Chapter IX: Part I: 206 (3)

The friends of freedom here propose making publication similar to
those you suggest, but they will not have the same means of doing
justice to the subject that you will have in Philadelphia. We are
particularly anxious, not only to present to the people proper
views of the immoral and anti-christian, unjust and
anti-republican character of Slavery, but also _facts_ showing
its impolicy and injurious effects in retarding the settlement
and prosperity of the State, by checking emigration to it, and
paralyzing the enterprise and activity of its citizens--that it
would impede the progress of manufactures, be prejudicial to
agriculture, and in one word, to the future prosperity, as well
as to the immediate interest of the State. The great argument
here in favor of the introduction and toleration of Slavery, is
that it would have the immediate effect of raising the price of
lands, and adding to the population and wealth of the country. We
want _facts_ to disprove these assertions, and also to show that
Slavery would operate to the injury of the poor or laboring
classes of society. Strange as it may appear, it is nevertheless
true, that there are many persons who are in principle opposed to
Slavery who will yet vote for making this a slaveholding State,
under the belief that by so doing they will be enabled to make an
immediate and advantageous sale of their lands, and thus gratify
that restless and rambling disposition which is so common with
frontier settlers.

Pardon this long and hasty letter. Give my regards to our mutual
friend Biddle, and be assured that your generous benevolence has
inspired me with great respect and sincere regard for you.

EDWARD COLES.

ROBERTS VAUX,
Philadelphia.

ROBERTS VAUX TO GOVERNOR COLES

BIRWOOD LODGE (NEAR PHIL'A), 7 Mo. 24, 1823.

_Esteemed Friend:_--I cannot delay an immediate acknowledgment of
thy letter of the 27th ultimo, which reached me at my summer
residence today.

It affords me unfeigned satisfaction to learn from it that thee
approves the plan which I submitted for thy consideration.
Anticipating a favorable notice of the suggestion, by a mind so
devoted as thine to the promotion of the great ends of humanity,
of justice, and of National honor, three pamphlets were prepared,
which will be immediately printed, and transmitted to thy address
at St. Louis. One of these tracts is designed to show the
impolicy and unprofitableness of Slave Labor, etc., and some
arguments are drawn from the published opinions of several
distinguished citizens _of the slave-holding States_; among which
Col. Taylor's are not the least authoritative and cogent. Another
essay exhibits a succinct account of the cruelties of the Slave
Trade, derived from authentic sources; and a third pamphlet is
intended to show that the interminable bondage of any portion of
the human race is, on the part of the oppressors, a flagrant
violation of natural and Divine Justice, and utterly inconsistent
with the doctrines of our Holy Redeemer.

Aware of the unpopularity of Philadelphia, and especially of
_Quaker_ sentiments on this particular topic, with all those who
attempt to justify slavery, it was originally determined to avoid
giving any complexion whatever to these publications which might
induce the belief that they proceeded from this State, or that
individuals of the Society of Friends had any agency in the
preparation of them. The coincidence of our judgment in regard to
the manner of treating the subject is worthy of remark.

If the least benefit results from this humble effort, it will
administer to my happiness, which will be augmented by the
reflection, that it owes its origin to thy own emphatic summons
for aid, in a cause which demands the exercise of every generous
and patriotic feeling.

That indulgent Heaven may crown thy labors with success, is the
sincere desire of thy friend.

With great truth and respect,
ROBERTS VAUX.

To EDWARD COLES, ESQUIRE,
Governor of Illinois,
Edwardsville, Illinois.

P. S.--On my next visit to the city, I intend to communicate thy
message to our friend Nicholas Biddle.

R. V.

GOVERNOR COLES TO MR. BIDDLE

EDWARDSVILLE, Sept. 18, 1823.

_Dear Sir_:--I have been long anxious to return you my thanks for
your kind letter of May 20th and 26th, and also for the
acceptable service you rendered me in making me known to Mr.
Vaux, from whom I have had the pleasure of receiving two letters,
and a promise of his assistance in preventing our soil from being
polluted with the foul and disgraceful stain of slavery. The
disinterested and praiseworthy zeal he evinces is as honorable to
him, as it is gratifying to me, and is well calculated not only
to give me an exalted opinion of his character, but to awaken the
most lively feelings of regard and friendship for him. I wish,
when you see him, you would tender him my kind regards and thanks
for his letter of July 24, and say to him, I hope soon to receive
the packages promised. The propriety of calling a convention, or
more properly speaking, of making this a slave-holding State, is
still discussed with considerable warmth, and continues to engage
the undivided attention of the people, being the constant theme
of conversation in every circle, and every newspaper teems with
no other subject. Unfortunately for the friends of freedom, four
out of five of the newspapers printed in this State are opposed
to them; and the only press whose editor is in favor of freedom,
although a pretty smart editor, has rendered himself unpopular
with many by his foolish and passionate attacks upon many of the
prominent men on his side of the question. If, however, the
advocates of Slavery have the advantage of us in printing
presses, we have greatly the advantage of them in possessing men
of the most talents, and most able to wield the pen and use the
press, with effect; and as three out of four of their presses
have professed a willingness to admit well-written original
essays on both sides of the question, we shall have not only the
best of the argument, but be able, I trust, to present it in the
best dress to the public. I am happy in telling you that the
advocates of a convention have been losing ground ever since the
adjournment of the Legislature; and there is no doubt with me if
the question were now to be decided, that a majority of the
people would be opposed to it. But what will be the state of the
parties next August is another question. Many of the people in
this State are very fickle and credulous, and much can be done by
designing and unprincipled partisans, and that everything which
can possibly be done will be done, we cannot but infer from the
extraordinary and unwarrantable measures resorted to last winter
in the Legislature in getting up the question, and the great
anxiety evinced, and exertions which have been made and are still
making to prevail on the people to sanction it. But as the
friends of freedom are aware of this, they will watch the
movements of their opponents, and be on the alert to counteract
their intrigues and machinations. The object for which a
convention is wanted is so justly odious, and the conduct of the
friends of the measure so disgraceful, that I cannot bring myself
to believe they will succeed. But I regret to state that the
advocates of Slavery in this State are gaining strength, from the
indiscretion of the advocates of freedom out of the State.
Certain leading newspapers in the Atlantic cities have taken a
stand, and held language which is used here in a way calculated
to do much mischief. Whether we have the constitutional right to
make this a slave-holding State, or not, or whether the opponents
of the extension of Slavery, here or elsewhere, may think proper
hereafter to call for the interposition of the Federal Gov't to
restrain the people of this State, it is certainly bad policy at
this time very strongly to urge it, and especially in what may be
considered dictatorial language; as it is of all other questions
the best calculated to arouse the feelings of State pride, and
State rights, and that natural love of unrestrained liberty and
independence which is common to our countrymen, and especially to
our frontier settlers, who of all men in the world have the
strongest jealousy of authority and aversion to restraint.

I wish, my friend, you would use your influence to prevail on the
newspaper writers to let this question alone for the present. If
they are sincere in their opposition to the further extension of
Slavery, they will not prematurely urge it, when they are assured
that by so doing they can do no good, but much harm.

I shall go to St. Louis in a day or two, when I hope to have the
pleasure of seeing and congratulating your brother on his late
marriage, and becoming acquainted with his lady. This has been
the most cool and agreeable, and by far the most healthful summer
I have ever seen in this country. The spring was too wet and we
were apprehensive of an unfavorable season both for health and
vegetation, but we have been most agreeably disappointed. My
health was never better. I beg you to present my kind regards to
Mrs. B., and to Mr. Craig, and to be assured of my sincere
regard.

EDWARD COLES.

NICHOLAS BIDDLE, ESQ.,
President of the Bank of the U. S.--Philadelphia.

P. S.--Could you or Mr. Vaux furnish me with an assessment of
lands in the different counties of Pennsylvania? I want to show
that lands are higher in price in free than slave States.

GOVERNOR COLES TO ROBERTS VAUX

VANDALIA, ILLINOIS, December 11, 1823.

_Esteemed Friend_:--I received some time since your letter of the
11th of Oct., and by the last mail yours of the 4th ulto. An
unusual press of public business prevented my sooner
acknowledging the former, and will now prevent my making as long
an answer to the two as I desire. For the last four weeks there
has been a great crowd of persons here, attending the Circuit and
Supreme Court of the State, and the U. S. and District Court and
the sale at auction for taxes of about 7,000 tracts of land,
belonging to non-resident proprietors. This has necessarily given
me much to do; but it has at the same time afforded me an
excellent opportunity of collecting the sense of the people on
the great question which is now agitating the State. And I am
happy in assuring you, from the best information I have been able
to collect from all parts of the State, I am more confirmed in my
belief that a majority of the people will be opposed to calling a
convention for the purpose of altering the Constitution so as to
make this a slave-holding State. But the extraordinary efforts
that have been made here during the last three or four weeks by
the friends of Slavery, in organizing their party, and enabling
its leaders to act with the most concert and effect, convince the
friends of freedom that their opponents are yet in the field, and
that they should be on the alert, for fear by some _ruse de
guerre_, at which their opponents are known from sad experience
to be great adepts, the advocates of oppression should triumph.
Nearly all the leading friends of a convention have been
assembled here, and held caucuses for the purpose of deliberating
upon the best means of promoting the success of their favorite
measure; have adopted sundry resolutions, and made many
arrangements; among others have appointed committees for each
county in the State, and requested that the county committees
appoint a committee in each township, for the purpose of
corresponding with each other, and of influencing by every
possible means the public opinion.

With respect to your inquiry whether there is not some more
expeditious and safe mode of sending out the pamphlets than
through a commercial house at St. Louis, I can think of no other,
except to forward them, as pamphlets, by mail to me to this
place, which is at this season of the year slow and precarious.

The pamphlet you forwarded me by mail, along with your last
letter, I received safe; but have been so busy as not yet to have
had time to read it. Two thousand of each kind, will, I presume,
be enough, and as many as I shall be able conveniently to
distribute. There will be for the next six months, so few persons
visiting this place, that I shall be compelled to rely chiefly on
the mails, as the means of distributing pamphlets, or other
information to the public. If possible, I intend to have all the
pamphlets published in one or more of our weekly newspapers.

Accompanying this I send you a pamphlet, which has been lately
published by my old friend Birkbeck, which is by far the best
publication which has been yet given to the public. After you
have perused it, you will confer a favor on me to loan it for the
perusal of our mutual friend Biddle, to whom I beg you to present
my kind regards.

With great respect and sincere regards, your friend,

EDWARD COLES.

TO ROBERTS VAUX,
Philadelphia.

We have had the misfortune (two days since) to lose our State
House by fire. This accident will operate in favor of a
convention. Many profess to be opposed to slavery but in favor of
a convention to remove the seat of Government. There is now of
course less inducement for keeping it here. I still, however,
hope and believe we shall have no convention.

MORRIS BIRKBECK TO GOVERNOR COLES

WANBOROUGH, Dec. 6, 1823.

_Dear Sir_: * * * * * * * * * *

I take the liberty by this mail to send you half a dozen; and if,
on reading a copy, you should think it may be useful to any of
the unconverted Conventionists, you may put it in their way. I am
glad you think favorably of the course the question is taking. I
believe the advocates of a Convention are not so numerous as they
have been on this side of the State. The leaders do not seem to
be so sanguine. This may, however, be a _ruse de guerre_
preparatory to a grand push in the spring. I am rejoiced that you
have escaped from sickness this summer. My family has enjoyed
excellent health, and the neighborhood--as heretofore. We should
be glad to see you amongst us; and a friendly visit from you
would give _me_ peculiar pleasure. I have not seen Mr. Pell since
the morning, when I received your letter. I shall deliver your
message to him, and I beg you to believe me your sincere friend,

M. BIRKBECK.
TO GOVERNOR COLES,
Vandalia.

GOVERNOR COLES TO MORRIS BIRKBECK

VANDALIA, January 29, 1824.

_My Dear Sir_:--I had the pleasure to receive, in due course of
mail, your letter of the 6th ulto., together with six of your
pamphlets, which you were so good as to send me, for which I
return you my thanks. I had previously seen republished in a
newspaper your pamphlet, and had read it with great pleasure. I
could not but wish every Conventionist in the State had it and
was compelled to read it with attention. Our society at
Edwardsville intends having another and large edition of it
reprinted for the purpose of having it extensively circulated. I
took the liberty to send one or two of your pamphlets to some
distant and particular friends, who take a deep interest in the
Slave question in this State. By the by, should not the review of
your pamphlet, which appeared first in the Illinois Gazette, and
since republished in all the Convention papers of the State, be
noticed? It is very ingeniously written, but what more
particularly requires correction is the fabrications and
misrepresentations of facts. One or two of these were hastily
noticed and sent to be inserted last week in the paper published
here; but no paper has since issued from the press.

During the setting of the Courts, and the sale of the lands of
non-residents for taxes, we had a considerable number of persons
assembled here from almost every part of the State; and a pretty
good opportunity was afforded of collecting the public sentiment
in relation to the great question which is now convulsing the
State. The friends of a Convention pretended to be pleased; but
it was very apparent they were not; and the more honest and
liberal among them acknowledged that they thought their prospects
bad. Our friends on the other hand were much pleased, and
rendered much more sanguine of success from the information they
received. The friends of Slavery, however, were caucusing nearly
every night, and made many arrangements for their electioneering
campaign. Among others, it is said, they have appointed five
persons in each county, with a request that these five appoint
three in each election precinct, for the purpose of diffusing
their doctrines, embodying their forces, and acting with the
greatest concert and effort. This is well calculated to bring
their strength to bear in the best possible manner, and should,
as far as possible, be counteracted. When bad men conspire, good
men should be watchful.

The friends of a Convention appear to become more and more bitter
and virulent in their enmity to me, and seem determined not only
to injure my standing with the people, but to break down my
pecuniary resources. A suit has been lately instituted at
Edwardsville against me for the recovery of the sum of $200 for
_each_ negro emancipated by me and brought into this State. The
suit has been brought under a law passed on the 30th of March,
1819, but which was not printed or promulgated until the October
following. In the meantime, that is about the first week of May,
my negroes emigrated to and settled in this State. What is truly
farcical in this suit is, that a poor worthless fellow, who has
no property, and of course pays no tax, has been selected to
institute it, from the fear he has of being taxed to support the
negroes I emancipated, when they, who are all young and healthy,
are so prosperous as to possess comfortable livings, and some of
them pay as much as four dollars a year tax on their property. I
should indeed, my friend, be unfortunate were I now compelled to
pay $200 for each of my negroes, big and little, dead and living
(for the suit goes to this) after the sacrifices I have made, and
my efforts to befriend and enable them to live comfortably. For I
not only emancipated all my negroes, which amounted to one-third
of all the property my father bequeathed me, but I removed them
out here at an expense of between five and six hundred dollars,
and then gave each head of a family, and all others who had
passed the age of 24, one hundred and sixty acres of land each,
and exerted myself to prevail on them to be honest, industrious
and correct in their conduct. This they have done in a remarkable
degree, so much so, with all the prejudice against free negroes,
there never has been the least ground for charge or censure
against any one of them. And now, for the first time in my life,
to be sued for what I thought was generous and praiseworthy
conduct, creates strange feelings, which, however, cease to give
me personal mortification, when I reflect on the character and
motives of those who have instituted it.

Just about the time this suit was instituted, I had the
misfortune to lose by fire two-thirds of all the buildings and
enclosures on my farm, together with about 200 apple trees and as
many peach trees--several of each kind large enough to bear
fruit. And soon after, the "State House" having been consumed by
fire, a project was set on foot to rebuild it by subscription.
Not liking the plan and arrangements, I declined subscribing, and
proposed others, which I thought would be more for the interest
of the State, of the county, and of the town--and which by the
way are now generally admitted would have been best. This however
was immediately laid hold of by some of the factious
Conventionists who being aware that the loss of the State House
would operate to the injury of their favorite measure in _this
county_, and being anxious to display great solicitude for the
interest of the people here, and that too, as much as possible at
the expense of the anti-Conventionists, they busied themselves in
misrepresenting to the multitude my reasons and motives for not
subscribing my name to their paper, and with the aid of large
potions of whiskey, contrived to get up a real _vandal_ mob, who
vented their spleen against me, in the most noisy and riotous
manner, nearly all night, for my opposition to a convention and
for my refusal as they termed it, to rebuild the State House. All
this and other instances of defamation and persecution, create in
my bosom opposite feelings; one of pain, the other of pleasure.
Pain to see my fellow man so ill-natured and vindictive merely
because I am the friend of my species, and am opposed to one
portion oppressing another--pleasure that I should be in a
situation which enables me to render services to the just and
good cause in which we are engaged; and so far from repining at
these indignities and persecutions, I am thankful to Providence
for placing me in the van of this eventful contest, and giving me
a temper, zeal, and resolution which I trust will enable me to
bear with fortitude the peltings which are inseparable from it.
In conclusion, I pray you to do me the justice to believe, that
no dread of personal consequences will ever abate my efforts to
promote the good of the public, much less to abandon the great
fundamental principles of civil and personal liberty--and to be
assured of my sincere friendship.

EDWARD COLES.

MORRIS BIRKBECK, ESQ.,
Wanborough, Edwards County.

MR. BIRKBECK TO GOVERNOR COLES

WANBOROUGH, Feb. 19, 1824.

_My Dear Sir_:--I have just received your letter of January 29,
and I assure you the receiving of it has given me unfeigned
pleasure, although its contents, as far as the unworthy conduct
of the party is productive of vexation to you, I as sincerely
lament. I am sorry that it should be at your expense; but as it
tends to expose the badness of the cause and the iniquity of its
supporters, the friends of liberty and virtue can hardly regret
that they should have thus displayed their true characters.

For myself, my private situation screens me in great measure from
persecution, though I presume, not from the honor of their
hatred. I am glad, you approve my little pamphlet; if I could
afford it I would spare the society at Edwardsville the expense
of republishing, &c. I have the satisfaction of knowing that it
has done some good, by changing the sentiments of several, who
through want of reflection or knowledge, had been advocates of
Slavery. And as there are many up and down in all parts of the
State, who are in that situation, I trust its general circulation
will be useful. I am continually plying the Slave party, through
the Illinois Gazette, with popular discussions and sometimes with
legal arguments, under the signature of Jonathan Freeman, and
some others. You will see, if you read that paper, an ironical
proposal of a plan for raising a fund to colonize the negroes as
an appendage to limited Slavery, signed J., which I think may
show the absurdity of that argument. The Edwardsville Spectator
published about a dozen of those short letters, and I suppose
that you will see a few more of them shortly. As they present
the question in various lights, pointing out the wickedness and
folly of the slave scheme, dissected as it were into distinct
portions, I imagine they make an impression on some readers more
effectually than a continued course of argument. I submit, with
great deference, a thought that some of these would be useful if
published by way of appendix to the _Appeal_. Perhaps you will
revert to them, and notice a few more which you will soon see;
then do as you see good.

As _publication_ is essential to the binding power of a law, in
fact to its existence _as law_, you will of course defeat your
persecutors, and put them to shame, on the principle of _ex post
facto_. You could not infringe in May a law promulgated in
October following.

The fire at Vandalia is rather against the Conventionists in that
quarter. The idea of re-building the State House by subscription,
you, as governor, could hardly countenance. What authority have
individuals to act in this case, even at their own expense? And
what claim have they on your private purse? I am only sorry for
your personal vexation under these attacks. They discover the
weakness and folly of the party, and I am in hopes they are
losing ground. They have great zeal and activity and no delicacy
about the means; there is considerable zeal and activity on our
side; and setting the good principles of our cause against their
total want of principle, I trust we are a match for them,
provided we do not relax in our efforts. The attack on my
pamphlet by Americanus (who is Mr. Webb of Bonpas), seems to the
Illinois Gazette a short reply to the personalities; further I
thought needless, and have just written another to the same
effect, which I shall send to the Vandalia paper. Not being
presumed to know the author, some severity of retort seems
allowable.

You have a circle at Vandalia chiefly, I fear, of the wrong sort
in regard to the vital question, which circumstance must detract
from your social enjoyment, where at best it could ill be spared.
The cause in which you are engaged so heartily is so thoroughly
good that it will bear you up through many sacrifices and
privations. Your sentiments on the subject rejoice and encourage
me, and in return (pedantry as it may seem) I shall give you a
sentiment from Horace for _your_ encouragement.[233]

Justum et tenacem propositi virum,
Non civium ardor prava jubentium,
Non vultus instantis tyranni,
Mente quatit solida.

I remain, with great esteem, yours,
M. BIRKBECK.

MORRIS BIRKBECK, ESQ.,
Wanborough.

I had hoped after the great and decided majority which was given
at the late election against a Convention, my political enemies
would have ceased to persecute me. But in this I was mistaken. It
would seem I must be sacrificed. Nothing short of my entire ruin
will satisfy my enemies, and they seem determined to effect it
without regard to the means. Yesterday the suit which has been
instituted against me for freeing my negroes was called up for
trial. Judge Reynolds not only decided several points of law
against me, in opposition to the opinion of several of the best
lawyers in the State, but he and Mr. Turney rejected _all_ my
testimony as illegal, and would not permit a solitary word to be
uttered by a witness of mine. Under such circumstances the jury
found a verdict of $2,000 against me, which, with the cost, will
be a difficult sum for me to raise, these hard times. I shall ask
for a new trial. If this application should share the fate of all
others I have made, it is to be hoped he will not assume the
power to prevent my taking an appeal to the Supreme Court.

In haste, your friend,
ED. COLES.

GOVERNOR COLES TO ROBERTS VAUX

VANDALIA, Jan'y 21, 1824.

_My Friend_:--While at Edwardsville a few days since, I received
a letter from D. B. Smith, notifying me that he had forwarded to
the care of I. I. Smith & Co., of St. Louis, certain pamphlets;
previous to which, however, I had been informed by one of that
company that he expected them, and had requested him to notify me
so soon as they should be received, and to forward them to me to
this place by the first safe opportunity. I also had the pleasure
to receive at Edwardsville the pamphlet you were so good as to
enclose me by mail. The information contained in this pamphlet in
relation to the foreign slave trade, is highly interesting. I
must, however, be allowed to express my regret that it does not
bear more directly on the question, which is now agitating us
here, by showing the resemblance between the _foreign_ and
_domestic_ slave trade, and the inevitable effect of the
extension of Slavery into new regions, to continue and increase
this odious traffic. To add to the circulation of this, as well
as the pamphlet I had previously the pleasure to receive from
you, I shall, if possible, prevail on some of the editors to
publish them in their newspapers. But unfortunately for our
cause, of the five newspapers printed in this State, four are the
avowed advocates of Slavery (in other words for a Convention) and
but one of Freedom, and that one not friendly to me and other
opponents of the Convention. This division among us arises from
factions, personal and local feelings, and from the circumstance
that we have many avowed friends of freedom, who are themselves
the masters of slaves; and who, while they unite with us in
opposing the means of the further introduction of Slavery, are at
the same time violently opposed to our efforts to abolish the
remnant of Slavery which is still allowed to stain our soil.
There is also another class among us who profess to be opposed to
Slavery and who rail much against it, but yet who are friendly to
it, as is fully evinced by their advocating every measure
calculated to introduce and tolerate it here. The character and
feelings of these several classes of our citizens were strongly
exemplified last winter, when, on entering into office, I called
the attention of the Legislature to the existence of Slavery
among us, and urged its abolition. As it may be the means of
throwing some light on the slave question in this State, I will
send you, accompanying this letter, a printed copy of my speech,
and a report made by a committee of the Legislature on a part of
it.

My remarks and recommendation on the subject of Slavery produced
a great excitement among those who held slaves, or were desirous
of holding them, particularly among those advocates of a
Convention who were professedly the opponents of Slavery, but
secretly its friends, and who hoped under the fair mask of
freedom, to deceive the people and to smuggle in the monster
Slavery. Bringing forward the measure of abolition at the same
time they brought forward the Convention question, placed these
professed friends to the rights of man in an awkward situation,
for it was apparent if they voted agreeable to their
declarations, they, together with the real and genuine friends of
freedom, would constitute a majority of the Legislature, and of
course pass the abolition Bill. This state of things had the
effect of unmasking their true opinions and views, and of clearly
exhibiting to the public the real object for which a convention
was to be called--that of making this a Slave-holding State....

Having had the good fortune, through every period of my life, to
live in great harmony with my fellow man, the enmity and
persecution I have lately had to encounter, have created a new
state of feeling, and caused me to look into my own conduct to
see whether it has been correct. In this review I have been
gratified to find I have not given just cause of offense to any
one; but I have been grieved to perceive with what virulence I
have been pelted, when the only complaint against me is, that I
am a friend to the equal rights of man, and am considered a
barrier to my opponents acquiring the power of oppressing their
fellow man. Under this view of my situation, I am gratified that
Providence has placed me in the van of this great contest; and I
am truly thankful that my system is so organized as to leave no
room for doubt, fear or hesitation. My opinions have long since
been maturely formed, and my course deliberately taken, and is
not now to be changed by detraction, prosecutions, or threats of
"_Convention or death_."

I beg you excuse my troubling you with the perusal of so long a
letter, and that you will pardon me for having said so much of
myself, in consideration of its connection with the great
question now agitating this State, by interesting yourself in
which you have displayed so signal and praiseworthy an instance
of your benevolence--for which I pray you to accept the grateful
thanks of your friend,

EDWARD COLES.

Answering this January 21, 1824, Mr. Vaux said:

The part which thee has been called to act, privately as well as
publicly and officially, in regard to the rights of mankind, and
for the upholding of the principles of justice and mercy toward a
degraded and oppressed portion of our fellow beings, ought to be
regarded as a manifestation of Providential power, concerning
which we must always believe the same Divine interposition will
be extended in every exigency. I am altogether satisfied that it
is reserved for thee to witness the triumph of truth and
beneficence in the struggle to which thee has been exposed; and,
what is of infinitely greater value, as it respects thyself, to
reap a plentiful harvest in the most precious of all rewards, the
approbation of Heaven!

I feel a deep interest in thy character, and a lively gratitude
for thy service, and it will always be among the purest
consolations of my mind to be assured of thy welfare and
happiness.

ROBERTS VAUX TO GOVERNOR COLES

_Esteemed Friend_:--My delay in the acknowledgment of the receipt
of thy truly interesting letter of Jan'y 21, last, will not, I
trust, be attributed to any want of respect and kindness, but to
the real causes, which were, first, an unusual press of business
relative to several public institutions, which at the season of
the receipt of that communication demanded my attention; and
secondly, to the expectation subsequently entertained here, that
thy presence might be expected at Washington as successor in the
Senate of the United States to N. Edwards, appointed on a foreign
mission. The likelihood that the latter event might bring us to a
_personal_ acquaintance in this city, when the session of
Congress should terminate, was contemplated with pleasure, since
a direct interchange of opinion would be preferred to epistolary
correspondence. Time, however, has served to show that this
prospect, with many others upon which we dwell with satisfaction,
failed of realization, and I therefore avail myself of the only
means which are left to renew the assurance of my remembrance, of
my undissembled regard, and of my sincere sympathy. The part
which thee has been called to act privately as well as publicly,
and officially, in regard to the rights of mankind, and for the
upholding of the principles of justice, and mercy toward a
degraded and oppressed portion of our fellow beings, ought to be
regarded as a manifestation of Providential power, concerning
which we must always believe the same Divine interposition will
be extended in every exigency. I am altogether satisfied that it
is reserved for thee to witness the triumph of truth and
beneficence in the struggle to which thee has been exposed; and,
what is of infinitely greater value, as it respects thyself, to
reap a plenteous harvest in the most precious of all rewards, the
approbation of Heaven!

I feel a deep interest in thy character, and a lively gratitude
for thy services, and it will always be among the purest
consolations of my mind to be assured of thy welfare and
happiness; with these impressions I salute thee, and remain
faithfully,

Thy Friend,
ROBERTS VAUX

To EDWARD COLES,
Governor of Illinois.

P. S.--I yesterday passed half and hour with our friend, N.
Biddle; he is well, but very much occupied with official duties
at the bank.

ROBERTS VAUX TO GOVERNOR COLES

_Dear Friend_: The last intelligence from Philadelphia is, that
the great question which has so long agitated your State, and
which had a bearing so important upon the common interests of
humanity, and justice, has been determined. Happy for your
commonwealth! Creditable for our country! Slavery will not be
permitted to overrun Illinois! The result of the conflict is
truly joyous; you have said to the moral plague, "_Thus far, but
no farther, shalt thou come._"

My warmest congratulations are tendered on this great event,
though I know how inferior all exterior circumstances must be in
comparison with the heart-solacing reward which is reaped by thy
devotedness in this noble cause.

Since I have been at my summer residence, I have received several
numbers of an Illinois newspaper, and a pamphlet from the same
quarter, all which contained highly interesting matter relative
to the question then undecided in your State; I presume I am
indebted to thy kindness for those documents, for which I feel
greatly obliged. The letter of Thos. Jefferson addressed to
thyself, is very interesting, and I have it in contemplation to
cause it to be printed in a tract form, for general distribution,
provided such use of it, may be altogether agreeable to thee.

I have indulged myself with a hope that it may be within the
range of probability, that thee will make a visit to Philadelphia
ere long. Not anything would give me more pleasure than thy
presence in our city, and that gratification would be increased
by thy making my house thy home. I have much more to communicate
than I have leisure now to put on paper, as we are today
preparing to return, on the morrow, to our house in town.

With sincere regard I remain thy friend,

ROBERTS VAUX.

GOVERNOR COLES TO ROBERTS VAUX

_My Dear Sir_:--When I had the happiness to enjoy your society
last summer in Philadelphia, you were so kind as to express a
wish to hear from me on my return to this State. I should long
since have fulfilled the promise then made you to comply with
this request which I felt was as flattering to me, as it was kind
in you; but for a mass of business which had accumulated during
my absence, the preparation for the meeting, and the labor and
interruption attendant on the session of the Legislature, which
adjourned a few days since; and the novel and extraordinary
efforts made by some of my old political opponents to supplant me
in the office of Governor, by thrusting in my place the
Lieutenant-Governor a zealous and thorough-going advocate of
Slavery. I had heard nothing of this intention (for although many
letters were written to me, it so happened not one ever came to
hand, or has since been heard of) until I reached Louisville on
my way home, when I was told by a friend that he had been
informed by a distinguished opponent of mine that it had been
determined that I should not be permitted to resume the office of
Governor. On my arriving in the State, I found that there had
been several caucuses held in different places, by what are
called the knowing ones, for the purpose of devising the best
mode of proceeding, and of organizing their forces to act against
me. All the Executive officers of the State recognizing me as
Governor, I found no difficulty in entering at once on the duties
of the office. The Lieutenant-Governor, however, still remained
at the seat of Gov't, contending that I had vacated the office by
my absence from the State, and that he was, under the
constitution, the acting Governor. On the meeting of the Supreme
Court, he applied for a mandamus against the Secretary of State.
The court refused the mandamus on an incidental point, and got
rid of the main question without deciding it. Soon after this the
General Assembly met, and efforts were made to induce it to
recognize the Lieutenant as the acting Governor; but these
efforts having failed, he made a communication to both Houses,
setting forth his claims to the office of Governor, and asking to
be heard by himself or counsel in support of them. Nothing was
done with this communication, there being only _one_ member in
_each_ House openly in favor of the Lieutenant-Governor's
pretensions. There would doubtless have been more if there had
been any prospect of ousting me. I attribute the unexpected
unanimity to the circumstance of the question having been stirred
in time to afford the people an opportunity of making known their
opinions and feelings to their Representatives previous to their
leaving home to take their seats in the Legislature. The current
of public opinion on this question was too strong in my favor to
be resisted by any but a most desperate antagonist. This effort
of my opponents has recoiled very much to my advantage, in
weakening their popularity, and adding to the strength of mine.

You will recollect my having shown you last summer some
strictures, which I had been induced to publish on the judge's
opinion in the malicious suit which had been instituted against
me for freeing my negroes, in consequence of several
extraordinary errors of fact, as well as of law, which it
contained, and the unusual pains taken by the judge to publish
and circulate these errors to my injury. Two actions have been
instituted against me for this publication--one by the court--the
other in the name of the judge as an individual, in which he has
laid his damages at $5,000. The former is to be tried at
Edwardsville next month--the latter at this place in April. The
original suit, or mother of the judge's twin-suits, is still
pending in our Supreme Court, and is expected will be decided at
the June term. I trust I shall get rid of all of these suits in
the course of the spring and summer. I feel the more anxious to
do so as they are the first suits, that ever were instituted
against me.

I have not heard anything of the pamphlets which you were so good
as to promise to send me. I shall go to St. Louis in about a
month, when I hope to receive them. I see noticed in the public
prints a new pamphlet, published by G. and C. Carville, at New
York, on the emancipation and removal of the slaves of the U. S.
If you could conveniently lay your hands on this pamphlet, you
would confer a favor on me by sending it to me by mail. May I ask
the favor of you to hand to Mr. Fry the enclosed five dollar
note, and request him to forward the National Gazette to William
Wilson (Chief Justice of the State), Carmi, White county,
Illinois.

I beg you to present my kind regards to Mrs. Vaux, and to accept
my grateful acknowledgments for your very kind and truly friendly
attentions to me while in Philadelphia; and permit me again to
renew to you the assurance of my obligations to you for the
services rendered to humanity and to Illinois during the late
vile effort to prostitute their rights and character and to
repeat that the virtuous and benevolent interest you evinced on
that occasion will ever endear you to

EDWARD COLES.

GOVERNOR COLES TO A. COWLES

_Dear Sir_:--Believing that I should have been able to prove that
I had not libeled Judge McRoberts, and explain how the Grand Jury
had been induced to present me for so doing, it was with great
regret that I heard you had thought proper to dismiss the
prosecution. Fearing that some malicious person may misrepresent
this transaction at some future day, when those who now
understand it may have forgotten many of the details in relation
to it, or perhaps be dead, or have removed from the country, I
have determined to ask the favor of you to give me a written
answer to the following questions:

Did you summon or request Judge McRoberts to appear before the
Grand Jury, which presented me for libeling him?

Did not Judge McRoberts request to see the indictment before it
was delivered to the Grand Jury, and did he not examine and alter
it, and if so what were the alterations made by him?

Did you ask Mr. Blackwell to aid you in the prosecution of me,
and do you know whether he was employed by Judge McRoberts to do
so?

As you have expressed the opinion verbally to several persons,
that I had not libeled Judge McRoberts, I ask the favor of you to
give me your opinion in writing, whether the matter contained in
the indictment was a libel?

With great respect, I am &c., &c.,
EDWARD COLES.

A. COWLES, ESQ.,
Circuit Attorney,
Edwardsville.

P. S.--Why was not Judge McRoberts returned as a witness, on the
back of the indictment?

EXTRACT FROM A LETTER FROM GOVERNOR COLES TO JOHN
RUTHERFORD

I give you many thanks, my dear Sir, for your long and truly
affectionate letter of February, and assure you, I feel great
contrition for having so long delayed the expression of them, and
of saying how much gratified I was at perusing your kind letter,
and the glad tidings it gave me of the health and happiness of
our dear Emily and her little ones; and also the pleasure I have
since derived at finding from the newspapers in what a flattering
manner your fellow citizens have elected you to represent them in
the Legislature.

I am greatly gratified at your election, not only from the regard
I have for you as a man, etc., and the consequent interest I take
in, and the pleasure I derive from your success; but I am
particularly so in seeing men of your principles in relation to
negro Slavery in the Councils of Virginia, as it cheers me with
the hope that something will soon be done to repudiate the
unnatural connection which has there so long existed between the
freest of the free and the most slavish of slaves.

Even if it were feasible, from the extraordinary apathy in the
great mass of the people, and the zeal displayed by many to
perpetuate the evil, I could not hope for speedy emancipation,
but I do trust for the honor as well as interest of the State
that ameliorating laws will be speedily passed, which will
gradually have the effect of reconciling and habituating the
masters, and preparing the slaves for a change which, as Mr.
Jefferson says, must sooner or later take place with or without
the consent of the masters. It behooves Virginia to move in this
great question; and it is a solemn duty which her politicians owe
to their country, to themselves, and to their posterity, to look
ahead and make provision for the future, and secure the peace,
prosperity and glory of their country.

The policy of Virginia for some years past has been most
unfortunate. So far from acting as if Slavery were an evil which
ought to be gotten rid of, every measure which could be taken has
been taken to perpetuate it, as if it were a blessing. Her
political pilots have acted like the inexperienced navigator,
who, to get rid of the slight inconvenience of the safety-valves
have hermetically sealed them, not foreseeing that the inevitable
consequence will be the bursting of the boiler, and dreadful
havoc among all on board. No law has been passed under the
_commonwealth_ to ameliorate the black code of the _colony_ of
Virginia; on the contrary, new laws have been passed, adding to
the oppression of the unfortunate negroes, and which have not
only abridged the rights of humanity, but of the citizen. Such is
the character of the law which restricts and to a great degree
prohibits the master from manumitting his slave. The idea should
be ever present to the politicians of Virginia, that the state of
Slavery is an unnatural state, and cannot exist forever; it must
come to an end by consent or by force; and if by consent, it must
from all experience, as from the nature of things, be preceded by
ameliorating laws, which will have the effect of gradually and
imperceptibly loosening the bonds of servitude.

Nothing is more erroneous than the idea which is entertained by
many, that ameliorating laws, and especially manumissions, are
productions of insurrections among the slaves. The history of the
British and Spanish West Indies shows that in those Islands where
they have prevailed most, the slaves have behaved best, and
insurrections have occurred oftenest where the slaves have been
most oppressed and manumissions most restricted. Indeed, we never
hear of insurrections in the Spanish Islands, where the slaves
are most under the protection of the law, and where there are no
restrictions on manumissions. Virginia should repeal the law
against emancipation, prohibit the domestic slave-trade--which is
nearly allied in all its odious features to the African slave
trade--restrict the power of the master in disposing of his
slaves, by preventing him from separating the child from its
parent, the husband from his wife, etc., and if possible, connect
the slave under proper modifications to the soil, or at least to
the vicinity of his birth; instruct the slaves especially in the
duties of Religion; extend to them the protection of the laws,
and punish severity in the master, and when cruelly exercised by
him, it should vest the right in the slave to his freedom; or to
be sold at an assessed valuation. These and many other provisions
might be adopted which would have a most salutary effect, and
especially the Spanish provision, which gives the right to the
slave to buy a portion of his time as soon as he can procure the
means, either by his own labor or by the bounty of others; thus,
for instance, suppose a negro worth $600 on paying $100, he is
entitled to one day in each week, and so on. In connection with
the emancipation of slaves, I should provide for the removal by
bounty and otherwise, of free negroes from the country, as the
natural difference, and unfortunate prejudice existing between
the whites and blacks would make it the interest of both to be
separated. This subject, is too big for a letter, and I can only
add, that if I could see ameliorating laws adopted, if I did not
live to see the emancipation, I should at least die with the
happy consolation of believing that measures were in progress for
the consummation of ultimate justice to the descendants of the
unfortunate African; and that my country, and the descendants of
my family, if not my nephews and nieces, would lie down in peace
and safety, and would not have entailed on them an unnatural and
odious system, productive of strife, enmity and war, between
themselves and their domestics. I was in hopes to have been able
by this time to have informed you and my other friends of the
result of the malicious suit instituted against me for freeing my
negroes, and which is pending in our Supreme Court. The case was
argued last week, but the court has adjourned to the 1st Monday
of January, next, without deciding it. I was much disappointed in
not getting a decision; I have however but little fear as to the
result.

FOOTNOTES:

[230] These letters are taken from E. B. Washburne's _Sketch of Edward Coles, Second Governor of Illinois, and of the Slavery Struggle of 1823-1824_.

[231] _Ibid._, p. 18.

[232] Jefferson's reply was published in THE JOURNAL OP NEGRO HISTORY, Vol. III, p. 83.

[233] The last paragraph of Mr. Birkbeck's letter cannot but excite admiration. The quotation from Horace applied with great force to the case of Governor Coles:

"Neither the ardor of citizens ordering base things, nor the face of the threatening tyrant shakes a man just and tenacious of principle from his firm intentions."

SOME UNDISTINGUISHED NEGROES