Chapter XV: Appendix: B (2)

[335] Cp. Supernatural Religion, ch. iv.

[336] E.g. Art. in The Atlantic Monthly, Nov. 1916, p. 605.

[337] Cp. J. A. Farrer, Paganism and Christianity, R.P.A. rep. pp., 19-20; Dr. J. E. Carpenter, Phases of Early Christianity, 1916, p. 57 sq.

[338] It may be argued that the really swift triumph of Islam in a later age goes to support Professor Smith's thesis. But the triumph of Islam was primarily military. And Islam too kept its cortège of "demons."

[339] E.g. in modern China.

[340] P.C. 62-63.

[341] S.H.F. i, 34, 72.

[342] Cp. Weizsäcker, The Apostolic Age, Eng. trans, i, 55. It is just possible that among people devoutly awaiting the imminent end of the world, some such communions might have a brief existence.

[343] A good support to Hobbes's thesis that the sin against the Holy Ghost is sin against the ecclesiastical power.

[344] S.H.C. 70.

[345] Cp. Acts xiii, 1; xv, 32; Rev. xvi, 6; xviii, 20, 24.

[346] Bampton Lectures on The Organization of the Early Christian Churches, 3rd. ed. 1888, p. ix.

[347] E.S. 113-115.

[348] Hatch, 26. Cp. his Hibbert Lectures, p. 291 sq.

[349] Id. Organization 28.

[350] Id. 28; Foucart, as there cited.

[351] As Hatch notes, p. 35, Clemens Romanus (ii, 16) echoes Tobit, xii, 8, 9, as to the blessedness of almsgiving. Cp. his citations from Lactantius, Chrysostom, and the Apostolical Constitutions.

[352] Hatch, p. 35.

[353] Id. p 35.

[354] Hatch, p. 37.

[355] S.H.C. 87 sq.

[356] Hatch, 29.

[357] "The Broken" is used as a noun: bread is only understood. Evidently the breaking was vitally symbolic, as is explained in the context. Cp. Luke xxiv, 30, 35.

[358] Irenæus, Against Heresies, v, 3.

[359] See Introd. to Messrs. Hitchcock and Brown's (American) ed., 1885, p. lxxviii.

[360] Above, p. 132.

[361] C.M. 422.

[362] Bousset in Encyc. Bib. i, 209, following Gunkel, Schöpfung und Chaos.

[363] Cp. R. Brown, Jr., Primitive Constellations, 1899, i, 64-65, 104, 119, etc.; G. Schiaparelli, Astronomy in the O. T., 1905, p. 72; Hon. Emmeline M. Plunket, Ancient Calendars and Constellations, 1903, 117-123, and maps; and Hippolytus, Ref. of all Heresies, v, 47-49.

[364] Rev. xviii, 2, 21.

[365] Encyc. Bib. art. James.

[366] A view independently put before his (1896) by the present writer.

[367] Admirably summarized by Mr. T. Whittaker in his Origins of Christianity. Cp. Van Manen's art. Paul in Encyc. Bib.

[368] Dr. F. C. Conybeare has indicated the view that, Van Manen's chair having been offered to him after Van Manen's death, he is in a position to dispose of Van Manen's case by expressing his contempt for it. And Dr. Conybeare is prepared to accept as genuine the whole of the epistles, a position rejected by all the professional critics except the extreme traditionalists.

[369] Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. iii, 39, end.

[370] This term, it will be noted, tells of an abstract or generalized and not of a "personal" tradition.

[371] Irenæus, Against Heresies, v, 33.

[372] Canon Charles, note on Apoc. Baruch, xxix, 5.

[373] Myth, Magic, and Morals, 2nd ed. p. 58.

[374] Id. p. 53.

[375] E. B. Nicholson, The Gospel according to the Hebrews, 1879, p. 101.

[376] Id. p. 104.

[377] C.M. 403 sq.

[378] Art. Gospels in Encyc. Bib. cols. 1868, 1872.

[379] Art. Gospels in Encyc. Bib. cols. 1767, 1846.

[380] 2 Kings i, 8: R.V. marg.

[381] This thesis is put by the Professor in art. Gospels in Encyc. Bib. col. 1881; also, at greater length, in his lecture, Jesus in Modern Criticism, and his work on The Johannine Writings (Eng. trans.; Black, 1907, 1908).

[382] I have dealt with the nine texts seriatim in C.M. 441 sq., and P.C. 229 sq. They are more fully and very ably discussed by Prof. Smith (Ecce Deus, Part III), with most though not with all of whose criticism I am in agreement.

[383] Eng. trans. p. 31.

[384] P.C. 234.

[385] Pref. to Eng. trans. of Arno Neumann's Jesus, 1906, p. xx.

[386] Work cited, p. 9.

[387] Unless we take the story of Thomas to be an invention to confute doubters.

[388] See above, p. 113 sq., as to the Nazaræans.

[389] De Principiis, iv, 22.

[390] B. v, c. 61.

[391] Cp. Neander, Church Hist. Bohn trans. i, 482-3. Jerome speaks (In Matt. xii, 13) of the gospel quo utuntur Nazaraei et Ebionitae, as if they held it in common. Cp. Nicholson, p. 28.

[392] Hippolytus, Ref. of all Heresies, vii, 22.

[393] Dialogue with Trypho, 47-49.

[394] Neander, as cited, p. 482 and refs.

[395] Epiphanius, Hær. xxx, 16.

[396] Nicholson, pp. 15, 34, 61, 77.

[397] Jesus in Modern Criticism, p. 33.

[398] Cp. the Professor's work on The Johannine Writings, p. 90, where the same query: "Who could have invented them?" is put as establishing special sayings of Buddha, Confucius, Zarathustra, and Mohammed. I cannot follow the logic.

[399] The argument is the same whether we say "inventions of the evangelists" or "appropriations from other documents, or from hearsay."

[400] P.C. 218 sq.; C.M. 395.

[401] P.C. 206, 223, 228; C.M. 395.

[402] Compare the story of Joseph, Gen. xxxix.

[403] Irenæus, Against Heresies, i, 26.

[404] Ecce Deus, p. 60.

[405] Id. pp. 171-2.

[406] Cp. Ecce Deus, p. 26.

[407] Dr. Thorburn (Mythical Interpretation, p. 34) sees fit to argue that the Christian phatnê was a "totally different thing" from the pagan liknon (that is, if he argues anything at all). He carefully ignores the sculptures which show them to be the same. (C.M. 192, 307.)

[408] Cp. Soltau on the appeal made by the story (Birth of Jesus Christ, Eng. tr. p. 4). "What is there," he asks, "that can be compared with this in the religious literature of any other people?" The critic should compare the literature of Krishnaism.

[409] Ludwig Conrady argues (Die Quelle der kanonischen Kindheitsgeschichte Jesus', 1900, p. 272 sq.) that the stories of the Infancy in the Apocryphal Gospels, which appear to be at that point the sources for Matthew and Luke, probably derive from Egypt, where the hieratic ideals of virginity were high. This may be, but the evidence is very imperfect.

[410] The precedents of the divine paternity of Alexander and Augustus, stressed by Soltau, would surely be inadequate. Heathen emperors would hardly be "types" for early Christians.

[411] The Rev. Dr. Thorburn idly argues (Mythical Interpretation, pp. 38-39) that such stories do not affirm parthenogenesis where a Goddess or a woman is described as married. As if Mary were not in effect so described! But in Greek mythology we have the special case of the spouse-goddess Hêrê, who is repeatedly represented as conceiving without congress. (C.M. 295.)

[412] P.C. 166, note 3.

[413] C.M. 99; P.C. 165.

[414] C.M. 191 sq., 306 sq.

[415] Encyc. Bib. art. Moses, col. 3206.

[416] C.M. 298.

[417] Id. 167 sq.

[418] C.M. 168-9. Cp. Dr. G. Contenau, La déesse nue Babylonienne, 1914, pp. 7, 15, 16, 57, 78, 80, 101, 129, 131.

[419] C.M. 180-205.

[420] Soltau argues not only that the belief in the Virgin Birth "could not have originated in Palestine; anyhow, it could never have taken its rise in Jewish circles," but that "the idea that the Holy Spirit begat Jesus can have no other than a Hellenic origin" (Birth of Jesus Christ, Eng. trans, pp. 47-48). He forgets the "sons of God" in Genesis vi, 2. The stories of the births of Isaac and Samson inferribly had an original form less decorous than the Biblical.

[421] It is doubly edifying to remember that the writer who pretends to find in avowed analogies of divine names, functions, and epithets a theory of a philological "equation," himself insists on finding in every New Testament naming of a Jesus, and every pagan allusion to a "Chrestus" or "Christus," a biographical allusion to Jesus of Nazareth. For Dr. Conybeare, the Jesus of the Apocalypse and the "Chrestus" of Suetonius are testimonies to the existence of Jesus the son of Mary and Joseph. The very absurdity he seeks to find in the myth-theory is inherent in his own method.

[422] C.M. 301-2 and refs.

[423] The Rev. Dr. Thorburn (Mythical Interpretation, p. 21) cites from the Encyc. Bib. as "the words of Dr. Cheyne" words which are not Cheyne's at all, but those of Robertson Smith. Smith, so scientific in his anthropology, is always irrationalist in his theology.

[424] R.V. "enrolment." Dr. Thorburn appears to argue (p. 39) that the "taxing" story in the Krishna-myth is derived from "ignorant copying" of the English Authorized Version! The "to be taxed" of the A.V. of course represents the traditional interpretation--that taxing was the object of the enrolment.

[425] C.M. 189-90.

[426] C.M. 273.

[427] I have been represented, by scholars who will not take the trouble to read the books they attack, as deriving the Christ-myth in general from the Krishna-myth. This folly belongs solely to their own imagination. Dr. Conybeare's assertion (Histor. Christ, p. 69) that in my theory the Proto-Christian Joshua-God was a composite myth "made up of memories of Krishna ... and a hundred other fiends," is of the same order. In his case, of course, I do not charge omission to read the statement he falsifies: it is simply a matter of his normal inability to understand any position he attacks. As regards the Krishna-myth I suggest only in the detail of the "taxing" the possibility of Christian borrowing through an intermediate source: in another, that of "the bag" which is carried by a hostile demon-follower of Krishna (C.M. 241-3), I suggest the possibility of Indian borrowing from the fourth gospel, where "the bag" is presumptively derived from a stage accessory in the mystery-drama, Judas carrying a bag to receive his reward.

[428] C.M. 205 sq.

[429] C.M. 207.

[430] Id. 347 sq.; Drews, Die Petrus Legende (pamphlet), 1910.

[431] Dr. Conybeare, undeviating in error, represents me (Histor. Christ, p. 73) as suggesting that the epithet bifrons led to the invention of the story of Peter's Denial. I had expressly pointed out that the epithet bifrons did not carry an aspersive sense, and suggested that the figure of Janus, with its Petrine characteristics, might have inspired the story of the Denial (C.M. 350-1). The subject of iconographic myth is evidently unknown matter to Dr. Conybeare.

[432] C.M. 318 sq.

[433] Die Versuchung Jesu (in Zur Gesch. und Litt. des Urchristentums, III, ii, 1907, pp. 53, 65.)

[434] The simple principle of holding Mark for primary wherever it is brief has meant many such assumptions, in which many of us once uncritically acquiesced.

[435] As cited, p. 85.

[436] Id. pp. 92-93.

[437] Test. Naphtali, viii, 4.

[438] This is ably argued by Prof. Smith.

[439] C.M. 329 sq.

[440] Id. 335 sq.

[441] Cp. Soltau, Das Fortleben des Heidentums in d. altchr. Kirche, 1906; S.H.C. 67 sq., 101 sq.; J. A. Farrer, Paganism and Christianity, R.P.A. rep. passim.

[442] C.M. 220 and note 2. Cp. W. J. Wilkins, Paganism in the Papal Church, 1901.

[443] Cp. Saint-Yves, Les Saints successeurs des Dieux, 1907; J. Rendel Harris, The Dioscuri in the Christian Legends, 1903.

[444] Compare Soltau's remarks on the hostility still shown to professional scholars who merely reject the Virgin Birth (work cited, p. 2), and the plea of Brandt for his piety (Die evangelische Geschichte, Vorwort).

[445] Apropos d'histoire des religions, end.

[446] Compare the recent volume of debate between Dr. Sanday and the Rev. N. P. Williams on Form and Content in the Christian Tradition. Mr. Williams argues against Dr. Sanday--who is less destructive in his criticism than M. Loisy--in this very fashion.

[447] Essay on Dr. Johnson (1884).

[448] Apropos d'histoire des religions, p. 320.

[449] Jésus et la trad. évang. pp. 286, 288.

[450] Id. p. 277.

[451] Jesus in Modern Criticism, p. 85.

[452] Id. p. 86.

[453] Id. p. 12.

[454] Id. p. 87.

[455] Jesus in Modern Criticism, pp. 79-81.

[456] C.M. 392.

[457] C.M. p. 90.

[458] So far as I am aware, the only explicit condemnation passed in the German Reichstag on the German submarine policy has been delivered by the Socialist Adolf Hoffmann, a professed Freethinker. He pronounced it "shameful," and was duly called to order.

[459] I have briefly put the case in pref. to S.H.C.

[460] Dr. Rendel Harris, on the other hand, in effect avows that his heart is warmed by fictitious "Odes of Solomon," in which the writer puts imaginary language in the mouth of the Christ.

[461] See J. McCabe, Sources of the Morality of the Gospels, R.P.A., 1914.

[462] C.M. 403 sq.

[463] Test. Gad, vi, 1-7.

[464] Canon Charles, in loc.

[465] There are many such close parallels of thought and diction between the two books. See Canon Charles's introduction, § 26.

[466] In The Historical Jesus, pp. 23-26, I had to point out how two Doctors of Divinity, of high pretensions, had scornfully denied that that story had ever been transcended, and how signally they erred. The second, the Rev. Dr. T. J. Thorburn, has since produced another work, in which the subject is carefully ignored. When theologians thus exhibit themselves as morally colour-blind, they relieve us of the necessity of proving at any length how congenitally incompetent they are to determine the moral problems of sociology by the authority they presume to flaunt.

[467] Schmiedel, Jesus, end.

[468] Art. Acts in Encyc. Bib., citing iv, 20; xiv, 22; xx, 24; xxi, 13; xxiv, 16.

[469] Egyptian Magic, 1899, pref.

[470] Comparative Religion, 1912, p. 57.

[471] Set forth in the National Reformer, May 15, 1887. Barnabas in effect avows that he is copying previous teaching.

[472] There are two titles. It is surmised, with good reason, that this was the original, though Mr. Gordon argues that it may be Sabellian, and of the third or fourth century. The "Lord" (the name is here used without the article, which was normally used in Christian writings) refers to the God of the Jews, not to Jesus.

[473] A pagan as well as a Jewish commonplace. Cp. Jeremiah xxi, 8; Hesiod, Works and Days, 285 sq.; Xenophon, Memorabilia, ii, 1; Persius, Sat. iii, 56. Persius followed Pythagoras, who taught that the ways of virtue and vice were like the thin and thick lines of the letter Y. This is the origin of the Christian formula of the broad and the narrow path. The conception of "the right way" is found among the ancient Persians. Meyer, Geschichte des Alterthums, i, 539 (§ 448).

[474] Cp. Levit. xix, 18; Matt. xxii, 37-39.

[475] Cp. Tobit iv, 15; Matt. vii, 12. Hillel (Talmud, Sabbath, 306) puts the rule, as here, in the sane negative form, which is also the Chinese. The gospel form is less rational. The sentiment is the first principle of morals, and is common to all religions and all races.

[476] Cp. Matt. v, 44; Prov. xxv, 21; Talmud refs. in C.M. 406; and Test. of Twelve Patr. Dan. iii, iv; Gad, iii-vi. Canon Spence notes that the resemblance between the Testaments and the Didachê is "very marked." Note that in the Revised Version the text in Matthew is cut down--a recognition of tampering, in imitation of Luke vi, 27-8.

[477] Gr. "the nations" = "the Gentiles." Here, as elsewhere, we render by an English idiom, which gives the real force of the original. It will be observed that the compilers of the first gospel (v, 46) substitute "tax-gatherers" for the original, by way of applying the discourse to Jews in Palestine, where the tax-gatherers represented foreign oppression.

[478] A probable interpolation.

[479] Cp. Lament. iii, 30, and the pagan parallels cited by Mr. McCabe, Sources of Mor. of Gospels, pp. 229, 231.

[480] This clause, which is not in Matthew, is intelligible only as an exhortation to Jews in foreign lands. The reference to 1 Cor. vi, 1, cannot make it plausible as a Christian utterance.

[481] This is otherwise translated by the Rev. Mr. Heron, Church of the Sub-Apostolic Age, p. 16, thus: "the Father wisheth men to give to all from their private portion"; and by Dr. Taylor, Teaching, 1886, p. 122, thus: "the Father wills that to all men there be given of our own free gifts."

[482] Cp. Acts xx, 35. That passage probably derives from this, and loses point in the transference.

[483] Mr. Heron renders this "under discipline," because the early Church had no prison for its backsliders. Quite so. The reference is to Pagan prisons, and the warning is to Jewish beggars. The Greek phrase, en synochê, here clearly refers to a prison, though in Luke xxi, 25, it is rendered "distress" and in 2 Cor. ii, 4, "anguish." Cp. Josephus, 8 Ant. iii, 2. Canon Spence, who translates "being in sore straits," offers the alternative "coming under arrest."

[484] Cp. Ecclesiasticus, xii, 1 sq. It will be observed that the concluding clause modifies the earlier precept of indiscriminate giving. It may be an addition.

[485] A more developed teaching is found in the Testaments of the Patriarchs, as above cited.

[486] Gr. zêlôtês. The American editors translate this "jealous"; but Mr. Heron and Dr. Taylor more faithfully render it "a zealot," though this, a natural warning to Jews, would come oddly to Christians. "Zealot" specified a fanatical Jewish type (Luke vi, 15; Acts i, 13; xxi, 20), but the Jesuists were exhorted to be "zealous" (same word) in 1 Cor. xiv, 12; Tit. ii, 14. Nowhere are Christian "zealots" rebuked; but Jewish fanatics in foreign lands needed warning from peace-loving teachers. On the other hand, the rendering "jealous" is evidently adopted because of the very difficulty of conceiving that Christian teachers would warn their flocks against being either "zealous" or "zealots." The context, however, clearly justifies our translation.

[487] Gr. "high-eyed." The meaning evidently is "always looking at people," and there is implied the injunction to look down, as is the wont of nuns. Since deciding on the rendering given, we notice that the Rev. A. Gordon, in his translation (sold at Essex Hall, Essex Street), has "bold of eye." Dr. Taylor has "of high looks."

[488] Mr. Gordon has "a diviner from birds"; M. Sabatier "augure"; Dr. Taylor "given to augury."

[489] Mr. Gordon has "a fire lustrator."

[490] Cp. Matt. v, 5.

[491] Gr. "the high" = the upper or ruling classes.

[492] Cp. Heb. xiii, 7.

[493] Gr. hê kyriotês. Messrs. Gordon and Heron render "whence the lordship is spoken" or "proclaimed." In the New Testament (Eph. i, 21; Col. i, 16; Jude viii; 2 Pet. ii, 10) the same word is rendered "dominion" by the Revisers.

[494] Mr. Gordon adds here "in praying" in brackets. This is a guess, which seems to have no warrant, though Canon Spence leans to it. The sentence connects with the preceding one.

[495] Cp. Dan. iv, 27; Test. Patr. Zabulon, viii.

[496] Cp. Acts iv, 32. Here we seem to have the hint for the legend.

[497] Cp. Prov. xiii, 24; xxii, 15; xxiii, 13-14; xxix, 17; Ecclus. vii, 23-4; xxx, 1-2. A common Jewish sentiment, not found in the New Testament. Cp. Eph. vi, 4.

[498] Or type. Here, as in the New Testament, there is not the faintest pretence of impugning slavery. The resistance to that began among Pagans, not among Jews or Christians.

[499] Gr. zêlotypia. This is the normal Greek word for jealousy. Here, however, Mr. Heron has "envy," perhaps rightly.

[500] The American editors have "pursuing revenge."

[501] So Mr. Heron, we think rightly. M. Sabatier agrees. The American editors have "toiling for," and Mr. Gordon "labouring for."

[502] Or, handiwork.

[503] Probably a river or the sea. Cp. Carpenter, Phases of Christianity, p. 244, citing the Canons of Hippolytus.

[504] The Syrian method, introduced into Europe after the Crusades.

[505] The Jews, at least the Pharisees, fasted on Monday and Thursday, the days of the ascent and descent of Moses to and from Sinai.

[506] That is, Friday, called "the preparation" (for the Sabbath) by the Jews. Mr. Heron notes that the Christians fasted on Wednesdays and Fridays, but does not explain how a Christian document came to use the Jewish expression with no Christian qualification.

[507] After all the previous allusions to "the Lord" (without the article, save once in ch. iv and once in ch. vi) had plainly signified "God," we here have "the Lord" (with the article) suddenly used in a clearly Christian sense, to signify Jesus. The transition is flagrant.

[508] That is, in the original sense, thank-offering, as Mr. Gordon notes. Now, the sacrament, as instituted in the gospels, is not a thank-offering. It is evidently from the Didachê, or similar early lore, that the word comes to be used for the sacrament by the Fathers. It is never so used in the New Testament.

[509] As the American editors note, Clement of Alexandria (Quis Dives Salvetur, § 29) calls Jesus "the vine of David." As Jesus is "the vine" in the fourth gospel, but not in the synoptics, we may surmise that the Didachê was current at Alexandria.

[510] Gr. paidos. Canon Spence and Mr. Heron render "Son"; but this is not the normal word for son (huios), and the same term is used for David and Jesus. It is rendered "servant" in Acts iii, 13, 26; iv, 27, R.V.

[511] Gr. "in the ages."

[512] Cp. Matt. vii, 6. There is no such application there.

[513] Mr. Heron takes this to signify that the love-feast accompanied the Eucharist. But he notes, from Dr. Taylor, that the Jews had their chagigah before the Passover, in order that the latter might be eaten "after being filled." Mr. Gordon translates: "After the full reception."

[514] Gr. despota. The American editors (who render it "Master") note that this word becomes rare in Christian literature towards the latter part of the second century.

[515] So in the MS. Bryennios conjectures huiô (Son) for theô, but this does not justify the alteration of the text by several editors.

[516] A Syriac phrase meaning not, as is sometimes said, "The Lord cometh," but "The Lord is come." It was presumably an ancient formula in the prayers hailing the rise of the sun.

[517] It is difficult to reconcile this arrangement with any of the New Testament data as to the practice of the Jesuist apostles. Cp. Canon Spence, p. 91, as to "the Jewish habit of wandering from place to place."

[518] Cp. Mk. iii, 28-30; Matt. xii, 31; 1 Thess. v, 19, 20.

[519] The American editors have "a meal"; Canon Spence "a Love-Feast." See his note. And cp. Jevons, Introd. to Hist. of Religion, p. 333, as to the Greek agyrtes.

[520] On this obscure passage Mr. Heron has a long note, which, however, supplies little light. Dr. Taylor notes that a "cosmic mystery" [Gr. mystêrion kosmikon] is "the manifestation in the phenomenal world of a 'mystery of the upper world,'" citing the Zohar. Canon Spence suggests that the "table" connects with the "mystery."

[521] Gr. christemporos. Warnings of this kind are given in the Epistles of Barnabas, Ignatius, and Polycarp. See Canon Spence's note.

[522] Note the remarkable advance in the economic provision for the preacher, clearly a later item than ch. xi.

[523] Canon Spence rightly translates: "on the Lord's Lord's-day." This singular phrase is obscured by the American editors, who simply translate "the Lord's day." The Greek is kyriakên Kyriou. It is thus clear that the expression "Lord's day" was in Pagan use, and that the phrase "Lord's-day of [the] Lord" was an adaptation of the standing expression to either Jewish or Jesuist use. This chapter may have belonged to the pre-Christian document. There is no allusion to the crucifixion.

[524] Here the reference is clearly to Yahweh. The document cannot have been originally written with the same title used indifferently of Yahweh and Jesus.

[525] Mal. i, 11.

[526] Literally, "perform the liturgy" = "serve the (public) service."

[527] Here we have the Christist expression.

[528] This may have been a Jesuist allusion to Bar Cochab, about the year 135.

[529] Or "outspreading."

[530] An early support for the "Conditional Immortality Association."

[531] Apol. i, 26.

[532] If we could but trust the assertion of Origen in the next century (Against Celsus, vi, 11) that there were then no Simonians left, the presumption would be that they had been absorbed by another cult.

[533] Ovid, Fasti, vi, 213; Livy, viii, 20.

[534] Cory's Ancient Fragments, ed. 1876, p. 92; Lenormant's Chaldean Magic, Eng. tr., p. 131.

[535] Sanchoniathon, in Cory, as cited, p. 5.

[536] Eratosthenes' Canon of Theban Kings, in Cory as cited, pp. 139-141.

[537] Diodorus Siculus, ii, 4.

[538] Bible Folk Lore, 1884, p. 45; cp. Steinthal on Samson, Eng. tr., with Goldziher, p. 408.

[539] Movers, Die Phönizier, i, 558.

[540] Goldziher, Hebrew Mythology, Eng. tr., p. 132; cp. Buttmann, Mythologus, 1828, i, 221, and Sanchoniathon, as above.

[541] Volkmar, Die Religion Jesu, 1857, p. 281.

[542] Meyer, Geschichte des Alterthums, 1884, i, 214 n.

[543] McClintock and Strong's Bib. Cycl. s. v.

[544] Chaldean Magic, Eng. tr., p. 44.

[545] Against Celsus, v, 45.

[546] See it in McClintock and Strong's Cycl. s. v.; cp. Schürer, Jewish Nation in Time of Christ, Eng. tr., Div. ii, Vol. ii, p. 83, where the prayer is given as the Shemoneh Esreh.

[547] Schürer, p. 88.

[548] McClintock and Strong's Bib. Cycl. s. v.

[549] 1 Samuel xxviii, 13.

[550] 1 Kings xvi, 24.

[551] Die Religion Jesu, as cited.

[552] 12 Antiq. v, 5.

[553] G. L. Bauer, Theol. of the Old Test., Eng. tr., 1837, p. 5; Etheridge, The Targums on the Pentateuch, i (1862), introd., pp. 5, 14, 17.

[554] Bauer and Etheridge, as cited.

[555] Gieseler, Comp. of Ec. Hist., Eng. tr., i, 48.

[556] De Dea Syria, c. 33.

[557] Die Phönizier, i, 417, 634.

[558] Lenormant, as cited, p. 129.

[559] Justin, Apol. i, 26; Irenæus, i, 23, § 2; Tertullian, De Anima, 34.

[560] Die christliche Gnosis, 1835, p. 309.

[561] De Dea Syria, 40.

[562] Id. 32.

[563] Lenormant, as cited, p. 117.

[564] Irenæus, as cited.

[565] Lucian, as cited.

[566] Reland, Dissertat. Miscellan., Pars i, 1706, p. 147; cp. Enc. Bib. art. Samaritans, 4a. The dove was everywhere regarded in Syria as sacred, in connection with the myth of Semiramis (Diodorus, ii, 4), which bears so closely on the name Samaria.

[567] John viii, 48.

[568] Mem. the aged Simeon of Luke ii, who blessed the child Jesus. "The Holy Spirit was upon him" (v. 25). With him is associated Anna the Prophetess. Cp. Hannah, mother of Samuel.

[569] Professor Smith, who accepts the historicity of Simon (Ecce Deus, pp. 11, 103) does so without noting that it has been challenged. It would be interesting to have his grounds for discriminating between the God and the man.

[570] McClintock and Strong's Bib. Cyc.

[571] Kuenen, Religion of Israel, Eng. tr., iii, 314.

[572] 1 Cor. xv, 10; 2 Cor. xi, 13, 23; Gal. i, 7; ii, 11.

[573] 1 Cor. xv, 9; 2 Cor. xii, 4; Gal. i, 12.

[574] Even a late copyist or reader of one of the Clementine MSS. confusedly recognised a hostility to Paul as underlying his text. See Anti-Nicene Lib. trans., Recog. i, 70.

[575] Acts iii, 1-12, etc.; xiv, 8-15, etc.

[576] Gal. ii, 11-14.

[577] See the whole data discussed in Baur, Ch. Hist. of the First Three Cent., Eng. tr., i, 91-98, etc.; Paul, Eng. tr., i, 88, 95, etc.; Zeller, Contents and Origin of the Acts, Eng. tr., i, 250 sq.; Volkmar, Die Religion Jesu; Schmiedel, art. Simon Magus in Encyc. Bib.

[578] Cp. 2 Cor. xi, 4.

[579] John iv, 21.