Chapter II: Part 2
Mr. Madison shook my hand with all the cordiality of old acquaintance,
but it was when I saw our dear and venerable Mr. Jefferson that my
heart beat. When he saw me, he advanced from the crowd, took my hand
affectionately, and held it five or six minutes; one of the first
things he said was, “Remember the promise you have made me, to come to
see us next summer; do not forget it,” said he, pressing my hand, “for
we shall certainly expect you.” I assured him I would not, and told
him I could now wish him joy with much more sincerity than this day 8
years ago.
“You have now resigned a heavy burden,” said I.
“Yes indeed,” he replied, “and am much happier at this moment than my
friend.”
The crowd was immense both at the Capitol and here; thousands and
thousands of people thronged the avenue. The Capitol presented a gay
scene. Every inch of space was crowded and there being as many ladies
as gentlemen, all in full dress, it gave it rather a gay than a solemn
appearance—there was an attempt made to appropriate particular seats
for the ladies of public characters, but it was found impossible to
carry it into effect, for the sovereign people would not resign their
privileges and the high and low were promiscuously blended on the
floor and in the galleries. Mr. Madison was extremely pale and
trembled excessively when he first began to speak, but soon gained
confidence and spoke audibly.
Mrs. Smith now interrupts her letter (to her sister-in-law) and finishes it the next day. The event she describes is the inauguration ball at Long’s Hotel.
Last evening, I endeavored calmly to look on, and amidst the noise,
bustle and crowd, to spend an hour or two in sober reflection, but my
eye was always fixed on our venerable friend [_Jefferson_]. When he
approached my ear listened to catch every word, and when he spoke to
me my heart beat with pleasure. Personal attachment produces this
emotion, and I did not blame it. But I have not this regard for Mr.
Madison, and I was displeased at feeling no emotion when he came up
and conversed with me. He made some of his old kind of mischievous
allusions, and I told him I found him still unchanged. I tried in vain
to feel merely as a spectator; the little vanities of my nature often
conquered my better reason.
The room was so terribly crowded that we had to stand on the benches;
from this situation we had a view of the moving mass; for it was
nothing else. It was scarcely possible to elbow your way from one side
to another, and poor Mrs. Madison was almost pressed to death, for
every one crowded round her, those behind pressing on those before,
and peeping over their shoulders to have a peep of her, and those who
were so fortunate as to get near enough to speak to her were happy
indeed. As the upper sashes of the windows could not let down, the
glass was broken, to ventilate the room, the air of which had become
oppressive.
The War of 1812
The War of 1812, like the Korean war of this century, was a conflict that neither side won. The young United States Navy scored some notable victories at sea but could not prevent the overwhelming naval power of the British from blockading American coasts and cutting off American commerce. The United States Army, with a few notable exceptions, was badly generaled and was outfought. General Hull surrendered Detroit without a fight, and General Dearborn, who set out to attack Montreal, marched to the Canadian border, lost his nerve, and turned back.
The War of 1812 was also like the Korean war in that it was unpopular with the political party out of office. Federalist New England refused to support it, calling the conflict “Mr. Madison’s War,” and seriously talked of secession. New England merchants traded with the enemy, and when Maine was occupied by the British, many Americans quickly took an oath of allegiance to the king. The Czar of Russia’s offer to act as mediator between England and America was eagerly accepted. The peace talks, however, dragged on for nearly two years before a settlement, leaving things just as they were before the war, was agreed upon.
Although neither side won, the War of 1812 did have some important consequences. Historians see it as America’s second war for independence. The Revolution severed American ties with England. The War of 1812 removed any doubts in the minds of European powers that the United States was here to stay. Also, in the years following the war, America was able to settle her grievances with England and to force the Spanish out of Florida. And, for the first time, the United States could concentrate on internal problems.
The Constitution Defeats the Guerrière
The frigate _Constitution_, captained by Isaac Hull, already had a distinguished history when the War of 1812 began. She had been built in Boston during the trouble with France in 1797 and had taken part in the war with the Barbary pirates. The peace treaty with Tripoli had been signed in the captain’s quarters on the gun deck. A trim, fast, graceful ship, the frigate had been made from timbers of solid live oak, hard pine, and red cedar. The bolts, copper sheathing, and brass-work had been supplied by Paul Revere. This ship now is preserved as a museum at the Boston Navy Yard.
Congress declared war on England in June, 1812, and the next month Capt. Hull sailed from Chesapeake Bay. In August he encountered the British ship _Guerrière_, and the action that followed he reports in his dispatch to the Secretary of the Navy. Thus, the war began with a resounding sea victory.
Sir,
I have the honour to inform you, that on the 19th instant, at 2 P.M.
being in latitude 41, 42, longitude 55, 48, with the _Constitution_
under my command, a sail was discovered from the masthead bearing E.
by S. or E.S.E. but at such a distance we could not tell what she was.
All sail was instantly made in chase, and soon found we came up with
her. At 3 P.M. could plainly see that she was a ship on the starboard
tack, under easy sail, close on a wind; at half past 3 P.M. made her
out to be a frigate; continued the chase until we were within about
three miles, when I ordered the light sails taken in, the courses
hauled up, and the ship cleared for action. At this time the chase had
backed his main top-sail, waiting for us to come down.
As soon as the _Constitution_ was ready for action, I bore down with
an intention to bring him to close action immediately; but on our
coming within gunshot she gave us a broadside and filled away, and
wore, giving us a broadside on the other tack, but without effect; her
shot falling short. She continued wearing and maneuvering for about
three-quarters of an hour, to get a raking position, but finding she
could not, she bore up, and ran under top-sails and gib, with the wind
on the quarter.
I immediately made sail to bring the ship up with her, and 5 minutes
before 6 P.M. being along side within half pistol shot, we commenced a
heavy fire from all our guns, double shotted with round and grape, and
so well directed were they, and so warmly kept up, that in 15 minutes
his mizen-mast went by the board, and his main-yard in the slings, and
the hull, rigging, and sails very much torn to pieces. The fire was
kept up with equal warmth for 15 minutes longer, when his main-mast,
and fore-mast went, taking with them every spar, excepting the
bowsprit; on seeing this we ceased firing, so that in 30 minutes after
we got fairly along side the enemy she surrendered, and had not a spar
standing, and her hull below and above water so shattered, that a few
more broadsides must have carried her down.
After informing you that so fine a ship as the _Guerrière_, commanded
by an able and experienced officer, had been totally dismasted, and
otherwise cut to pieces, so as to make her not worth towing into port,
in the short space of 30 minutes, you can have no doubt of the
gallantry and good conduct of the officers and ship’s company I have
the honour to command. It only remains, therefore, for me to assure
you, that they all fought with great bravery; and it gives me great
pleasure to say, that from the smallest boy in the ship to the oldest
seaman, not a look of fear was seen. They all went into action, giving
three cheers, and requesting to be laid close along side the enemy.
Enclosed I have the honour to send you a list of killed and wounded on
board the _Constitution_, and a report of the damages she has
sustained; also, a list of the killed and wounded on board the enemy.
Commodore Perry Wins a Victory on Lake Erie
The naval campaigns of the War of 1812 were fought on the Great Lakes as well as in the Atlantic. Because British troops were based in Canada, the northern border of the United States inevitably became a battle line. Commodore Perry won another important sea victory a year after the _Constitution_ defeated the _Guerrière_ when his squadron defeated and captured a British squadron on Lake Erie. This was the battle which Perry reported to General William Henry Harrison in his famous remark: “We have met the enemy, and they are ours.” In the two dispatches that follow, Perry gives a full account of the action to the Secretary of the Navy.
Sir,
It has pleased the Almighty to give to the arms of the United States a
signal victory over their enemies on this lake. The British squadron,
consisting of two ships, two brigs, one schooner, and one sloop, have
this moment surrendered to the force under my command, after a sharp
conflict.
Sir,
In my last I informed you that we had captured the enemy’s fleet on
this lake. I have now the honour to give you the most important
particulars of the action. On the morning of the 10th instant, at
sunrise, they were discovered from Put-In-Bay, when I lay at anchor
with the squadron under my command. We got under weigh, the wind light
at south-west, and stood for them. At 10 A.M. the wind hauled to
south-east and brought us to windward; formed the line and bore up. At
15 minutes before 12, the enemy commenced firing; at 5 minutes before
12, the action commenced on our part.
Finding their fire very destructive owing to their long guns, and its
being mostly directed at the _Lawrence_, I made sail, and directed the
other vessels to follow, for the purpose of closing with the enemy.
Every brace and bowline being soon shot away, she became unmanageable,
notwithstanding the great exertions of the sailing master. In this
situation, she sustained the action upwards of two hours within
canister distance, until every gun was rendered useless, and the
greater part of her crew either killed or wounded. Finding she could
no longer annoy the enemy, I left her in charge of Lieutenant Yarnall,
who, I was convinced, from the bravery already displayed by him, would
do what would comport with the honour of the flag.
At half past two, the wind springing up, Captain Elliot was enabled to
bring his vessel, the _Niagara_, gallantly into close action. I
immediately went on board of her, when he anticipated my wish by
volunteering to bring the schooner which had been kept astern by the
lightness of the wind, into close action. It was with unspeakable pain
that I saw, soon after I got on board the _Niagara_, the flag of the
_Lawrence_ come down, although I was perfectly sensible that she had
been defended to the last, and that to have continued to make a show
of resistance would have been a wanton sacrifice of the remains of her
brave crew. But the enemy was not able to take possession of her, and
circumstances soon permitted her flag again to be hoisted.
At 45 minutes past 2, the signal was made for “close action.” The
_Niagara_ being very little injured, I determined to pass through the
enemy’s line, bore up and passed ahead of their two ships and a brig,
giving a raking fire to them from the starboard guns, and to a large
schooner and sloop, from the larboard side, at half pistol shot
distance. The smaller vessels at this time having got within grape and
canister distance, under the direction of Captain Elliot, and keeping
up a well-directed fire, the two ships, a brig, and a schooner
surrendered, a schooner and sloop making a vain attempt to escape.
The British Burn Washington
Probably the most humiliating military defeat ever inflicted on the United States occurred in August, 1814, when British troops marched into Washington and burned the public buildings. This was a punitive action designed to teach the Americans a lesson and to demoralize the country. Official Washington fled at the approach of the British, and in the following letter Dolly Madison, the President’s wife, describes her activities on the day before and her flight from the White House on the day of the British invasion.
Dear Sister—My husband left me yesterday morning to join General
Winder. He inquired anxiously whether I had courage or firmness to
remain in the President’s house until his return on the morrow, or
succeeding day, and on my assurance that I had no fear but for him,
and the success of our army, he left, beseeching me to take care of
myself, and of the Cabinet papers, public and private. I have since
received two dispatches from him, written with a pencil. The last is
alarming, because he desires I should be ready at a moment’s warning
to enter my carriage, and leave the city; that the enemy seemed
stronger than had at first been reported, and it might happen that
they would reach the city with the intention of destroying it. I am
accordingly ready; I have pressed as many Cabinet papers into trunks
as to fill one carriage; our private property must be sacrificed, as
it is impossible to procure wagons for its transportation. I am
determined not to go myself until I see Mr. Madison safe, so that he
can accompany me, as I hear of much hostility towards him.
Disaffection stalks around us. My friends and acquaintances are all
gone, even Colonel C. with his hundred, who were stationed as a guard
in this inclosure. French John [_a faithful servant_], with his usual
activity and resolution, offers to spike the cannon at the gate, and
lay a train of powder, which would blow up the British, should they
enter the house. To the last proposition I positively object, without
being able to make him understand why all advantages in war may not be
taken.
_Wednesday Morning_, twelve o’clock. Since sunrise I have been turning
my spy-glass in every direction, and watching with unwearied anxiety,
hoping to discover the approach of my dear husband and his friends;
but, alas! I can descry only groups of military, wandering in all
directions, as if there was a lack of arms, or of spirit to fight for
their own fireside.
Three o’clock. Will you believe it, my sister? we have had a battle,
or skirmish, near Bladensburg, and here I am still, within sound of
the cannon! Mr. Madison comes not. May God protect us! Two messengers
covered with dust come to bid me fly; but here I mean to wait for
him.... At this late hour a wagon has been procured, and I have had it
filled with plate and the most valuable portable articles belonging to
the house. Whether it will reach its destination, the Bank of
Maryland, or fall into the hands of British soldiery, events must
determine. Our kind friend, Mr. Carroll, has come to hasten my
departure, and in a very bad humor with me, because I insist on
waiting until the large picture of General Washington is secured, and
it requires to be unscrewed from the wall. This process was found too
tedious for these perilous moments; I have ordered the frame to be
broken, and the canvas taken out. It is done! and the precious
portrait placed in the hands of two gentlemen of New York, for safe
keeping. And now, dear sister, I must leave this house, or the
retreating army will make me a prisoner in it by filling up the road I
am directed to take. When I shall again write to you, or where I shall
be tomorrow, I cannot tell!
Dolly.
The British Burn Washington: George Gleig
British General Robert Ross landed with about four thousand men and marched into Washington without much opposition. The scene that took place during the burning is vividly described by a British officer, George Gleig, in _A Narrative of the Campaigns of the British Army_.
While the third brigade was thus employed [_burning buildings_], the
rest of the army, having recalled its stragglers and removed the
wounded into Bladensburg, began its march towards Washington. Though
the battle was ended by four o’clock, the sun had set before the
different regiments were in a condition to move; consequently this
short journey was performed in the dark. The work of destruction had
also begun in the city, before they quitted their ground; and the
blazing of houses, ships, and stores, the report of exploding
magazines, and the crash of falling roofs informed them, as they
proceeded, of what was going forward. You can conceive nothing finer
than the sight which met them as they drew near to the town. The sky
was brilliantly illuminated by the different conflagrations, and a
dark red light was thrown upon the road, sufficient to permit each man
to view distinctly his comrade’s face. Except the burning of St.
Sebastian’s, I do not recollect to have witnessed ... a scene more
striking or more sublime.
I need scarcely to observe that the consternation of the inhabitants
was complete, and that to them this was a night of terror. So
confident had they been of the success of their troops, that few of
them had dreamed of quitting their houses or abandoning the city; nor
was it till the fugitives from the battle began to rush in, filling
every place as they came with dismay, that the President himself
thought of providing for his safety. That gentleman, as I was credibly
informed, had gone forth in the morning with the army, and had
continued among his troops till the British forces began to make their
appearance. Whether the sight of his enemies cooled his courage or
not, I cannot say, but, according to my informer, no sooner was the
glittering of our arms discernible, than he began to discover that his
presence was more wanted in the Senate than with the army; and having
ridden through the ranks, and exhorted every man to do his duty, he
hurried back to his own house, that he might prepare a feast for the
entertainment of his officers, when they should return victorious.
For the truth of these details, I will not be answerable; but this
much I know, that the feast was actually prepared, though, instead of
being devoured by American officers, it went to satisfy the less
delicate appetites of a party of English soldiers. When the detachment
sent out to destroy Mr. Madison’s house entered his dining parlor,
they found a dinner table spread and covers laid for forty guests.
Several kinds of wine, in handsome cut-glass decanters, were cooling
on the sideboard; plate-holders stood by the fireplace, filled with
dishes and plates; knives, forks, and spoons were arranged for
immediate use; in short, everything was ready for the entertainment of
a ceremonious party. Such were the arrangements in the dining room,
whilst in the kitchen were others answerable to them in every respect.
Spits, loaded with joints of various sorts, turned before the fire;
pots, saucepans, and other culinary utensils stood upon the grate; and
all the other requisites for an elegant and substantial repast were
exactly in a state which indicated that they had been lately and
precipitately abandoned.
You will readily imagine that these preparations were beheld by a
party of hungry soldiers with no indifferent eye. An elegant dinner,
even though considerably overdressed, was a luxury to which few of
them, at least for some time back, had been accustomed, and which,
after the dangers and fatigues of the day, appeared peculiarly
inviting. They sat down to it, therefore, not indeed in the most
orderly manner, but with countenances which would not have disgraced a
party of aldermen at a civic feast, and, having satisfied their
appetites with fewer complaints than would have probably escaped their
rival _gourmands_, and partaken pretty freely of the wines, they
finished by setting fire to the house....
But, as I have just observed, this was a night of dismay to the
inhabitants of Washington. They were taken completely by surprise; nor
could the arrival of the flood be more unexpected to the natives of
the antediluvian world than the arrival of the British army to them.
The first impulse of course tempted them to fly, and the streets were
in consequence crowded with soldiers and senators, men, women, and
children, horses, carriages, and carts loaded with household
furniture, all hastening towards a wooden bridge which crosses the
Potomac. The confusion thus occasioned was terrible, and the crowd
upon the bridge was such as to endanger its giving way. But Mr.
Madison, having escaped among the first, was no sooner safe on the
opposite bank of the river than he gave orders that the bridge should
be broken down; which being obeyed, the rest were obliged to return
and to trust to the clemency of the victors.
In this manner was the night passed by both parties; and at daybreak
next morning, the light brigade moved into the city, while the reserve
fell back to a height about a half mile in the rear. Little, however,
now remained to be done, because everything marked out for destruction
was already consumed. Of the Senate house, the President’s palace, the
barracks, the dockyard, etc., nothing could be seen except heaps of
smoking ruins; and even the bridge ... was almost wholly demolished.
The Battle of New Orleans
Despite the general incompetence of the American leadership in the War of 1812, Andrew Jackson emerged from the campaigns as a genuine war hero. The Battle of New Orleans, which ironically was fought after the peace treaty had been signed in Europe, was a great victory. Jackson’s troops, greatly outnumbered, barricaded themselves behind cotton bales and earthworks and mowed down the British as they stormed the American positions. In the two selections that follow, we print first the account of the battle by the British officer George Gleig and then General Jackson’s terse report to the Secretary of War.
OFFICER GLEIG:
The main body armed and moved forward some way in front of the
pickets. There they stood waiting for daylight and listening with the
greatest anxiety for the firing which ought now to be heard on the
opposite bank. But this attention was exerted in vain, and day dawned
upon them long before they desired its appearance. Nor was Sir Edward
Pakenham disappointed in this part of his plan alone. Instead of
perceiving everything in readiness for the assault, he saw his troops
in battle array, indeed, but not a ladder or fascine [_bundle of
sticks to fill ditches_] upon the field. The 44th, which was appointed
to carry them, had either misunderstood or neglected their orders and
now headed the column of attack without any means being provided for
crossing the enemy’s ditch, or scaling his rampart.
The indignation of poor Pakenham on this occasion may be imagined, but
cannot be described. Galloping towards Colonel Mullens, who led the
44th, he commanded him instantly to return with his regiment for the
ladders, but the opportunity of planting them was lost, and though
they were brought up, it was only to be scattered over the field by
the frightened bearers. For our troops were by this time visible to
the enemy. A dreadful fire was accordingly opened upon them, and they
were mowed down by hundreds, while they stood waiting for orders.
Seeing that all his well-laid plans were frustrated, Pakenham gave the
word to advance, and the other regiments, leaving the 44th with the
ladders and fascines behind them, rushed on to the assault. On the
left a detachment of the 95th, 21st, and 4th stormed a three-gun
battery and took it. Here they remained for some time in the
expectation of support; but none arriving, and a strong column of the
enemy forming for its recovery, they determined to anticipate the
attack and pushed on. The battery which they had taken was in advance
of the body of the works, being cut off from it by a ditch, across
which only a single plank was thrown. Along this plank did these brave
men attempt to pass; but being opposed by overpowering numbers, they
were repulsed; and the Americans, in turn, forcing their way into the
battery, at length succeeded in recapturing it with immense slaughter.
On the right, again, the 21st and 4th being almost cut to pieces and
thrown into some confusion by the enemy’s fire, the 93d pushed on and
took the lead. Hastening forward, our troops soon reached the ditch;
but to scale the parapet without ladders was impossible. Some few,
indeed, by mounting one upon another’s shoulders, succeeded in
entering the works, but these were instantly overpowered, most of them
killed, and the rest taken; while as many as stood without were
exposed to a sweeping fire, which cut them down by whole companies. It
was in vain that the most obstinate courage was displayed. They fell
by the hands of men whom they absolutely did not see; for the
Americans, without so much as lifting their faces above the rampart,
swung their firelocks by one arm over the wall, and discharged them
directly upon their heads. The whole of the guns, likewise, from the
opposite bank, kept up a well directed and deadly cannonade upon their
flank; and thus were they destroyed without an opportunity being given
of displaying their valour, or obtaining so much as revenge.
Poor Pakenham saw how things were going, and did all that a General
could do to rally his broken troops. Riding towards the 44th which had
returned to the ground, but in great disorder, he called out for
Colonel Mullens to advance; but that officer had disappeared, and was
not to be found. He, therefore, prepared to lead them on himself, and
had put himself at their head for that purpose, when he received a
slight wound in the knee from a musket ball which killed his horse.
Mounting another, he again headed the 44th, when a second ball took
effect more fatally, and he dropped lifeless into the arms of his
aide-de-camp.
Nor were Generals Gibbs and Keane inactive. Riding through the ranks,
they strove by all means to encourage the assailants and recall the
fugitives, till at length both were wounded and borne off the field.
All was now confusion and dismay. Without leaders, ignorant of what
was to be done, the troops first halted and then began to retire, till
finally the retreat was changed into a flight, and they quitted the
ground in the utmost disorder. But the retreat was covered in gallant
style by the reserve. Making a forward motion, the 7th and 43d
presented the appearance of a renewed attack; by which the enemy were
so much awed, that they did not venture beyond their lines in pursuit
of the fugitives.
GENERAL JACKSON’S REPORT:
During the days of the 6th and 7th, the enemy had been actively
employed in making preparations for an attack on my lines. With
infinite labour they had succeeded on the night of the 7th, in getting
their boats across from the lake to the river, by widening and
deepening the canal on which they had effected their disembarkation.
It had not been in my power to impede these operations by a general
attack: added to other reasons, the nature of the troops under my
command, mostly militia, rendered it too hazardous to attempt
extensive _offensive_ movements in an open country, against a numerous
and well disciplined army.
Although my forces, as to number, had been increased by the arrival of
the Kentucky division, my strength had received very little addition;
a small portion only of that detachment being provided with arms.
Compelled thus to wait the attack of the enemy, I took every measure
to repel it when it should be made, and to defeat the object he had in
view. General Morgan, with the New Orleans contingent, the Louisiana
militia, and a strong detachment of the Kentucky troops, occupied an
entrenched camp on the opposite side of the river, protected by strong
batteries on the bank, erected and superintended by Commodore
Patterson.
In _my_ encampment everything was ready for action, when, early in the
morning of the 8th, the enemy after throwing a heavy shower of bombs
and congreve rockets, advanced their columns on my right and left, to
storm my entrenchments. I cannot speak sufficiently in praise of the
firmness and deliberation with which my whole line received their
approach—_more_ could not have been expected from veterans inured to
war. For an hour the fire of the small arms was as incessant and
severe as can be imagined. The artillery, too, directed by officers
who displayed equal skill and courage, did great execution.
Yet the columns of the enemy continued to advance with a firmness
which reflects upon them the greatest credit. Twice the column which
approached me on my left, was repulsed by the troops of General
Carroll, those of General Coffee, and a division of the Kentucky
militia, and twice they formed again and renewed the assault. At
length, however, cut to pieces, they fled in confusion from the field,
leaving it covered with their dead and wounded.
The loss which the enemy sustained on this occasion, cannot be
estimated at less than 1500 in killed, wounded and prisoners. [_The
British actually lost over 2,000. American casualties: 8 killed, 13
wounded._] Upwards of three hundred have already been delivered over
for burial; and my men are still engaged in picking them up within my
lines and carrying them to the point where the enemy are to receive
them. This is in addition to the dead and wounded whom the enemy have
been enabled to carry from the field, during and since the action, and
to those who have since died of the wounds they received. We have
taken about 500 prisoners, upwards of 300 of whom are wounded, and a
great part of them mortally. My loss has not exceeded, and I believe
has not amounted to, 10 killed and as many wounded....
I have the honor to be, etc.
Andrew Jackson
Incidentally, this battle was the last time that British and American troops ever fought each other. The next time they met on the field of battle they were allies in World War I.
James Monroe’s Administration, 1817-1825
Early Days in the Mississippi Valley
James Monroe was the last of the quartet of Virginia Presidents which had begun with George Washington. He was elected after serving as Madison’s Secretary of State, but before that he had fought in the Revolution, sat in the Continental Congress, been a Senator, a governor, and a minister to France. His term as President is known as the Era of Good Feeling because of the absence of serious problems to divide the country. It was a period of rapid growth as settlers pushed west and the beginnings of the industrial revolution began to change the East.
During the early decades of the nineteenth century the wilderness across the Allegheny Mountains began to fill up with farmers. Throughout Jefferson’s administration there were occasional skirmishes with the Indians, but gradually the Indians were pushed out of their traditional hunting grounds. While Madison was President, the Shawnee chief Tecumseh, who had attempted to organize Indian resistance, was crushed by William Henry Harrison in the Battle of Tippecanoe. Meantime, Ohio had become a state in 1803, and in 1816, the year that James Monroe was elected President, Indiana was admitted to the Union. Two years later, Illinois joined the growing Union.
In the selections reprinted in this part of _The Jeffersonians_ we have chosen four pieces that show various aspects of life in the Mississippi Valley. Here you will find examples of farm life, religion, and politics in the new states west of the mountains.
A Husking Bee in Ohio
William Cooper Howells, the author of the next selection, was the father of a famous magazine editor and novelist, William Dean Howells. The elder Howells was taken to Ohio from England as a child and grew up on a farm while Ohio was a new state. His memories come from _Recollections of Life in Ohio from 1813 to 1840_.
One of the gatherings for joint work, which has totally disappeared
from the agriculture of modern times, and one that was always a jolly
kind of affair, was the cornhusking. It was a sort of harvest home in
its department, and it was the more jolly because it was a gathering
with very little respect to persons, and embraced in the invitation
men and big boys, with the understanding that no one would be
unwelcome. There was always a good supper served at the husking, and
as certainly a good appetite to eat it with. It came at a plentiful
season, when the turkeys and chickens were fat, and a fat pig was at
hand, to be flanked on the table with good bread in various forms,
turnips and potatoes from the autumn stores, apple and pumpkin pies,
good coffee and the like. And the cooking was always well done, and
all in such bountiful abundance that no one feared to eat, while many
a poor fellow was certain of a square meal by being present at a
husking. You were sure to see the laboring men of the vicinity out,
and the wives of a goodly number of farm hands would be on hand to
help in the cooking and serving at the table. The cornhusking has been
discontinued because the farmers found out that it was less trouble to
husk it in the field, direct from the stalk, than to gather in the
husk and go over it again. But in that day they did not know that much
and therefore took the original method of managing their corn crop,
which was this: as soon as the grain began to harden they would cut
the stalks off just above the ears and save these tops for fodder, and
if they had time they stripped all the blades off the stalks below the
ears, which made very nice though costly feed. Then, as barn room was
not usually over plenty, they made a kind of frame of poles, as for a
tent, and thatched it, sides and top, with the corn tops placed with
the tassel downward, so as to shed the rain and snow. This was called
the fodder-house and was built in the barnyard. Inside they would
store the blades in bundles, the husks, and the pumpkins that were
saved for use in the winter. The fodder-house was commonly made ten
feet high and as long as was necessary, and it was used up through the
winter by feeding the fodder to the cattle, beginning at the back,
which would be temporarily closed by a few bundles of the tops. It
would thus serve as a protection for what might be stored in it till
all was used up. The fodder-house was, of all things, a favorite place
for the children to hide in and play. When the season for gathering
the corn came the farmers went through the fields and pulled off the
ears and husks together, throwing them upon the ground in heaps,
whence they were hauled into the barnyard and there piled up in a neat
pile of convenient length, according to the crop, and say four or five
feet high, rising to a sharp peak from a base of about six feet. Care
was taken to make this pile of equal width and height from end to end,
so that it would be easily and fairly divided in the middle by a rail
laid upon it.
When the husking party had assembled they were all called out into
line, and two fellows, mostly ambitious boys, were chosen captains.
These then chose their men, each calling out one of the crowd
alternately, till all were chosen. Then the heap was divided, by two
judicious chaps walking solemnly along the ridge of the heap of corn,
and deciding where the dividing rail was to be laid, and, as this had
to be done by starlight or moonlight at best, it took considerable
deliberation, as the comparative solidity of the ends of the heap and
the evenness of it had to be taken into account. This done, the
captains placed a good steady man at each side of the rail, who made
it a point to work through and cut the heap in two as soon as
possible; and then the two parties fell to husking, all standing with
the heap in front of them, and throwing the husked corn on to a clear
place over the heap, and the husks behind them. From the time they
began till the corn was all husked at one end, there would be steady
work, each man husking all the corn he could, never stopping except to
take a pull at the stone jug of inspiration that passed occasionally
along the line; weak lovers of the stuff were sometimes overcome,
though it was held to be a disgraceful thing to take too much. The
captains would go up and down their lines and rally their men as if in
a battle, and the whole was an exciting affair.
As soon as one party got done, they raised a shout, and hoisting their
captain on their shoulders, carried him over to the other side with
general cheering. Then would come a little bantering talk and
explanation why the defeated party lost, and all would turn to and
husk up the remnants of the heap. All hands would then join to carry
the husks into the fodder-house. The shout at hoisting the captain was
the signal for bringing the supper on the table, and the huskers and
the supper met soon after. These gatherings often embraced forty or
fifty men. If the farmhouse was small it would be crowded, and the
supper would be managed by repeated sittings at the table. At a large
house there was less crowding and more fun, and if, as was often the
case, some occasion had been given for an assemblage of the girls of
the neighborhood, and particularly if the man that played the fiddle
should attend, after the older men had gone, there was very apt to be
a good time. There was a tradition that the boys who accidentally
husked a red ear and saved it would be entitled to a kiss from
somebody. But I never knew it to be necessary to produce a red ear to
secure a kiss where there was a disposition to give or take one.
Religion in Tennessee
Religion played an important part in the lives of frontier settlers. Instead of the stern Puritanism of colonial New England, the religion of the West in the early years of the last century was highly evangelistic. By this time, the Methodist movement had made a large number of converts and was particularly strong on the frontier. One tireless Methodist preacher was Lorenzo Dow, often known as “Crazy Dow,” who traveled throughout the United States during a long ministry. Though he lived until 1834, the selection that follows comes from his journal of 1804, when he visited Tennessee at the age of 27. He was then traveling about ten thousand miles a year by horse and on foot over trails and primitive roads. This selection is particularly interesting for its account of a backwoods religious fervor, almost a physical affliction, described by Dow as the _jerks_.
Next day I rode forty-five miles in company with Dr. Nelson across the
dismal Allegheny mountains by the warm springs, and on the way a young
man, a traveller, came in (where I breakfasted gratis at an inn) and
said that he had but three sixteenths of a dollar left, having been
robbed of seventy-one dollars on the way; and he being far from home,
I gave him half of what I had with me.
My horse having a navel gall come on his back, I sold him with the
saddle, bridle, cloak and blanket, etc., on credit for about three
fourths of the value, with uncertainty whether I should ever be paid:
thus I crossed the river French Broad in a canoe and set out for my
appointment; but fearing I should be behind the time, I hired a man
(whom I met on the road with two horses) to carry me five miles in
haste for three shillings; which left me but one sixteenth of a
dollar. In our speed he observed there was a nigh way by which I could
clamber the rocks and cut off some miles: so we parted; he having not
gone two thirds of the way yet insisted on the full sum.
I took to my feet the nigh way as fast as I could pull on, as
intricate as it was, and came to a horrid ledge of rocks on the bank
of the river where there was no such thing as going round; and to
clamber over would be at the risk of my life, as there was danger of
slipping into the river. However, being unwilling to disappoint the
people, I pulled off my shoes, and with my handkerchief fastened them
about my neck, and creeping upon my hands and feet with my fingers and
toes in the cracks of the rocks with difficulty I got safe over. In
about four miles I came to a house and hired a woman to take me over
the river in a canoe, for my remaining money and a pair of scissors;
the latter of which was the chief object with her: so our extremities
are other’s opportunities. Thus with difficulty I got to my
appointment in Newport in time.
I had heard about a singularity called the _jerks_ or _jerking
exercise_, which appeared first near Knoxville in August last, to the
great alarm of the people; which reports at first I considered as
vague and false. But at length, like the Queen of Sheba, I set out to
go and see for myself and sent over these appointments into this
country accordingly.
When I arrived in sight of this town, I saw hundreds of people
collected in little bodies; and observing no place appointed for
meeting, before I spoke to any, I got on a log and gave out an hymn;
which caused them to assemble round, in solemn attentive silence. I
observed several involuntary motions in the course of the meeting,
which I considered as a specimen of the jerks. I rode seven miles
behind a man across streams of water and held meeting in the evening,
being ten miles on my way.
In the night I grew uneasy, being twenty-five miles from my
appointment for next morning at eleven o’clock; I prevailed on a young
man to attempt carrying me with horses until day, which he thought was
impracticable, considering the darkness of the night and the thickness
of the trees. Solitary shrieks were heard in these woods, which he
told me were said to be the cries of murdered persons. At day we
parted, being still seventeen miles from the spot, and the ground
covered with a white frost. I had not proceeded far before I came to a
stream of water from the springs of the mountain, which made it
dreadful cold; in my heated state I had to wade this stream five times
in the course of about an hour, which I perceived so affected my body
that my strength began to fail. Fears began to arise that I must
disappoint the people, till I observed some fresh tracks of horses
which caused me to exert every nerve to overtake them in hopes of aid
or assistance on my journey, and soon I saw them on an eminence. I
shouted for them to stop, till I came up; they inquired what I wanted;
I replied I had heard there was meeting at Seversville by a stranger
and was going to it. They replied that they had heard that a crazy man
was to hold forth there and were going also; and perceiving that I was
weary, they invited me to ride, and soon our company was increased to
forty or fifty who fell in with us on the road, from different
plantations. At length I was interrogated, whether I knew anything
about the preacher. I replied. “I have heard a good deal about him,
and have heard him preach, but I have no great opinion of him.” And
thus the conversation continued for some miles before they found me
out, which caused some color and smiles in the company.
Thus I got on to meeting, and after taking a cup of tea gratis, I
began to speak to a vast audience; and I observed about thirty to have
the _jerks_. Though they strove to keep still as they could, these
emotions were involuntary, and irresistible, as any unprejudiced eye
might discern. Lawyer Porter (who had come a considerable distance)
got his heart touched under the word and being informed how I came to
meeting, voluntarily lent me a horse to ride near one hundred miles
and gave me a dollar, though he had never seen me before.
Hence to Marysville, where I spoke to about one thousand five hundred;
and many appeared to feel the word, but about fifty felt the jerks. At
night I lodged with one of the Nicholites, a kind of Quakers who do
not feel free to wear coloured clothes. I spoke to a number of people
at his house that night. Whilst at tea I observed his daughter (who
sat opposite to me at the table) to have the jerks; and dropped the
tea cup from her hand in the violent agitation. I said to her, “Young
woman, what is the matter?” She replied, “I have got the jerks.” I
asked her how long she had it? She observed “a few days” and that it
had been the means of the awakening and conversion of her soul by
stirring her up to serious consideration about her careless state,
etc.
Sunday, February 19th, I spoke in Knoxville to hundreds more than
could get into the court house, the Governor being present. About one
hundred and fifty appeared to have jerking exercise, among whom was a
circuit preacher (Johnson) who had opposed them a little before, but
he now had them powerfully; and I believe he would have fallen over
three times had not the auditory been so crowded that he could not,
unless he fell perpendicularly.
After meeting I rode eighteen miles to hold meeting at night. The
people of this settlement were mostly Quakers; and they had said (as I
was informed) the Methodists and Presbyterians have the _jerks_
because they _sing_ and _pray_ so much, but we are a still peaceable
people, wherefore we do not have them. However, about twenty of them
came to meeting, to hear one, as was said, somewhat in a Quaker line,
but their usual stillness and silence was interrupted; for about a
dozen of them had the jerks as keen and as powerful as any I had seen,
so as to have occasioned a kind of grunt or groan when they would
jerk. It appears that many have undervalued the great revival, and
attempted to account for it altogether on natural principles;
therefore it seems to me (from the best judgment I can form) that God
hath seen proper to take this method, to convince people, that he will
work in a way to show his power; and sent the _jerks_ as a sign of the
times, partly in judgment for the people’s unbelief, and yet as a
mercy to convict people of divine realities.
Davy Crockett Runs for Office
Davy Crockett, who describes himself as an “ignorant backwoods bearhunter,” was just another poor frontier boy until he got into politics. Then he served in the state legislature and later in Congress. He became the fair-haired boy of Whig politicians when he broke with Andrew Jackson, his fellow Tennessee Democrat. Subsequently, his backwoods humor, tall tales, and picturesque personality were exploited by Whig journalists, and Crockett became a sort of folklore hero.
But Tennessee Democrats would not tolerate his desertion of their party and turned him out of office. After that, he went to Texas and died, as everyone remembers, during the heroic defense of the Alamo. The following selection is taken from _A Narrative of the Life of Davy Crockett_, which passes for his autobiography but which undoubtedly was ghostwritten for him. This account describes with typical frontier exaggeration Crockett’s first campaign for office.
In a little time I was asked to offer for the Legislature in the
counties of Lawrence and Heckman. I offered my name in the month of
February, and started about the first of March with a drove of horses
to the lower part of the State of North Carolina. This was in the year
1821, and I was gone upwards of three months. I returned, and set out
electioneering, which was a brand-fire new business to me. It now
became necessary that I should tell the people something about the
government, and an eternal sight of other things that I knowed nothing
more about than I did about Latin, and law, and such things as that. I
have said before that in those days none of us called General Jackson
the government [_Jackson was not yet President, and Crockett was still
a Democrat_], nor did he seem in as fair a way to become so as I do
now; but I knowed so little about it, that if any one had told me he
was “the government,” I should have believed it, for I had never read
even a newspaper in my life, or anything else, on the subject. But
over all my difficulties, it seems to me I was born for luck, though
it would be hard for any one to guess what sort. I will, however,
explain that hereafter.
I went first into Heckman county, to see what I could do among the
people as a candidate. Here they told me that they wanted to move
their town nearer to the centre of the county, and I must come out in
favor of it. There’s no devil if I knowed what this meant, or how the
town was to be moved; and so I kept dark, going on the identical same
plan that I now find is called “_noncommittal_.” About this time there
was a great squirrel hunt on Duck River, which was among my people.
They were to hunt two days; then to meet and count the scalps, and
have a big barbecue, and what might be called a tip-top country
frolic. The dinner, and a general treat, was all to be paid for by the
party having taken the fewest scalps. I joined one side, taking the
place of one of the hunters, and got a gun ready for the hunt. I
killed a great many squirrels, and when we counted scalps, my party
was victorious.
The company had every thing to eat and drink that could be furnished
in so new a country, and much fun and good humor prevailed. But before
the regular frolic commenced, I mean the dancing, I was called on to
make a speech as a candidate; which was a business I was as ignorant
of as an outlandish Negro.
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The Jeffersonians, 1801-1829Chapter II: Part 2
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