatur: tunc rursum idem
subsidium rediit huc, quod ego integrum restitui ministris suae
Majestatis Catholicae. Jam nihilominus solerter ago cum sua
Majestate ut dignetur classem vel saltem subsidium mediocre
mittere ad Hiberniam cum Domino Mauritio Geraldino consobrino
comitis Desmoniae qui his diebus causâ implorandi subsidium tum a
S. Sanctitate tum a Rege Catholico evolavit ex Hibernia huc.
Vehementer etiam rogo suam Dominationem Illustrissimam ut dignetur
agere cum Sua Sanctitate ut hinc subveniatur ac ut S. Sanctitas
mox dignetur ea de re agere cum sua Majestate; quia iste est vir
strenuus, nobilis et expertissimus in rebus bellicis, qui in bello
hoc praeterito comitis Desmoniae nonnullas victorias principales
habuit contra Anglos: Sua enim Sanctitas plurimum tenetur
Geraldinis qui se suumque statum exposuerunt periculo semper
perdendi in servitio Suae Sanctitatis. Caeterum sua Dominatio
Illustrissima intelligat me hic Ulissiponae morari prope nova
Hiberniae et sollicitando continue cum sua Majestate ut mittat
subsidium alicujus momenti vel classem ad Hiberniam....

“Creatio Episcoporum jam, nisi mittatur classis nedum est inutilis
sed nociva quia hoc tempore aegre possunt creari atque prodesse in
Hibernia vel in Anglia (praeter partes Ultoniae in Hibernia) quia
utrobique non habent nisi latere et incedere vestitu saeculari vel
militari strictis cinctisve gladiis et pugionibus sine tonsura aut
corona, sine habitu clericali sine reditibus et obedientia a suis:
et ita adhuc si convincantur episcopos esse poena capitis vel
perpetui carceris plectentur et eorum parentes vel consanguinei
apud quos versabantur secrete, omnia bona sua et terras per
edictum Reginae fisco perdent....

“Archiepiscopus Cashellensis gloriosissime et constantissime
martyrium perpessus est Dublinae, qui quamvis acerrimis poenis
agitabatur nullo pacto poterat duci, ut iniquis legibus Reginae
obtemperaret; qui ex primo die quo se contulit ad Hiberniam in
habitu saeculari (aliter enim non potuit) versabatur, donec erat
comprehensus ut explorator, qui quidem cum erat percontatus si
erat Ecclesiasticus necne, fassus est se Archiepiscopum esse et in
fide constantissime et gloriosissime mortuus est. Sed, quod doleo,
jam non publice sed secreto et sine plebe martyrio coronantur,
quem ad modum iste archiepiscopus a tribus dumtaxat militibus erat
suspensus ne alios incitaret aut inflammaret ad Christianam
religionem.

“Episcopus vero Imolacensis constans in fide carceribus Dublinae
detinetur cui jam preparant ocreas plumbeas ut adhibito igne (quem
ad modum fecerunt prius Archiepiscopo) in tormentis fidem deneget.
Episcopus vero Feruensis, prius consentiens Anglis, poenitentia
ductus ultro se obtulit pro fide qui jam teterrimis carceribus
sine foramine lucis detinetur. Archiepiscopus Tuamensis non aliter
erat in Hibernia quam in habitu saeculari, qui postquam rediit ad
Hispaniam, diem clausit extremum. Thomas vero Ossoriensis
Episcopus mansit in Hibernia aliquot mensibus in habitu saeculari,
tandem contulit se ex Hibernia ad Hispaniam. Episcopus
Limericensis et Episcopus Rossensis postquam venerant Roma in
curia Regis Hispaniarum degunt.

“Videat Dominus meus Illustrissimus quod horum Episcoporum creatio
magis obest quam prodest, quamvis illic affirmarunt se posse
prodesse; proinde alii non sunt audiendi qui petunt promoveri ad
Episcopatus, quum obesse potius possunt quam prodesse. Valeat
Dominus meus Illustrissimus in Christo Jesu.

“Ulissiponae, 29 Oct. 1584.

“Illustrissimae ac Reverendissimae Dominationis V.

“addictissimus servus,

“CORNELIUS LAONENSIS Episcopus”.

This is the last letter we have met with from the illustrious Bishop of Killaloe, Dr. O’Melrian. His episcopate continued till 1617; yet the only event recorded concerning him during this long interval is his having examined the work of Stanihurst, _De Moribus et Rebus Hiberniae_, and on the margin opposite each error his solemn condemnation was found marked with the simple formula: _mentitur_ (_Hist. Cath._, pag. 121).

As regards the bishops of the Establishment, that of _James Curyn_, or _Corrin_, seems to have been the first appointment made by King Henry VIII. Some call him Bishop of Killaloe as early as 1529, during the episcopate of Dr. Hogan; others date his appointment from 1539/40. At all events it is probable he is the bishop that is referred to in the letter of Dr. Browne to Lord Cromwell on 16th February, 1539/40, when he complains that the Lord Deputy _in O’Brien’s country_ “deposed a bishop who was promoted by the king’s highness, ... and he that the Lord Deputy hath now promoted to the same is a Gray Friar (Dr. O’Kirwan), one of the holy confessors of the late Garrantys, even as rank a traitor as ever they were” (_State Papers_, iii. 123). Dr. Corrin resigned the see in 1546, and Cornelius O’Dea was appointed by the king in July, the same year, and, as Ware tells us, he held the see about nine years. The next crown nominee was Moriertach O’Brien. Though appointed by Queen Elizabeth in 1570, he was for a long time content with the enjoyment of the temporalities of the see, and it was only in 1577 that he received episcopal consecration. John Rider, the next Protestant bishop, was appointed in 1612: he is chiefly remarkable for a Latin dictionary which he compiled, and in which he was accused of taking both the substance and words from the Lexicon of Thomas Thomatius.

THE SACRAMENT OF PENANCE IN THE EARLY IRISH CHURCH.

The name _Soul’s-friend_ (in Irish,) was a characteristic title used in the old Irish language to designate those who are now called _confessors_, whose mission it is to receive the confessions of the faithful and to heal by the sacrament of penance, the spiritual wounds inflicted on the soul after baptism. “Sure we are”, writes Usher, “that it was the custom of the faithful in our ancient Church, to confess their sins to the priests, that they might be made partakers of the benefit of the keys for the quieting of their troubled consciences”—_Discourse on the Religion, etc._, p. 46.

Our old commentator, Claudius, more than once repeats this doctrine, and teaches that the power of forgiving sins was granted by the divine Redeemer to His apostles and their successors in the priesthood: “The power of loosing and binding”, he says, “was granted to all the apostles by our Saviour, when, appearing to them after His resurrection, He breathed upon them, and said: Receive ye the Holy Ghost: whose sins you shall forgive, they are forgiven, and whose sins you shall retain, they are retained. Even to the present day this duty devolves upon the Church in its bishops and priests, and having examined each sinner’s cause, they absolve those whom they find humble and truly penitent, from the fear of eternal death, but such as they find to persist in their sins, these are bound down unto never-ending torments”—_In Matth. Codex Vatican._, fol. 149, b.

Elsewhere, expounding the history of the man who was sick with the palsy, he remarks: “The scribes say truly that none can forgive sins save God alone, who also it is that forgives through those to whom he has given the power of forgiving”. And again, “St. John teaches us, in regard to the remission of sins, that our Saviour after His resurrection promised to His disciples that those shall be bound whom they shall bind, and those shall be loosened whom they shall loosen”—_In Matth. ibid._, fol. 81, and _Usher_, loc. cit., pag. 48.

The old penitential canons of our Church will serve as a practical commentary on these texts of Claudius. Thus, in the synod held by our apostle, together with Auxilius and Isernimus, about the year 450, we find the canon:

“A Christian who has committed murder, or fornication, or gone to
a soothsayer after the manner of the gentiles, for every such
crime shall do a year of penance: when his year of penance is
accomplished he shall come with witnesses, and afterwards he shall
be absolved by the priest”.(16)

St. Finnian too prescribes:

“Si quis rixam faciat de clericis aut ministris Dei, hebdomadam
dierum poeniteat cum pane et aqua et petat veniam a Deo suo et
proximo suo, plena confessione et humilitate et sic potest Deo
reconciliari et proximo suo”.(17)

The synodical canons _de Arreis_, in one decree declare as the substitute for the penance of a year:

“Tres dies cum mortuo sancta in sepulchro, sine cibo et potu et
sine somno sed cum vestimento circa se, et cantatione psalmorum et
oratione horarum per confessionem et votum sacerdoti”.

And in another case they enact a similar penance:

“post confessionem peccatorum coram sacerdote et plebe post
votum”.(18)

The penitential of St. Cummian commands him who had innocently told an untruth “to confess his fault to the person whom he deceived and to the priest”.(19) Again, youths before their twentieth year committing certain sins, were ordered for the first offence “having confessed, to do penance for twenty days before they should approach the holy Communion”.(20)

St. Columbanus is even more minute in treating of this sacrament. Thus, in canon the fourteenth, he lays down the penance for the sin of adultery, and adds that this penance being performed by the sinner “culpa illius per sacerdotem abstergatur”. Should his sin be a sin of desire, “Confiteatur culpam suam sacerdoti et ita quadraginta diebus in pane et aqua poeniteat”.(21) Special diligence, too, was to be observed when preparing to approach the Holy Eucharist, and not only the heinous crimes, but even the venial faults were to be confessed. “Confessiones autem dari diligentius praecipitur, maxime de commotionibus animi, antequam ad missam eatur, ne forte quis accedat indignus ad altare, id est si cor mundum non habuerit”.(22)

In the ancient collection of canons made for the use of our Irish Church about the year 700, there is one book (the 48th) entitled _de Poenitentia_. The thirty-three chapters into which it is divided are for the most part moral or disciplinary: as, for instance, the twenty-fifth chapter, which enjoins that all penitents should receive _imposition of hands_ from the priests during Lent, moreover, should carry the dead to the place of sepulture, and there inter them, and, in fine, should present themselves kneeling at all the functions of the Church from Easter to Pentecost. There are, however, some incidental passages which beautifully illustrate the idea entertained by our fathers of the necessity and advantages of sacramental confession. Thus in the third chapter the words of St. Augustine are adopted:

“Why will the sinner seek to conceal what he committed in the
presence of God? Why will he blush to confess those sins with
which he did not blush to stain his own soul? Therefore, let him
defray by confession what he has contracted by sinning; let him by
satisfaction wash away the stains which defile his soul; let him
by vigilance supply for his former neglect; let him for the future
be a follower of Christ by virtuous deeds, as hitherto he had
followed Satan by his sins; and he may rest assured that God will
not punish him for those crimes which he has confessed”.

Subsequently it adopts the well-known passage from the Homilies of St. Gregory the Great:

“As the physician cannot apply his remedy unless he knows in what
the malady of his patient consists, so cannot sins be healed
without confession; for, with our heart we believe unto justice,
but with our lips confession is made unto salvation. He who
conceals his sins cannot be directed; but he who confesses them
and relinquishes them all, will obtain mercy”—_Collect. Hib.
Canonum_, xlviii. 3.

In the other fragments which are still preserved of our early literature, we find many passages connected with the same great sacrament. Thus St. Mochta, in his _Apologia_, amongst the other articles of faith, professes: “Poenitentiam peccatorum plenissima fide suscipimus ac veluti secundam gratiam suspicamur” (see _Essays on the Early Irish Church_, pag. 302); that is to say, it is the only plank that remains to him after shipwreck.

Amongst the Irish MSS. preserved in the public library of Basle, in Switzerland, there is one (Ff. iii. 15) which presents a curious form of prayer to be observed by our clergy when administering the sacrament of penance. We give it in full in its original language; the reader will remark that it omits the form of absolution, for which it refers to _the sacramentary_, and the words which we here enclose within parentheses are written as rubric in the original manuscript:

“Incipit ordo ad poenitentiam dandam.

“Credis in Patrem et Filium et Spiritum Sanctum? _Respondet_:
Credo.

“Credis, quod istae tres personae, quo modo diximus, Pater et
Filius et Spiritus Sanctus, tres sunt, et unus Deus est?
_Respondet_: Credo.

“Credis, quad in ista ipsa carne in qua nunc es, habes resurgere
in die judicii et recipere sive bonum sive malum quod egisti?
_Respondet_: Credo.

“Vis dimittere illis quicumque in te peccaverint, Domino dicente,
si non remiseritis hominibus peccata eorum, nec Pater vester
coelestis dimittet vobis peccata vestra? _Respondet_: Dimitto.

“(Et require diligenter; si est incestuosus, si non vult ipsa
incesta dimittere, non potes ei dare poenitentiam: et si vult ipsa
incesta dimittere, _fac eum confiteri omnia peccata sua_, et ad
ultimum diecre.)

“Multa sunt peccata mea, in factis in verbis et in
cogitationibus”.

(Tunc da illi poenitentiam et dic istas orationes super eum.)

“Oremus. Praeveniat hunc famulum tuum _N._ Domine, misericordia
tua, et omnes iniquitates ejus celeri indulgentia doleat. Per,
etc.

“Oremus. Exaudi, Domine, preces nostras et confitentium tibi parce
peccatis ut quos conscientiae reatus accusat, indulgentia tuae
pietatis absolvat.

“(Et caeteras, si tempus habueris sicut in sacramentario
continentur. Si tibi non vacat, istae sufficiant. Et si homo
ingeniosus est, da ei consilium ut veniat tempore statuto ad te
aut ad alium sacerdotem in coena Domini et _reconcilietur sicut in
sacvamentario continetur_. Quicquid manens in corpore consecutus
non fuerit hoc est _reconciliatione_, exutus carne consequi non
poterit. Si vero minus intelligens fuerit, quidquid ipse non
intelligit in uno statu reconciliare, potes eum ita dicendo:)

“Oremus. Praesta, quaesumus Domine, dignum poenitentiae fructum
huic famulo ut ecclesiae tuae sanctae a cujus integritate deviarat
peccando, admissorum veniam consequendo reddatur innocens. Per
Dominum.

“(Si infirmus est homo, statim reconciliare eum debes.)”

Thus terminates this curious fragment of the ritual observances of our early Church. Another Irish manuscript of the same library in Basle contains a long penitential prayer, the language of which has a striking resemblance with the prayers of St. Colgu and Aileran, already published in the early numbers of the _Record_. It thus begins:

“De conscientiae reatu ante Altare,

“Domine Deus omnipotens, ego humiliter te adoro,

“Tu es Rex Regum et Dominus Dominantium,

“Tu es arbiter omnis saeculi,

“Tu es redemptor animarum,

“Tu es liberator credentium,

“Tu es spes laborantium,

“Tu es paraclitus dolentium,

“Tu es via errantium,

“Tu es magister gentium,

“Tu es creator omnium,

“Tu es amator omnis boni,

“Tu es princeps omnium virtutum,

“Tu es amator virginum,

“Tu es fons sapientium,

“Tu es fides credentium,

“Tu es lux lucis,

“Tu es fons sanctitatis,

“Tu es gloria Dei Patris in excelsis,

“Tu sedes ad dexteram Dei Patris,

“In alto throno regnans in saecula.

“Ego te peto ut des mihi remissionem omnium peccatorum meorum,
Deus meus Jesu Christe.

“Tu es qui neminem vis perire sed omnes vis salvos fieri et ad
agnitionem veritatis venire.

“Tu es qui ore tuo sancto et casto dixisti: in quacumque die
conversus fuerit peccator, vita vivet et non morietur.

“Ego revertor ad Te....

“Ideo confiteor tibi Domine Deus meus, qui solus sine peccato es:
et obsecro te, Jesu Christe, Deus misericordiarum per passionem et
per effusionem sanguinis tui, atque per signum ligni salutiferi
crucis tuae ut concedas mihi remissionem omnium peccatorum meorum,
non secundum meum meritum, sed secundum magnam misericordiam
tuam”.

The “Rule for the Celi-De”, composed by St. Maelruan about the year 780, reckons “_the divulging of confession_, so as to say, this is what the man did”, as so heinous a crime “that it is not penanced in the land of Erinn”.(23) It also contains several regulations connected with the sacrament of penance. Thus, on the eve of the chief festivals, all feasting is prohibited, “because of going under the hand to-morrow”. To which words Dr. Reeves adds the following note: “The priest raises his hand in the absolution, whence the modern expression _going under the hand of the priest_ denotes going to confession” (pag. 202). Subsequently the Rule enacts:

“When they do not go to hand (_i.e._ to confession) on Sunday,
they go on the Thursday after; it would be too long to wait till
the Sunday following for the person who habitually goes to hand
every Sunday, because these two days are always special with them
at Mass.

“It is not necessary to delay minute confessions of thoughts and
idle notions, and abuse and anger, till Sunday, but to confess
them immediately as they occur.

“He who makes his confession to a _soul-friend_, if he performs
the penance according to his directions, need not confess them to
another _soul-friend_, but only what has subsequently occurred.
Frequent confession is not profitable when the transgressions are
frequent too”.

Some instructions are also given for the guidance of the confessor:

“Difficult, indeed, is the duty of the _soul-friend_, because if
he gives the proper remedy, it is oftener violated than observed;
but if the soul-friend does not give it, its liability falls upon
himself; because several are satisfied with making the confession
without doing the penance; but it is better to proclaim their
welfare to them, though they do not respond to the penance
enjoined by the confessor. Another soul-friend may be gone to, if
necessary, after the permission of the first soul-friend.

“It is right to refuse the confession of a person who does not
perform penance according to the soul-friend, unless there happens
to be a soul-friend near, whom he considers more learned in rules,
in the ways of the Scripture, and in the practices of the saints.
Let him heed what he receives from the learned soul-friend whom he
first met, to whomsoever he may reveal his confession each time,
and let penance be enjoined him according to the rules of frequent
confession”.

In fine, it is also decreed that the bishop “who confers noble orders upon any one who is not able to instruct in religion and reading, and soul-friendship, and who has not a knowledge of laws and rules, and of the proper remedy for all sins in general, is an enemy to God and man; for that bishop has offered an insult to Christ and His Church, and hence shall do penance for six years, and he shall pay seven _cumhals_ in gold as a penalty to God.(24)”

The Rule of St. Carthage (who was familiarly called _Mochuda_) has already been published in full in the December and January numbers of the _Record_. Frequent mention is made in it of the holy sacrament of penance, and as St. Carthage died before the year 640, we are thus enabled to trace back the Catholic tenets of our fathers even to the beginning of the seventh century. At page 116, among _the duties of a priest_ is commemorated:

“If you go to give communion
At the awful point of death,
You must receive confession
Without shame, without reserve.
Let him receive your sacrament
If his body bewails.
The penitence is not worthy
Which turns not from evil....
If you be anybody’s soul-friend,
His soul thou shalt not sell;
Thou shalt not be a blind man leading the blind;
Thou shalt not allow him to fall into neglect;
Let them give thee their confession
Candidly and devoutly”.

Whilst confession was thus enjoined on the faithful, it was not less necessary for the religious themselves:

“When you come unto the mass—
It is a noble office—
Let there be penitence of heart, shedding of tears,
And throwing up of the hands, ...
With confession of vices,
When you come to receive”.

And again, when laying down special rules for monks, St. Carthage commands them to exercise modesty and meekness:

“With inculcation of every truth;
With denunciation of every wickedness;
With perfect frequent confessions,
Under the directions of a holy abbot”.(25)

The testimony of these religious rules is of great importance: they not only convey to us the teaching of individuals remarkable for their piety and learning, but they moreover record for our instruction those disciplinary enactments which received the solemn sanction of the greatest saints of our ancient Church, and which guided in the paths of perfection thousands of our countrymen whose virtues and miracles won for our island a wide-spread fame for sanctity throughout the sixth and succeeding centuries.

We may now refer to facts connected with these sainted fathers of our Church which throw much light on the practice of confession, from the earliest period of faith in our island. Thus, of St. Adamnan we read that, being troubled about some sin of his early youth “he resorted to a priest from whom he hoped to learn the way of salvation, and confessing his fault prayed for such counsel as might enable him to flee from the avenging anger of God”.(26)

In the life of St. Columba, too, it is recorded that one day an Irishman from Connaught, by name Ildran, landed on the beach of Iona and proceeded to the guest-house of the monastery. On the following morning he made known to the saint the object of his journey, viz.: to do penance for his sins, and “at the same hour he confessed all his sins and promised to fulfil the laws of penance”.(27) On another occasion St. Columba was visited by a person named Fiachna, who, being touched with remorse for some crime, fell at the saint’s feet and “confessed his sins before all that were there present”, whereupon the holy man weeping embraced him, and said, “Arise, my son, and be comforted; thy sins are forgiven thee, for, as it is written, the contrite and humble heart God doth not despise”.(28)

In the case of a chieftain named Suibhne, it is mentioned that, though truly penitent, he was ordered by St. Pulcherius to confess his sins.(29) We find also St. Maidoc of Ferns earnestly soliciting to have a wise confessor divinely destined for his guidance. St. Molua of Clonfert-molua was the person chosen by him, and hence, amongst other titles given to this last-named saint, is “Father of the Confession of Maidoc”.(30) Again, in the life of St. Finbar it is mentioned that a young man from Leinster went to Iona to be guided by Columba: being obliged soon after to return to his native country, he thus affectionately addressed the holy abbot: “O sancte Dei! quomodo in patria mea vivam et tibi confitear peccata mea?”(31)

In the _Martyrology of Donegal_, St. Meallan of Loch Oirbsen, in Connaught, is styled the _Anmehara_ of St. Furse, who since the middle of the seventh century is venerated as patron of Peronne in France (pag. 40, I.A.S., 1865). In the _Felire_ of Aenghus, St. Donnan of Eigg is also said to have gone to St. Columcille “to make him his soul’s friend” (Reeves’ _Columba_, p. 305). This title of _Anmchara_ is given to the divine Redeemer himself by St. Aileran, in the beautiful prayer printed in the _Record_, pag. 64, and, as we have already said, was the name given by the faithful in our early Church to those who in the Latin records are styled _Confessarii_, or _Patres Confessionis_. The _Book of Fenagh_ in one of its most ancient records states, that “Columba plus venit ad S. Kilianum et ei confessus est peccata sua” (I.A.S. _Miscellany_, vol. i., pag. 118). Of St. Finbarr it is also recorded that, on the death of his spiritual director, he went to St. Olan to make him _patrem confessionis suae_, or at least to be directed by him as to the person whom he should select; and the legend adds that St. Olan replied: “Christ Himself will be your confessor, and He will receive your hand”; meaning, probably, that the hour of his death was come, for the next fact mentioned in St. Finbarr’s life is his happy passage to eternity (_Life of St. Finbarr_, edited by R. Caulfield. London, 1864, pag. 21).

Probus, in the life of our great Apostle (chap. 20), mentions that one of the chief petitions which he made to God, during the time of his penitential retirement on Croaghpatrick, was: “Ut unusquisque homo fidelis Hibernorum per poenitentiam et confessionem Deo satisfaciens licet in extremo vitae suae spatio, ab ipso elementer suscipiatur”. It was to become sharer of this great privilege that St. Cormac, Bishop and King of Cashel, baying foretold his death, summoned to him St. Macsuach, Abbot of Castledermot, to whom he made his confession, and received from his hands the holy sacrament of the Eucharist. (I.A.S. 1860. _Annals_, pag. 203).

The confession even of venial faults was especially dwelt upon by St. Molua. One of his religious was negligent on this head, and St. Molua took occasion to correct him by his own example. As they were journeying together on a certain day, St. Molua said to him: “Peccavi vere hodie quia confessionem alicui seniori non feci de his quae egi hodie: me igitur hic sustine modicum donec vadam illuc et confitear”. The religious was struck with terror, and asked “would it not suffice to confess these sins to God alone?” but the saint replied that unless we confess even our venial transgressions, we can only obtain pardon for them by severe penitential deeds here and hereafter, and added the well-known illustration: “Sicut pavimentum domus scopâ quotidie tergitur, ita anima quotidianâ confessione”. The ancient life concludes; “Hoc audiens monachus a suo sancto Abbate, promisit confiteri sua offendicula; et confitebatur fideliter, et sanatus est ille frater a sua praeterita audacia” (_Vita ex Vet. Cod. Armac._, edited by Fleming, cap. 32.)

There is only one document to which the enemies of our holy faith can appeal as evidencing a disregard for the sacrament of penance in our early Church: it is a letter of Alcuin, addressed, in the text of Canisius, _dilectissimis viris fratribus et patribus __ in provincia Scotorum_, in which he mentions the rumour which had reached him, that the laity had refused “confessionem sacerdotibus dare”. Here (writes Dean Murray) is a clear rejection of Popery. However, antiquarians have long since decided that this text has no reference to sacramental confession (see Lanigan, iv. 67): and as the good Protestant dean had given his citation from Usher, he should have added that in Usher’s opinion the title of this letter of Alcuin was erroneous, and that it was addressed to some faithful quite distinct from our old Celtic forefathers. This opinion no longer admits of any doubt. Canisius himself remarked “that in the MS. from which he published this letter, it was addressed _de dilectissimis, etc. in provincia Gothorum_”, and he merely substituted the word _Scotorum_, as a conjecture, not knowing that there were any people in the days of Alcuin who still retained the name of _Gothic_. Later discoveries, however, have proved that the very province of Languedoc, in which territory Alcuin lived for a long time, was designated by this name. The learned Quercetanus discovered a letter of Alcuin himself (ep. 99), addressed to the faithful “_in diversis Gothiae partibus_”; and Baluzius, in his _Miscellanea_ (i. 377), published another letter of the same Alcuin, “_iis qui sunt in Gothiae partibus_”. The errors of Felix Urgellitanus, which are here referred to, fix more and more the district to which this letter was addressed; for whilst they had begun to creep in amongst the faithful of France, they were wholly unheard of in the Island of Saints.

RICHARD FITZ-RALPH, ARCHBISHOP OF ARMAGH.

“Many a mile have I gone, and many did I walk,
But never saw a holier man than Richard of Dundalk”.

_Old Couplet._(32)

§ I. Introduction.

In all the habits of social life many of the early English settlers in Ireland soon became more Irish than the Irish themselves. In the vigorous tenacity of their attachment to the Catholic religion some of these families have ever remained as Irish as the Irish themselves. Having made our people their people, they became sharers in our grace of faith, so as to keep ever since our God their God. To the Talbots and the Plunkets we owe two great archbishops, whose figures stand out prominently even among the illustrious band of prelates who fought the good fight in the days of the persecutors. And as our Church reckons Anglo-Irish bishops among her martyrs, so among her doctors who guarded and enriched the sacred deposit of faith we may count Anglo-Irish prelates equally illustrious: and of these the subject of the present notice offers a distinguished example. A variety of great qualities, rarely united in one individual, gives a singular attractiveness to the history of Richard Fitz-Ralph, Archbishop of Armagh. Extraordinary holiness of life—of which proof remains not only in the popular couplet at the head of this paper, and in the appellation of St. Richard of Dundalk, by which he was known for centuries, but in the stronger evidence of a Pontifical commission issued by Boniface IX. to examine into his miracles with a view to his canonization;—rare intellectual power exhibited in every branch of theology—erudition both various and profound—eloquence of a high order, to which his sermons still extant bear testimony; all these are qualities which, especially when exercised under the trying vicissitudes of a great controversy within the Church, could not fail to constitute a remarkable career. Of this career we now propose to lay before our readers an outline as perfect as the materials within our reach will allow us to sketch. We do so with the hope that others, in whom better skill is backed by richer materials, may be led to supplement from their store our slender contribution to the history of an illustrious successor of St. Patrick.

§ II. The Fitz-Ralph Family: Richard’s Parentage.

Ralph, founder of the Fitz-Ralph family, held forty-nine lordships in England in the reign of William the Conqueror. From this stem various branches issued, and several families of Fitz-Ralphs were to be found in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. To which of these Richard belongs is a matter of uncertainty. Prince, in his anxiety to enrol him among the worthies of Devonshire, refers him to the Fitz-Ralphs of Widecomb in the Moor, who, about the time of Edward I., changed their names and residence, henceforth calling themselves Stillingford, from their new abode near Exeter. But this is mere guess work. It is far more probable, in our opinion, that he belonged to the Derbyshire Fitz-Ralphs, of which family the Frechevilles and Musards of Staveley(33) became in after times the representatives. Our reasons are these. Ralph (Musard) Baron Staveley, a direct descendant of Ralph, the founder of the family, had a daughter Margaret, who, on his death, became co-heir with her brother Nicholas and her sister Isabella. Margaret married an Irishman, named in the pedigree Joannes de Hibernia, and died in the year 1308. Three children were born of this marriage—John de Hibernia, Ralph, and Alicia. Thus, we actually have the heir of the Fitz-Ralphs born of an Irish father. As his mother’s heir John de Hibernia was owner of the third part of the manor of Staveley, and this property he gave and granted to Ralph de Frecheville, The evidence taken at an inquisition held at Staveley, in 1316, asserts that the said John “had no other lands in England”. This would lead us to conjecture that he had lands in Ireland, and after this time the pedigree no longer adds the words _de Hibernia_ to any of the Fitz-Ralphs. Now, it is certain that Richard must have been born about this time; and although the precise year of his birth is not known, the date of his promotion to Armagh would allow him to have been the son of this John, or of his brother Ralph. But, setting conjecture aside, one thing is proved beyond a doubt, viz., that about the time of Richard’s birth the Fitz-Ralphs of Staveley had a close connection with Ireland.

§ III. His Birthplace.

An almost universal tradition fixes his birthplace at Dundalk. According to Wadding, the tradition was, that his parents came to Dundalk from the well known territory in the north of Ireland, called _Ruta_, or the Route. Wood states that almost all writers—_auctores pene omnes_—make him an Irishman. This tradition is also clearly expressed in the appellation of Richard of Dundalk, by which he was universally known. It was the custom of the age to designate men by the name of their native place. Of this we have an excellent example in the name of John Baconthorpius, or of Baconthorpe, who, as we shall see, was Fitz-Ralph’s professor at Oxford. Cotton, in his _Fasti_, tells us that “it has been contended, with some appearance of truth, that this prelate was born in England”. He here alludes to the opinion maintained by Rev. John Prince,(34) who considers it probable that our prelate was born in Devonshire, adding, “some tell us, that he was an Irishman, and born in the town of Dundalk in that kingdom, and hence called by the name of Richard of Dundalk. Whereas, it is possible he might be so denominated, not from his birth, but from his long residence, or his doing some eminent exploit there, or from some other like occasion there. Others say he was an Englishman, which is not improbable, for these reasons: that he had his education at Oxford; that he was chosen commissary of that university; that he was made archdeacon of Lichfield; and that he was encouraged against the friars by English bishops”.

These are the only arguments alleged to prove that Archbishop Fitz-Ralph was born in England. They are of no weight whatever when compared with the mass of testimony on the other side. 1.—The name of Richard of Dundalk could not have arisen from the primate’s long residence in that town, for he resided in his diocese only for about nine years, and certainly did not spend all his time in Dundalk. 2.—Nor is it told in history that he performed any eminent exploit here. 3.—It does not make against the Irish origin of Archbishop Fitz-Ralph that he had his education at Oxford. It is well known that at the beginning of the fourteenth century there were very many Irishmen at Oxford. Bale gives the names of several most distinguished Irishmen who flourished there at that period—in 1310, Malachias Minorita; in 1320, David O’Buge of Kildare; in 1330, Gilbert Urgalius, who, _consueto Hibernorum hominum more_, went to Oxford after completing his rudimentary studies. Besides, among the _nations_ whose contests in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries so often made Oxford anything but a quiet abode of learning, the Irish had their place and generally went with the Southernmen. And the Archbishop himself, in his discourse at Avignon, relates how he had sent to Oxford four priests of the diocese of Armagh. 4.—That the appointment of Richard as chancellor or vice-chancellor of Oxford does not necessarily suppose him to have been an Englishman, will appear from what we have to say farther on concerning this office. 5—Nor was it strange that an Irish ecclesiastic should hold benefices in England. Clement VI., in 1351, granted to John de Briane, Dean of St. Patrick’s at Dublin, who held at the same time the parish of Hatfield in Lincoln, permission to retain his benefices during his five years’ course at a University.(35)

Summing up the evidence, we have, on the one hand, the almost universal tradition that our prelate was born in Dundalk; we have an established connexion between the Derbyshire Fitz-Ralphs and Ireland about the time of his birth. On the other hand, against his Irish origin, we have no argument stronger than mere probabilities, which, when examined, are found to have no substance. We conclude, therefore, that Richard Fitz-Ralph was born in Dundalk. This conclusion receives some confirmation from a narrative in Fox,(36) where we are told that a copy of the entire Bible, translated into Irish by Archbishop Fitz-Ralph, was found, many years after his death, in the walls of his cathedral. Now, if this story be true, and it is indirectly confirmed by Usher, it is plain that the Archbishop must have been born in Ireland. It is hard to believe that nine years, broken as they were by provincial visitations and other labours, would have been sufficient to make an English prelate master of a language so difficult as the Irish, and that to the degree of perfection requisite for a translation of the sacred text.

§ IV. His Studies And University Career.

Richard Fitz-Ralph went to Oxford, and was entered of Balliol College (then recently founded), where he remained until he had taken his degree of Master of Arts. The statutes in force at that time required him to leave Balliol. As soon as he received his degree in Arts, he accordingly passed to what is now known as University College, but which after 1332 was called _Magna Aula Universitatis_, and which owed its origin to the liberality of William de Durham, who dying in 1249, bequeathed a sum of money for the benefit of ten or twelve poor masters. By a decision of congregation in 1280, four masters, “whoever might be considered fittest for promotion in Holy Church”, were to be chosen to enjoy these funds, each master being entitled to fifty shillings sterling yearly for his maintenance. The same document enjoins that the abovementioned masters, living together, shall attend lectures on theology, and shall be able, at the same time, to hear lectures on the decrees and decretals. As to their way of living and learning, they shall behave as they are directed by some fit and experienced men appointed by the Chancellor.(37)

His residence at Balliol gave him special opportunities to become proficient in arts. The college had been endowed to enable sixteen scholars to study in arts, each scholar receiving a yearly revenue of twenty-seven marks. His residence in University College enabled him to cultivate theology. Thus all the materials of knowledge then existing were brought within his reach. At that date the course of studies had changed a good deal from the ancient narrow limits of the Trivium(38) and Quadrivium.(39) Out of the logic of the Trivium the new philosophy was developed, and the sciences of the Quadrivium became mere preparatory studies to the Facultas Artium.(40) It is mentioned by Tanner and others, that Richard Fitz-Ralph attended the theological lectures of the famous Carmelite John Baconthorpe. This remarkable man was one of the most illustrious scholars of the day, and exercised a powerful influence on the mind of his pupil. It has been observed, that when the latter had become Archbishop of Armagh, and had entered upon his controversy with the friars, he ever showed a marked affection for the Carmelites.