Chapter IV: Letter XXVI: Concerning the New Roads, Etc., 173 (1)

These new roads were begun in the year 1726, and have continued about eleven years in the prosecution; yet, long as it may be thought, if you were to pass over the whole work (for the borders of it would show you what it was), I make no doubt but that number of years would diminish in your imagination to a much shorter tract of time, by comparison with the difficulties that attended the execution.

But, before I proceed to any particular descriptions of them, I shall inform you how they lie, to the end that you may trace them out upon a map of Scotland; and first I shall take them as they are made, to enter the mountains, viz.--

One of them begins from Crief, which is about fourteen miles from Stirling: here the Romans left off their works, of which some parts are visible to this day, particularly the camp at Ardoch, where the vestiges of the fortifications are on a moor so barren, that its whole form has been safe from culture, or other alteration besides weather and time.

The other road enters the hills at Dimheld,[79] in Athol, which is about ten miles from Perth.

The first of them, according to my account, though the last in execution, proceeds through Glenalmond (which, for its narrowness, and the height of the mountains, I remember to have mentioned formerly), and thence it goes to Aberfaldy; there it crosses the river Tay by a bridge of free-stone, consisting of five spacious arches (by the way, this military bridge is the only passage over that wild and dangerous river), and from thence the road goes on to Dalnachardoch.

The other road from Dunkeld proceeds by the Blair of Athol to the said Dalnachardoch.

Here the two roads join in one, and, as a single road, it leads on to Dalwhinny, where it branches out again into two; of which one proceeds towards the north-west, through Garva Moor, and over the Coriarach mountain to Fort Augustus, at Killichumen, and the other branch goes due-north to the barrack of Ruthven, in Badenoch, and thence, by Delmagary, to Inverness. From thence it proceeds something to the southward of the west, across the island, to the aforesaid Fort-Augustus and so on to Fort-William, in Lochaber.

The length of all these roads put together is about two hundred and fifty miles....

In the summer seasons, five hundred of the soldiers from the barracks, and other quarters about the Highlands, were employed in those works in different stations, by detachments from the regiments and Highland companies.

The private men were allowed sixpence a day, over and above their pay as soldiers: a corporal had eight-pence, and a sergeant a shilling; but this extra pay was only for working-days, which were often interrupted by violent storms of wind and rain, from the heights and hollows of the mountains.

These parties of men were under the command and direction of proper officers, who were all subalterns, and received two shillings and sixpence _per diem_, to defray their extraordinary expence in building huts; making necessary provision for their tables from distant parts; unavoidable though unwelcome visits, and other incidents arising from their wild situation....

The standard breadth of these roads, as laid down at the first projection, is sixteen feet; but in some parts, where there were no very expensive difficulties, they are wider....

The old ways (for roads I shall not call them) consisted chiefly of stony moors, bogs, rugged, rapid fords, declivities of hills, entangling woods, and giddy precipices. You will say this is a dreadful catalogue to be read to him that is about to take a Highland journey. I have not mentioned the valleys, for they are few in number, far divided asunder, and generally the roads through them were easily made.

My purpose now is to give you some account of the nature of the particular parts above-mentioned, and the manner how this extraordinary work has been executed; and this I shall do in the order I have ranged them as above.

And first, the stony moors. These are mostly tracts of ground of several miles in length, and often very high, with frequent lesser risings and descents, and having for surface a mixture of stones and heath. The stones are fixed in the earth, being very large and unequal, and generally are as deep in the ground as they appear above it; and where there are any spaces between the stones, there is a loose spongy sward, perhaps not above five or six inches deep, and incapable to produce any thing but heath, and all beneath it is hard gravel or rock....

Here the workmen first made room to fix their instruments, and then, by strength, and the help of those two mechanic powers, the screw and the lever, they raised out of their ancient beds those massive bodies, and then filling up the cavities with gravel, set them up, mostly end-ways, along the sides of the road, as directions in time of deep snows, being some of them, as they now stand, eight or nine feet high. They serve, likewise, as memorials of the skill and labour requisite to the performance of so difficult a work....

Now that I have no further occasion for any distinction, I shall call every soft place a bog, except there be occasion sometimes to vary the phrase.

When one of these bogs has crossed the way on a stony moor, there the loose ground has been dug out down to the gravel, or rock, and the hollow filled up in the manner following, viz.--

First with a layer of large stones, then a smaller size, to fill up the gaps and raise the causeway higher; and, lastly, two, three, or more feet of gravel, to fill up the interstices of the small stones, and form a smooth and binding surface. This part of the road has a bank on each side, to separate it from a ditch, which is made without-side to receive the water from the bog, and, if the ground will allow it, to convey it by a trench to a slope, and thereby in some measure drain it....

The objections made to these new roads and bridges, by some in the several degrees of _condition_ among the Highlanders, are in part as follow: viz.--

I. These chiefs and other gentlemen complain, that thereby an easy passage is opened into their country for strangers, who, in time, by their suggestions of liberty, will weaken that attachment of their vassals which it is so necessary for them to support and preserve. That their fastnesses being laid open, they are deprived of that security from invasion which they formerly enjoyed. That the bridges, in particular, will render the ordinary people effeminate, and less fit to pass the waters in other places where there are none. And there is a pecuniary reason concealed, relating to some foreign courts, which to you I need not explain.

II. The middling order say to them the roads are an inconvenience, instead of being useful, as they have turned them out of their old ways; for their horses being never shod, the gravel would soon whet away their hoofs, so as to render them unserviceable; whereas the rocks and moor-stones, though together they make a rough way, yet, considered separately, they are generally pretty smooth on the surface where they tread, and the heath is always easy to their feet....

III. The lowest class, who, many of them, at some times cannot compass a pair of shoes for themselves, they alledge, that the gravel is intolerable to their naked feet; and the complaint has extended to their thin brogues. It is true they do sometimes, for these reasons, go without the road, and ride or walk in very incommodious ways.

FOOTNOTES:

[79] Dunkeld.

SCOTTISH GARDENING (1735).

+Source.+--_Letters of John Cockburn of Ormistoun to his Gardener,
1727-1744_, p. 22. Edited by James Colville, M.A., D.Sc. (Edinburgh:
Scottish Historical Society, 1904.)

_3 June, 1735._

CHARLES.[80]--I have had none from you since my last. We have this day a great deal of soft rain, which if with you will do great service to forward both Grass and Corn and may secure many of the weak rooted trees planted last Winter and also make your lay'd trees strike root if well earthed.

This I design chiefly for some thoughts about improving of your father's Garden and land of which if you go right you'l turn a good deal off into Kitchen and Orchard Garden. In doing of which I still think you might have made more progress last Winter and by so doing you might have made a beginning in drawing the people towards a better taste in Garden stuff, which tho' you had made no other profit directly, yet that, if you had saved yourself only, as to the expence, would have been getting [profit], as it would have encreased the demand next year.... Your father's Garden is well sheltered by the houses and rising Ground from the one hand and by the high hedge of the other, and he has water at hand. So he may raise any thing in it the climate will allow of. He has crowded it with fruit trees, too thick even for them to bear as they would, espicially when a little older, as in that warm place they advance very fast. By this he loses the undergrowth also, by which he might make double what he makes by the fruit from the trees, espicially they being of the most common fruit, which would answer as well in the most exposed part of his field. So warm a lying spot should either have been employed entirely in doubled crops for a Kitchen, or, if for fruit, it should have been in kinds every spot won't produce, and for that reason yielded more. I incline to think mulberys would have done of either side the walk at the lower end, as being warm and covered from all severe weather. If so, one tree of them would have yielded as much money as half a dozen of the common apples now in it, and would have taken no more room than one of the present. I am convinced that if Mulberys will do any where in Scotld. they will there, it being entirely covered from Weather and yet open to the Sun, except in so far as shaded by apple trees.... What I aim at is to turn your ground to the best and most proper uses, the warmest and best to what requires it, and the common coarse fruits or herbs to places where they will do and the nicer won't....

Depend upon it there are people in Eden.[81] who have taste, and if you can once get into the custom of some who have it, will put others upon enquiring where they had good things, and this will hold in your herbs etc. as well as in your Fruit. Do you think it possible that there are not Families and Taverns in Eden. that would give reasonably for young pease and Beans in July and Aug^t if they could get them. Suppose now you sent a dish of young pease or Beans to any of your Customers when only old are to be had, and desire them to let their acquaintances know you can furnish the like, don't you think they would go off, or if you got into the custom of such as Mrs. Thom, who keeps a Tavern, do you believe she would not find people who would be glad of them, and so would take from you. Possibly they may not give such a price as just when first coming in, but if you get a price you can afford them at, it does your business.... People would presently come to distinguish as they came in to buy when Garden stuff was first introduced. But our people are lazie, and saying no body will buy and no body will distinguish, is chiefly owing to the want of activity, Industry and care in providing at all or good of their kinds, and bustling a little to introduce and get Customers at first. We are glad of all excuses for our sleeping on in poverty and our old jog trott. How shall things be carried to Eden. and no body will buy in the country are often very good difficulties and convenient enough excuses, wherein excuse is wanted. I don't know if you have a Carrier at Orm:[82] but I am convinced one who understood his business, would get Employment for a Cart such as the Higlers[83] to the Gardiners who come to Covent Garden use. They would carry things cool and clean, and one man with two horses in such a Cart, would carry in as much as four Carriers with 4 horses carry in our common way and if you put your things up in Baskets carefully as Gardiners do here, by which they'l not be wet, Bruised or Broiled in the Sun, the Cart being covered as the Garden Stuff commonly is, in carrying to Eden. Even care in this will make them fresher and better than what is now to be had there.

HAMPSTEAD, _3^d June_, 1735.

FOOTNOTES:

[80] His gardener's name was Charles Bell.

[81] Edinburgh.

[82] Ormiston.

[83] Costermongers.

THE PORTEOUS RIOTS (1736).

+Source.+--_Autobiography of the Rev. Dr. Alexander Carlyle,
Minister of Inveresk, 1722-1770_, p. 33. (Edinburgh and London:
1860.)

I was witness to a very extraordinary scene that happened in the month of February or March 1736, which was the escape of Robertson, a condemned criminal, from the Tolbooth Church in Edinburgh. In these days it was usual to bring the criminals who were condemned to death into that church, to attend public worship every Sunday after their condemnation, when the clergyman made some part of his discourse and prayers to suit their situation; which, among other circumstances of solemnity which then attended the state of condemned criminals, had no small effect on the public mind. Robertson and Wilson were smugglers, and had been condemned for robbing a custom-house, where some of their goods had been deposited; a crime what at that time did not seem, in the opinion of the common people, to deserve so severe a punishment. I was carried by an acquaintance to church to see the prisoners on the Sunday before the day of execution. We went early into the church on purpose to see them come in, and were seated in a pew before the gallery in front of the pulpit. Soon after we went into the church by the door from the Parliament Close, the criminals were brought in by the door next the Tolbooth, and placed in a long pew, not far from the pulpit. Four soldiers came in with them, and placed Robertson at the head of the pew, and Wilson below him, two of themselves sitting below Wilson, and two in a pew behind him.

The bells were ringing and the doors were open, while the people were coming into the church. Robertson watched his opportunity, and, suddenly springing up, got over the pew into the passage that led in to the door in the Parliament Close, and, no person offering to lay hands on him, made his escape in a moment--so much the more easily, perhaps, as everybody's attention was drawn to Wilson, who was a stronger man, and who, attempting to follow Robertson, was seized by the soldiers, and struggled so long with them that the two who at last followed Robertson were too late. It was reported that he had maintained his struggle that he might let his companion have time. That might be his second thought, but his first certainly was to escape himself, for I saw him set his foot on the seat to leap over, when the soldiers pulled him back. Wilson was immediately carried out to the Tolbooth, and Robertson, getting uninterrupted through the Parliament Square, down the back stairs, into the Cowgate, was heard of no more till he arrived in Holland. This was an interesting scene, and by filling the public mind with compassion for the unhappy person who did not escape, and who was the better character of the two, had probably some influence in producing what followed; for when the sentence against Wilson came to be executed a few weeks thereafter, a very strong opinion prevailed that there was a plot to force the Town Guard, whose duty it is to attend executions under the order of a civil magistrate.

There was a Captain Porteous, who by his good behaviour in the army had obtained a subaltern's commission, and had afterwards, when on half-pay, been preferred to the command of the City Guard. This man, by his skill in manly exercises, particularly the golf, and by gentlemanly behaviour, was admitted into the company of his superiors, which elated his mind, and added insolence to his native roughness, so that he was much feared and hated by the mob of Edinburgh. When the day of execution came, the rumour of a deforcement at the gallows prevailed strongly; and the Provost and Magistrates (not in their own minds very strong) thought it a good measure to apply for three or four companies of a marching regiment that lay in the Canongate, to be drawn up in the Lawnmarket, a street leading from the Tolbooth to the Grassmarket, the place of execution, in order to overawe the mob by their being at hand. Porteous, who it is said, had his natural courage increased to rage by any suspicion that he and his Guard could not execute the law, and being heated likewise with wine--for he had dined, as the custom then was, between one and two--became perfectly furious when he passed by the three companies drawn up in the street as he marched along with his prisoner.

... The street is long and wide, and there was a very great crowd assembled. The execution went on with the usual forms, and Wilson behaved in a manner very becoming his situation. There was not the least appearance of an attempt to rescue; but soon after the executioner had done his duty, there was an attack made upon him, as usual on such occasions, by the boys and blackguards throwing stones and dirt in testimony of their abhorrence of the hangman. But there was no attempt to break through the guard and cut down the prisoner. It was generally said that there was very little, if any, more violence than had usually happened on such occasions. Porteous, however, inflamed with wine and jealousy, thought proper to order his Guard to fire, their muskets being loaded with slugs; and when the soldiers showed reluctance, I saw him turn to them with threatening gesture and an inflamed countenance. They obeyed, and fired; but wishing to do as little harm as possible, many of them elevated their pieces, the effect of which was that some people were wounded in the windows; and one unfortunate lad, whom we had displaced, was killed in the stair window by a slug entering his head. His name was Henry Black, a journey man tailor, whose bride was the daughter of the house we were in. She fainted away when he was brought into the house speechless, where he only lived till nine or ten o'clock. We had seen many people, women and men, fall in the street, and at first thought it was only through fear, and by their crowding on one another to escape. But when the crowd dispersed, we saw them lying dead or wounded, and had no longer any doubt of what had happened. The numbers were said to be eight or nine killed, and double the number wounded; but this was never exactly known.

This unprovoked slaughter irritated the common people to the last; and the state of grief and rage into which their minds were thrown, was visible in the high commotion that appeared in the multitude.... The sequel of this affair was, that Porteous was tried and condemned to be hanged; but by the intercession of some of the Judges themselves, who thought his case hard, he was reprieved by the Queen-Regent. The Magistrates, who on this occasion, as on the former, acted weakly, designed to have him removed to the Castle for greater security. But a plot was laid and conducted by some persons unknown with the greatest secrecy, policy, and vigour, to prevent that design, by forcing the prison the night before, and executing the sentence upon him themselves, which to effectuate cost them from eight at night till two in the morning; and yet this plot was managed so dexterously that they met with no interruption, though there were five companies of a marching regiment lying in the Canongate.

This happened on the 7th of September, 1736; and so prepossessed were the minds of every person that something extraordinary would take place that day, that I, at Prestonpans, nine miles from Edinburgh, dreamt that I saw Captain Porteous hanged in the Grassmarket. I got up betwixt six and seven, and went to my father's servant, who was thrashing in the barn which lay on the roadside leading to Aberlady and North Berwick, who said that several men on horseback had passed about five in the morning, whom having asked for news, they replied there was none, but that Captain Porteous had been dragged out of prison, and hanged on a dyer's tree at two o'clock that morning.

This bold and lawless deed not only provoked the Queen, who was Regent at the time, but gave some uneasiness to Government. It was represented as a dangerous plot, and was ignorantly connected with a great meeting of zealous Covenanters, of whom many still remained in Galloway and the west, which had been held in summer, in Pentland Hills, to renew the Covenant. But this was a mistake; for the murder of Porteous had been planned and executed by a few of the relations or friends of those whom he had slain; who, being of a rank superior to mere mob, had carried on their design with so much secrecy, ability, and steadiness as made it be ascribed to a still higher order, who were political enemies to Government.

THE "CAMBUSLANG WARK" (1742).

+Source.+--_The Statistical Account of Scotland, drawn up from the
communications of the ministers of the different parishes_, vol. v.,
p. 266, by Sir John Sinclair, Bart. (Edinburgh: 1793.)

_Statistical Account of Cambuslang._

In the statistical account of this parish, it will doubtless be expected, that some mention should be made of those remarkable religious phenomena, which took place under Mr. M'Culloch's ministry, commonly called "Cambuslang conversions." In treating of this subject, it will be proper to give a brief historical view, first of the facts, and then of the opinions entertained concerning them.

The kirk of Cambuslang being small and in bad repair, the minister, when the weather was favourable, used to preach in a tent, erected close by a rivulet, at the foot of a bank or brae near the kirk; which is still called "the preaching or conversion brae."... Towards the end of January, 1742, two persons, Ingram More, a shoemaker, and Robert Bowman, a weaver, went through the parish, and got about 90 heads of families to subscribe a petition, which was presented to the minister, desiring that he would give them a weekly lecture.... On Monday, 15th February, and the two following days, all the fellowship meetings in the parish convened in one body in the minister's house, and were employed for many hours in fervent prayer for the success of the gospel, and for an outpouring of the Holy Spirit in their bounds, as in other places abroad: The next day, being Thursday 18th February, nothing remarkable happened during the lecture, except that the hearers were apparently all attention; but when the minister in his last prayer expressed himself thus: "Lord who hath believed our report; and to whom is the arm of the Lord revealed? where are the fruits of my poor labours among this people?" several persons in the congregation cried out publicly, and about 50 men and women came to the minister's house, expressing strong conviction of sin, and alarming fears of punishment. After this period, so many people from the neighbourhood resorted to Cambuslang, that the minister thought himself obliged to provide them with daily sermons or exhortations, and actually did so for 7 or 8 months.

The way in which the converts were affected, for it seems they were all affected much in the same way, though in very different degrees, is thus described. They were seized all at once, commonly by something said in the sermons or prayers, with the most dreadful apprehensions concerning the state of their souls, insomuch that many of them could not abstain from crying out in the most public and dreadful manner, ... The agony under which they laboured, was expressed not only by words, but also by violent agitations of body; by clapping their hands and beating their breasts; by shaking and trembling; by faintings and convulsions; and sometimes by excessive bleeding at the nose. While they were in this distress, the minister often called out to them, not to stifle or smother their convictions, but to encourage them; and, after sermon was ended, he retired with them to the manse, and frequently spent the best part of the night with them in exhortations and prayers. Next day before sermon began, they were brought out, commonly by More and Bowman, and having napkins tied round their heads, were placed all together on seats before the tent, where they remained sobbing, weeping, and often crying aloud, till the service was over. Some of those who fell under conviction were never converted; but most of those who fell under it were converted in a few days, and sometimes in a few hours.... From the time of their conviction to their conversion, many had no appetite for food, or inclination to sleep, and all complained of the severity of their sufferings during that interval.

This singular work soon became public, made a great noise, and brought vast numbers of people from all quarters.... Among those who resorted to Cambuslang on this occasion, there were many of the most popular ministers in Scotland; ... M^r Whitefield,[84] who had been in England for several months, did not arrive till June. The sacrament was given twice in the space of 5 weeks, viz. on 11th July and 15th August. Immense multitudes of hearers and spectators were present at both, but especially at the last. On the Sunday, besides the tent at the foot of the brae above described, where the sacrament was dispensed, other two tents were erected. At each of these there was a very great congregation. M^r Whitefield, who was accustomed to numerous audiences, supposed, that at the three tents, there were upwards of 30,000 people; a greater number probably than was ever seen on any other sacramental occasion. Most of the above mentioned ministers and others were assistants at this solemnity. Four preached on the fast-day, 4 on Saturday, probably 14 or 15 on Sunday, and 5 on Monday. There were 25 tables, about 120 at each, in all 3,000 communicants. A great many of these came from Glasgow and the neighbourhood, about 200 from Edinburgh, about 200 from Kilmarnock, about 200 from Irvine and Stewarton, and some from England and Ireland.... The Cambuslang work continued for about six months, that is, from the 18th February till the second communion.

FOOTNOTES:

[84] George Whitefield, the friend of Wesley.

THE "FORTY-FIVE."

A. PRINCE CHARLES LANDS IN SCOTLAND (JULY 1745).

+Source.+--_Culloden Papers: comprising an Extensive and Interesting
Correspondence from the Year 1625 to 1748 ... the Whole published
from the Originals in the Possession of Duncan George Forbes, of
Culloden, Esq._, p. 203. (London: 1815.)

_The Lord President to Mr. Pelham._

_2^nd Aug^t, 1745._
DEAR SIR,

In a state of profound tranquillity, we have been alarmed with advices, which are said to have been received at London, of intended invasions; and particularly of a visit which the Pretender's eldest son is about to make to us, if he has not already made it. These informations, particularly as to the visit just mentioned, I must confess, have not hitherto gain'd my belief. This young gentleman's game seems at present to be very desperate in this country; and, so far as I can learn, there is not the least apparatus for his reception, even amongst the few highlanders who are suspected to be in his interest. However, as, when so much is at stake, no advice, how improbable soever, is to be neglected, I have (our session being now over) resolved to make my accustomed journey northwards a little earlier than usual; to the end that, though my fighting days are over, I may give some countenance to the friends of the government, and prevent the seduction of the unwary, if there should be any truth in what is reported.

_Mr. Normand MacLeod to the Lord President._

MY DEAREST LORD,

To my no small surprise, it is certain that the Pretended Prince of Wales is come on the coast of South Uist and Barra, and has since been hovering on parts of the coast of the main land that lies between the point of Airdnamurchan and Glenelg; he has but one ship, of which he is aboard; she mounts about 16 or 18 guns. He has about thirty Irish or French officers with him, and one Sheridan, who is called his Governor. The Duke of Athol's brother is the only man of any sort of note (that once belonged to this country) that I can hear of that's alongst with him. His view, I need not tell you, was, to raise all the Highlands to assist him, etc. Sir Alex. Macdonald and I, not only gave no sort of countenance to these people, but we used all the interest we had with our neighbours to follow the same prudent method; and I am persuaded we have done it with that success, that not one man of any consequence benorth the Grampians will give any sort of assistance to this mad rebellious attempt. How far you think we acted properly, I shall long to know; but this is certain, we did it as our duty and for the best; for in the present situation of affairs in Europe, I should have been sorry to see any thing like disaffection to the Government appear, tho' ever so trivial; or that there was occasion to march a single company to quell it, which now I hope and dare say there is not....

I ever am, most faithfully, Yours,
NORMAND MACLEOD.
DUNVEGAN, _3^rd Aug^t_, 1745.

B. RAISING THE PRINCE'S STANDARD (AUGUST).

+Source.+--_Memorials of John Murray of Broughton, sometime
Secretary to Prince Charles Edward, 1740-1747_, p. 168. Edited by
Robert Fitzroy Bell. (Edinburgh: Scottish Historical Society, 1898.)

The Chevalier was now preparing to come to the rendezvous at Glenphinan the 18 of Agust, and accordingly arrived there the 17th in the evening with only three companys of Clanronalds followers. The next day Locheil joined him with seven hundred and fifty men besides double officers, and M^cdonald of Keppoch arrived in the afternoon with his regiment consisting of about three hundred. In less than an hour after the whole were drawn up, and the Royal Standart display'd by the D. of A[thole] when the Chevalier made them a short but very pathetick speech. Importing that it would be no purpose to declaim upon the justice of his father's title to the throne to people who, had they not been convinced of it, would not have appeared in his behalf, but that he esteemed it as much his duty to endeavour to procure their welfare and happiness as they did to assert his right, that it was chiefly with that view that he had landed in a part of the Island where he knew he should find a number of brave gentlemen fired with the "noble example of their predecessors, and jealous of their own and their country's honour, to join with him in so glorious an enterprise, with whose assistance and the protection of a just God who never fails to avenge the cause of the injured, he did not doubt of bringing the affair to a happy issue...."

Everything now being prepared for the Chevalier's departure, upon the 21st he moved from the place of rendezvous to the head of Locheil, about nine miles from Fort William, and as the difficulty of finding horses and the badness of the roads in this country were equally unsurmountable, of twenty large swevel guns he made twelve be buried in a bog about a mile from the place where he first erected his standard. He had no sooner arrived at the above mentioned place than he received intelligence of G[eneral] C[ope] having moved north ward and at the same time had a copy of the proclamation sent which had been ishued by order of the Lords Justices, affixing thirty thousand pound upon his head....

Upon seeing it he was heard to say that tho it was true that a reward had been likewise set upon his father's head in the year 1715, that yet he imagined that in proportion as the world grew in politeness they had done so in humanity, that it were unjust to call the ancients rude and savage etc., when no example could be given of their taking so mean and unmanly a way to get rid of their enemy. That he should have been far from ever thinking of such a device to exterminate the E[lector]s family did his success depend upon it, but at the same time he could not in justice to him self get[85] by offering the same reward in his turn. Tho if he could allow himself to think that any of his friends could be so abandoned as to be guilty of so execrable a deed for the sum proposed, that he would alter the sum to thirty pound instead of thirty thousand, and then ordered a proclamation of the same nature to be drawn, which was signed and published two days after.

FOOTNOTES:

[85] = avoid.

C. THE CAPTURE OF EDINBURGH (SEPTEMBER).

+Source.+--_The History of the Rebellion in the year 1745_, p. 86,
by John Home, Esq. (London: 1802.)

The night between the 15^th and 16^th of September passed without disturbance. Six or seven hundred men, consisting of the Trained Bands, the Edinburgh volunteers, and some volunteers who came in from the towns of Musselburgh and Dalkeith, were upon guard at the different gates of the city. On Monday the 16^th the rebels advanced slowly towards Edinburgh, giving time for the terror of their approach to operate upon the minds of unwarlike citizens, in a divided city. Between ten and eleven o'clock in the forenoon, a message was delivered from the young Pretender to the people of Edinburgh, acquainting them that if they would admit him peaceably into the city, they should be civilly dealt with, if not they must lay their account with military execution.

Instantly the clamour rose, and crowds of people ran about the streets crying out, that it was madness to think of resistance, since the dragoons were fled; and some of them meeting Provost Stuart, as he returned from the West Port (where he had gone to give orders after the retreat of the dragoons), followed him to the Parliament Square, beseeching him not to persist in defending the town, for if he did they should all be murdered. The Provost reprimanded them; and went to the Goldsmiths' Hall, where the Magistrates and Town Council were assembled, with a good many of the inhabitants. A deputation was sent to the Justice Clerk, the Advocate, and the Solicitor, to entreat that they would come and assist the Council with their advice. The deputies returned, and reported that all these gentlemen had left the town. Provost Stuart then sent for the captains of the volunteers, and the Trained Bands, and desired to have their opinion concerning the defence of the town. The officers said very little, and seemed to be at a loss what opinion to give; other people in the meeting made speeches for and against the defence of the town, not without reproach and abuse on both sides. The crowd encreased to such a degree, that it became necessary to adjourn to a larger place, and the meeting adjourned to the New Church Aisle, which was immediately filled with people, the most part of whom called to give up the town; that it was impossible to defend it. Those who attempted to speak against the general opinion, were borne down with noise and clamour....

About ten o'clock at night the deputies[86] returned, and brought a letter in answer to the message sent by them.

"His Royal Highness the Prince Regent thinks his Manifesto, and the King his father's declaration already published, a sufficient capitulation for all His Majesty's subjects to accept of with joy. His present demands are to be received into the city, as the son and representative of the King his father, and obeyed as such when there, His Royal Highness supposes, that since the receipt of his letter to the Provost, no arms or ammunition have been suffered to be carried off or concealed, and will expect a particular account of all things of that nature. Lastly, he expects a positive answer, before two o'clock in the morning, otherwise he will think himself obliged to take measures conform.

"At Gray's Mill, 16^th September, 1745. By his Highness's command.

"(Signed) J. Murray."

When this letter was read, Provost Stuart said, there was one condition in it, which he would die rather than submit to, which was receiving the son of the Pretender as Prince Regent; for he was bound by oath to another master. After long deliberation it was determined to send out deputies once more, to beg a suspension of hostilities till nine o'clock in the morning, that the Magistrates might have an opportunity of conversing with the citizens, most of whom were gone to bed. The deputies were also instructed to receive an explanation of what was meant by receiving Charles as Prince Regent.

About two o'clock in the morning the deputies set out in a hackney coach for Gray's Mill; when they arrived there they prevailed upon Lord George Murray to second their application for a delay; but Charles refused to grant it; and the deputies were ordered in his name to get them gone.

The coach brought them back to Edinburgh, set them down in the High-Street, and then drove towards the Canongate. When the Nether Bow port was opened to let out the coach, 800 Highlanders, led by Cameron of Locheil, rushed in and took possession of the city.

It was about five o'clock in the morning when the rebels entered Edinburgh. They immediately sent parties to all the other gates, and to the town guard, who making the soldiers upon duty prisoners, occupied their posts as quietly as one guard relieves another. When the inhabitants of Edinburgh awakened in the morning, they found that the Highlanders were masters of the city.

FOOTNOTES:

[86] Who had been sent to parley with the rebels.

D. PRINCE CHARLES AT HOLYROOD (SEPTEMBER).

+Source.+--_The History of the Rebellion in the year 1745_, p. 99,
by John Home, Esq. (London: 1802.)

About ten o'clock[87] the main body of the rebels marching by Duddingston (to avoid being fired upon by the Castle) entered the King's Park, and halted in the hollow between the hills, under the peak called Arthur's seat. By and by Charles came down to the Duke's Walk, accompanied by the Highland Chiefs, and other commanders of his army.

The Park was full of people (amongst whom was the author of this history,) all of them impatient to see this extraordinary person. The figure and presence of Charles Stuart were not ill suited to his lofty pretensions. He was in the prime of youth, tall and handsome, of a fair complexion; he had a light coloured periwig with his own hair combed over the front: he wore the Highland dress, that is a tartan short coat without the plaid, a blue bonnet on his head, and on his breast the star of the order of St. Andrew. Charles stood some time in the park to show himself to the people; and then, though he was very near the palace, mounted his horse, either to render himself more conspicuous, or because he rode well, and looked graceful on horseback.

The Jacobites were charmed with his appearance: they compared him to Robert the Bruce, whom he resembled (they said) in his figure as in his fortune. The Whigs looked upon him with other eyes. They acknowledged that he was a goodly person; but they observed, that even in that triumphant hour, when he was about to enter the palace of his fathers, the air of his countenance was languid and melancholy: that he looked like a gentleman and man of fashion, but not like a hero or conqueror. Hence they formed their conclusions that the enterprize was above the pitch of his mind; and that his heart was not great enough for the sphere in which he moved. When Charles came to the palace, he dismounted, and walked along the piazza, towards the apartment of the Duke of Hamilton. When he was near the door, which stood open to receive him, a gentleman stepped out of the crowd, drew his sword, and raising his arm aloft, walked up stairs before Charles. The person who enlisted himself in this manner, was James Hepburn of Keith, whose name will be mentioned again more than once....

The Highlanders, when they entered the town in the morning, had secured the Heralds and Pursuivants: at midday they surrounded the Cross with a body of armed men, and obliged the Heralds to proclaim King James, to read the Commission of Regency, and the Declaration, dated at Rome, in December 1743, with a Manifesto in the name of Charles Prince Regent, dated at Paris, 16th of May, 1745. An immense multitude witnessed this ceremony, which was performed at noon. The populace of a great city, who huzza for any thing that brings them together, huzzaed; and a number of ladies in the windows strained their voices with acclamation, and their arms with waving white handkerchiefs in honour of the day. These demonstrations of joy, amongst people of condition, were chiefly confined to one sex; few gentlemen were to be seen on the streets, or in the windows; and even amongst the inferior people, many shewed their dislike by a stubborn silence.

FOOTNOTES:

[87] On September 17.

E. THE BATTLE OF PRESTONPANS (SEPTEMBER).

+Source.+--_Memorials of John Murray of Broughton, sometime
Secretary to Prince Charles Edward_, 1740-1747, p. 198. Edited by
Robert Fitzroy Bell. (Edinburgh: Scottish Historical Society, 1898.)

On thursday the 19th, in the evening, the Chevalier had certain intelligence that G^ll Cope had marched that morning from Dunbar, and was to encamp that night at Haddingtown, upon which he immediately gave orders for the guards of the City to retire early next morning, and he went himself that night to Duddingston....

In obedience to the orders given on the morning of the twentieth the guards retired from the City and joined the army at Duddingston, and brought alongst with them some surgeons, with whom the army was then very ill provided, and some coaches and chaises were likewise ordered for the conveniency of the wounded, so certain was the prospect of a battle, and even a successful one. Thus all things being prepared about nine in the morning, after receiving an exact account of the number of the enemy taken at Haddington, the Chevalier put himself at the head of his small army, drawing his sword, said with a very determined countenance, Gentlemen, I have flung away the scabbard, with God's assistance I don't doubt of making you a free and happy people, Mr. Cope shall not escape us as he did in the Highlands, and then began his march, ordering the few horse, he then had, not above fifty in number, to advance at some small distance in front, and to detach a few to discover the enemy's march. In this manner, with the Camerons in front, he marched in good order, crossing Musselburgh bridge by Pinky park wall. By this time the party of horse sent intelligence that G^ll Cope was nigh to Tranent, from which the Chevalier conjectured that he would engage him on the muir to the west ward of that village, and therefore quickened his march to prevent his gaining the brow of Carberry hill before him, but before he had near reached the top of the hill he was told that Sir John had marched to the left, and posted himself in a low ground betwixt Preston and Seaton. This naturally led him to imagine that he intended to avoid coming to action; and made him determine, if possible, to attack him the same day. With this view he advanced to the hill and drew up his army opposite to G^ll Cope, who was formed in the low ground before mentioned in two lines, with the two regiments of Dragoons on his wings. So soon as the Chevalier had taken a view of the enemy he judged it impossible to attack them in the post they was then in, having a deep ditch in their front which runs along the high road, where he must have sustained great loss before he could pass it; but being determined that at no rate the enemy should give him the slip a second time, he ordered a detachment to take possession of the Church yard which commanded their camp on the left, and as that seemed the only side where it was possible to come at them, he enquired if there was none in the army acquainted with the country to know if the ground would allow him to attack them on the left. There happened to be a gentleman in the army of that county, who told him that there was only one pass on the left whereby not guarded he could come to them, upon which he ordered it to be reconnoitred, and finding it neglected he ordered a detachment of 500 men to be posted upon the high road to the west of Preston to prevent the enemys retiring by that road to Edinburgh, and recalling the detachment from the Church yard he marched his army eastward by the town of Tranent, and drew up in one line opposite to the flank of the enemy, who upon that motion made a half wheel to face him, expecting, as it was imagined, that he then designed to attack them, and which L. G. M--y[88] proposed, as the Highlanders were then full of spirits, and above all things desirous to engage; but the night being then far advanced, the Chevalier thought it better to delay coming to an engagement till next morning, not knowing what might be the consequence of a rencounter in the night should the enemy, if beat, rally and come upon him while in confusion and not able to get his people together, knowing how difficult it was to keep irregular troops together in a body after an action, so resolved to delay it till early next morning, and ordered his army to halt upon the ground about three or four hundred yards from the enemy, and to continue under arms to be ready to march upon a minutes warning.

They accordingly lay close in order of battle the whole night without the least whisper or noise to be heard, while G^ll Cope made some fires in his camp and threw a few shells, which did no hurt. Having continued in this position for some time, he was informed that the detachment of five hundred Atholl men which he had posted upon the west side of the village of Preston had rejoined the army; this made him very uneasy least the enemy had filed off during the night by that road and had taken possession of the City of Edin^r, to prevent which and to intercept the runaways had enduced him to make that disposition. He at first seemed resolved to make them return, but when he reflected that their march, if discovered by the enemy, might induce them to believe it was the whole army, and occasion them to alter their disposition or occasion any confusion or distrust amongst his own people, he judged it safer and better to put up with the disappointment and continue the rest of his plan, tho he could not help complaining that his orders had been neglected in so material a point.

Notwithstanding this _faux pas_, he kept in very high spirits the rest of the night, laying on the ground without any covering but his plaid, and in the morning, about an hour before daylight, made his army, guided by the gentleman above mentioned, march from the left in three columns, making the left of the first line the right of the army for the attack, which motion, tho perhaps irregular, was yet necessary, and executed with so much order and silence that the small body of horse posted in the rear knew nothing of their march; the officer on duty, either through forgetfulness or that he thought they could be of no service, neglected to give them orders to march. In this order he marched to the enemy, passing a deep bog with out the least observation. The right, composed of the M^cdon^ds of Glengarry and Clanronald, was commanded by the D. of P.,[89] and the left, commanded by L.G.M.,[90] which had made the right the preceding day, consisted of the Camerons and Steuarts of Appin. The third column, which was made up of the Atholl men, was commanded by My L[ord] N[airn]. So soon as the two first columns had passed the bog, they formed and marched straight to the enemy, who by this time had formed and presented themselves in the same order of battle they had appeared the day before. By this time the third column had likewise passed and formed themselves about four score yards in the rear of the first line; rather too near, if the ground would have allowed of a more regular disposition. The left, when pretty near the enemy, finding themselves outwinged, made a motion to front the artillery, which occasioned a gap in the centre, but marching up briskly, they received one fire of the cannon, which did little hurt, and then receiving a fire from the foot, they gave a loud huzza, returning the fire, upon which Gairdner's dragoons run off, and the Highlanders, throwing away their muskets, attacked the foot with incredible impetuosity, who immediately gave ground. Upon the left of the enemy the resistance, if such behaviour merits the name, was much less, for before the D. of P. was within three score yards of them, Hamilton's dragoons began to reel and run off before they could receive his fire; the foot likewise fired too soon, and almost all turned their backs before the Highlanders could engage them with their swords. In a few minutes the rout was total; the dragoons on the right run off by the high road through the town of Preston, and those on the left by the shore towards the east; the few of the foot that saved themselves escaped by Preston Park, the wall of which had been broke down the day before by G^ll Cope's orders. All the baggage of the army was placed in a yard upon the left of their army, guarded by two companies of L. Lowdon's regiment, where so soon as the action was over, Cap^t Bazil Cochran of Coll. Lees[91] was sent by L.G.M. to tell them that if they would immediately surrender as prisoners of war they should be used as such, if not, they would be immediately attacked and no quarter given, upon which they readily gave up their arms.

FOOTNOTES:

[88] Lord George Murray.

[89] Duke of Perth.

[90] Lord George Murray.

[91] Lee's Regiment, the 44th, now the Essex Regiment.

F. "JOHNNIE COPE."[92]

+Source.+--_The Jacobite Songs and Ballads of Scotland from 1688 to
1746_, p. 181. Edited by Charles Mackay, LL.D. [London and Glasgow:
1861.]

SIR JOHN COPE trode the north right far,
Yet ne'er a rebel he cam naur,
Until he landed at Dunbar,
Right early in the morning.
Hey, Johnnie Cope, are ye wauking yet?
Or are ye sleeping, I would wit?
O haste ye, get up, for the drums do beat:
O fye, Cope, rise in the morning!

He wrote a challenge from Dunbar,
"Come fight me, Charlie, an ye daur;
If it be not by the chance of war,
I'll give you a merry morning."
Hey, Johnnie Cope, etc.

When Charlie look'd the letter upon,
He drew his sword the scabbard from,
"So heaven restore me to my own,
I'll meet you, Cope, in the morning."
Hey, Johnnie Cope, etc.

Cope swore with many a bloody word,
That he would fight them gun and sword;
But he fled frae his nest like a weel-scar'd bird,
And Johnnie he took wing in the morning.
Hey, Johnnie Cope, etc.

It was upon an afternoon,
Sir John march'd into Preston town,
He says, "My lads, come lean you down,
And we'll fight the boys in the morning."
Hey, Johnnie Cope, etc.