Chapter III: On the West Coast of Africa (2)

In London, VanGogh lost no time in obtaining an interview with Charles II concerning Holmes' latest activities. Again the king asserted that Holmes' violent actions on the African coast were without his knowledge, especially the affair at Cape Verde, which place he declared was of no importance and not worth one hundred pounds.[123] Regarding his responsibility for the capture of Cape Corse he refrained from committing himself so definitely, but he assured the Dutch ambassador that Cape Corse belonged to the English; that their claim to it would be satisfactorily established; and that he intended to preserve these new acquisitions by sending Prince Rupert with a fleet to the coast of Africa.[124] On the 28th of October, after learning of Holmes' capture of New Amsterdam, Charles II boldly threw aside his reserve and declared that the taking of Cape Corse, as well as of New Amsterdam, "was done with his knowledge & by his order as being a business wch properly belonged to the English, that the ground was theirs & that they had also built upon the same, that the same was afterwards taken from the English by the Netherlands West India Compa, & ... that the English will justify & demonstrate their right to all this."[125] If Holmes' actions in Guinea have so far seemed very extraordinary, they can hardly be so regarded any longer in view of the light which the king himself threw over the whole situation in this remarkable statement. To be sure he had not as yet assumed responsibility for the capture of Cape Verde. However, his direct responsibility for the other actions of Holmes, which were much more important, makes it a matter of little consequence whether the capture of Cape Verde is to be attributed to him or not.

It may have seemed to Downing that there was less excuse for the seizure of Cape Verde than for the other places. At any rate he held out some hope to DeWitt that it would be restored to the Dutch. This must have been a bitter sop to DeWitt, who was well aware that as for Cape Corse he need entertain no such hope.[126] There was one feature of the situation, however, which somewhat pleased DeWitt,[127] Downing could no longer maintain that the troubles in Guinea were merely quarrels between two commercial companies in which the king had no direct interest or connection. DeWitt would not therefore be at a loss to find numerous reasons why DeRuyter had been sent to Africa when the time came for defending that action.

By this time every one in London and Amsterdam was in a state of extreme suspense as to whether or not DeRuyter was on the Guinea coast. On the 14th of October, 1664, news was received both in Holland and in England from Cadiz to the effect that DeRuyter intended to sail to Guinea upon his departure from that port.[128] In Amsterdam, encouraged by this vigorous rumor, the stocks of the West India Company began to rise from the low point where they had been for some time.[129] When Downing chided DeWitt about DeRuyter, the latter replied in a bantering fashion that if he believed the report, notwithstanding what had been said to the contrary, to continue in the belief; it could do no harm.[130] In London, the apprehension of DeRuyter's expedition greatly checked the enthusiasm of the Royal Company, and caused the king to postpone Prince Rupert's departure to the African coast. VanGogh reported the cry that was heard everywhere in London, "Guinea is lost. What now is it possible to do with the Dutch."[131] The Dutch ambassador, who did not cease to haunt the king's chambers over Holmes' seizures, found Charles II irritable and greatly displeased with affairs. When questioned as to whether he would punish Holmes, the king declared that Holmes did not need to fear punishment at home since the Dutch had evidently sent forces to do it themselves.[132]

The news concerning DeRuyter's successful expedition to the African coast, which arrived in England just before Christmas, 1664, showed, as Pepys expressed it, that the English had been "beaten to dirt at Guinea."[133] Indeed DeRuyter's conquest of the coast in the end was as complete as that of Holmes.[134] With one exception DeRuyter captured all the English factories and forts, including Kormentine, which he delivered with their goods to the agents of the West India Company. The English retained only Cape Corse, which, because of its strong position and the loyalty of the natives, DeRuyter decided would offer a successful resistance.[135]

Up to the time that DeRuyter departed for the African coast it is conceivable that by mutual concessions the troublesome questions existing between England and the United Provinces might have been amicably settled. The Dutch, however, had decided that this could not be done with honor and advantage to themselves, and therefore they chose to answer the warlike actions of Holmes in kind. When the English learned of DeRuyter's activities on the African coast the growing animosity between the two countries was so greatly intensified that war was inevitable. The members of the Royal Company who realized the gravity of the situation begged the king to come to the company's assistance.[136] The king, who considered the company to be of great importance to the colonial trade, and who realized his own intimate connection with its formation, declared on January 2, 1665, that he was resolved "to assist, protect & preserve the said company in the prosecution of their said trade,"[137] a declaration which was tantamount to war.

The Anglo-Dutch war of 1665-7 was, therefore, as has long been known, a war over trade privileges. Furthermore, in the popular mind, it was the dispute over trading privileges on the West African coast which "became the Occasion, at least the Popular Pretence of the war with Holland."[138] In international disputes some facts, although of minor importance, are often seized upon with great vigor by the contending parties. It is very probable that both England and the United Provinces greatly overestimated the value of the African forts and factories, but, at that time, the possession of them seemed very important. To many of these places plausible claims were advanced by both the English and the Dutch. There was plenty of opportunity therefore for disputes, and the representatives of the two great commercial companies did not fail to utilize it.

If the factors of the two companies in Guinea found it impossible to reconcile their differences, the same observation may be made concerning Downing and DeWitt at The Hague. One is not inclined to excuse the deceit of the latter nor to sympathize with the apathetic neglect with which he met all English claims. On the other hand, Downing was perhaps the match for DeWitt in cunning and his master in argument. His contempt for the Dutch made it impossible for him to deal with them without gaining a complete victory. Compromise is the basis of most diplomacy, but such a word was scarcely in Downing's vocabulary. There were men in England who realized that Downing was slowly but surely leading the two countries into war. Clarendon reproved him for overzealousness; and Lord Hollis, the English ambassador in France, informed him that he saw no "causam belli, onely litigandi," and asked him if he could not temper his speech "by pouring in oyle & not vinegar," and thus prevent a war if possible.[139] In Downing's behalf it may be said, however, that his attitude was the same as that of the mercantile interests in England which he so well represented. The increasing importance of the mercantile element, both in England and Holland, and their desire to encroach on the trade of one another in all parts of the world, especially in Guinea, was responsible for the war.[140] When the war was inevitable, representatives of the English commercial interests assured the government of their loyal support and assistance.[141] As for the Dutch they, too, entered the conflict with high hopes for they did not fear Charles II as they had feared Cromwell.

Sir Robert Holmes who had been so largely responsible for the difficulties which resulted in the Anglo-Dutch war arrived in England early in January, 1665. He was ordered to surrender the ships which he had taken from the Dutch in Guinea to the Royal Company.[142] On the 9th of January, by way of appeasing VanGogh, he was thrown into the Tower of London,[143] where he was to remain, the king declared, until he gave a satisfactory account of his actions at Cape Verde. Once more it appeared as if proceedings were to be taken against him "according to the exigency of the case."[144] It is interesting to note that his imprisonment resulted from the capture of the one place, mention of which was omitted in his instructions. However, Holmes was not long detained in confinement. Probably on account of the influence of the duke of York and of Prince Rupert he was again set at liberty toward the last of January,[145] and VanGogh reported that he was even enjoying royal favor.[146] Apparently Holmes was unable to render a satisfactory account of his prizes to the Royal Company, however, and he was therefore reconfined in the Tower about the 24th of February.[147] On the third of March he was examined before the Privy Council in regard to his expedition. His explanation of the various events was found satisfactory and he was forthwith ordered to be discharged from the Tower.[148] This order was not executed at once because he had not even yet rendered a satisfactory account to the Company.[149] Royal clemency was invoked and a warrant was issued March 23, 1665, releasing him from all criminal and pecuniary charges which might be brought against him.[150] The king's intervention in his behalf brought to an end the connection of Sir Robert Holmes with the company's affairs on the African coast.

By concluding the account of the diplomatic relations of England and the United Provinces with the early part of 1665, it is not intended to convey the idea that all diplomatic intercourse between the two countries ceased at that time. Downing remained in The Hague until August of that year, but neither side thought seriously of attempting to prevent the struggle in which they were already engaged on the African coast. DeRuyter arrived at Cape Verde on October 11, 1664, where he found nine English vessels most of which were in the service of the Royal Company and had only recently arrived on the Guinea coast. In response to an inquiry made by the English as to his intentions DeRuyter replied that he had come to punish the Royal Company for Holmes' hostile actions. He demanded the surrender of the company's factors and goods on shore and on the several ships. Since the English were unable to resist they surrendered the goods of the Royal Company after which the vessels were permitted to depart. In this way DeRuyter attempted to show plainly that he was not carrying on hostilities against the English nation, but was only aiding the West India Company to recover its property and goods, and to punish the Royal Company for the actions of Sir Robert Holmes.

DeRuyter left a Dutch garrison at Cape Verde and started with his plunder for Elmina. On the way he despoiled the English factory on the Sierra Leone River. On December 25 he arrived on the Gold Coast and made an attack on Tacorary where he was temporarily repulsed, but later he succeeded in blowing up this English factory. He then proceeded to unload at Elmina the effects which he had taken from the English. While doing so he received orders from the States General, dated October 21, 1664, commanding him to seize all English goods and vessels, whether they belonged to the Royal Company or not. In accordance with these instructions DeRuyter captured several English vessels, but he considered his chief duty to be the taking of the English fort at Kormentine. An agreement was made with the natives of the neighboring region of Fetu, who acted in conjunction with the Dutch ships and with the forces which DeRuyter landed. Although many of the natives remained loyal to the English, Kormentine fell an easy prey to the attacking party about the first of February, 1665. The other English factories, with the exception of Cape Corse, were also occupied without much difficulty. Although DeRuyter had received special orders to reduce Cape Corse, he considered this impossible, on account of the ease with which it could be defended and the loyalty of the Negroes to the English cause in that territory. DeRuyter was therefore compelled to depart from the Gold Coast on his voyage to Barbadoes without having taken possession of Cape Corse[151].

On April 18, 1667, Lord Hollis and Sir William Coventry, who were selected as the English envoys to treat for peace between England and the United Provinces, were instructed to propose that each country retain whatever places were in its possession on the 25th of the previous December. On the other hand, the English were also directed to induce the Dutch to give back Kormentine if possible[152]. How vigorously the envoys urged the return of Kormentine cannot be ascertained, but at any rate they were unsuccessful in obtaining it. When the treaty was concluded at Breda, July 21, 1667, it provided that each country should retain the territories which it held on the tenth of the previous May[153]. Thus ended the war which had in so large a measure been caused by the troubles between the Royal Adventurers and the West India Company.

At the conclusion of peace between the two countries, the English cannot be said to have been in a better position on the Guinea coast than they were before the war. On the other hand, it would not be difficult to rebuild new factories at the places which they had lost during the war. Indeed at the time peace was made factories had already been settled in several places occupied before DeRuyter's expedition. Nicolas Villaut, a Frenchman who made a voyage down the coast of Guinea in the years 1666 and 1667 mentioned an English factory on one of the islands in the Sierra Leone River, another at Madra Bomba just north of Cape Mount, and still another just below Cape Miserado[154]. He also mentioned the strength of the English fortress at Cape Corse, and declared that, although there was war in Europe between England and Denmark, the English factors at Cape Corse and those of the Danes at the neighboring fort of Fredericksburg made an amicable agreement to commit no acts of hostility against one another; and that this agreement was so punctually observed that the soldiers of the two nations mingled freely at all times[155]. Villaut failed to describe the condition of the company's fort in the Gambia River, but on October 30, 1667, an attack on it by the natives was reported to the general court of the company[156]. The Negroes succeeded in obtaining possession of the island but were presently dislodged by the company's factors after the loss of a number of white men[157].

Inasmuch as there remain very scanty records of the company's trading activities and the manner of government instituted at its forts and factories on the African coast, it is impossible to describe fully these aspects of the company's history. When the company first sent agents to the head factory at Kormentine seven men each served a month's turn as chief factor. As might have been expected trouble resulted concerning the succession.[158] The company therefore withdrew this order and directed that one of the factors be given charge of affairs with the title of chief agent and with a salary of one hundred pounds per year.[159] After the Dutch captured Kormentine in 1665, Cape Corse became the chief English factory, under the direction of Gilbert Beavis, who was replaced by Thomas Pearson in 1667. At the end of the Anglo-Dutch war the company's affairs on the African coast were at a low ebb, and the uncertainties of the Guinea trade were at once demonstrated when the former agent, Beavis, in conjunction with the natives, assaulted Cape Corse, carrying off Pearson and much of the company's goods. With the assistance of one of the Royal Company's ships the factors recovered the fort and replaced Pearson in charge of affairs, where he remained to the year 1671.[160]

In addition to these difficulties there was also a repetition of the petty quarrels between the agents of the Royal Company and those of the West India Company, which had so characterized the years previous to the war. When the English began to build lodges at Komenda and Agga, the Dutch general, Dirck Wilree, at once objected, claiming that the possession of the adjacent fort of Kormentine gave them exclusive rights to those places.[161] The English denied this claim[162] and sent home for more supplies to fortify Komenda. At the same time they advised the company that the licensed private traders who had appeared on the coast had very greatly injured the trade of the company's factories, because they sold their goods very much cheaper than the company's agents could afford to.[163] The renewal of the trouble between the two companies moved the general court on June 30, 1668, to ask for the king's assistance.[164] The information lately received from the company's agents was read in the Privy Council and referred to the committee for trade.[165] This committee recommended the appointment of some persons to treat with the Dutch regarding the possession of the disputed places, and Secretary Morice was therefore instructed to sound the Dutch ambassadors in London about the matter. Instructions of a similar nature were to be given to Sir William Temple, who was about to depart for the United Netherlands as the English ambassador.[166]At this point the matter seems to have been dropped without further discussion, and Komenda remained a subject of possible contention between the English and the Dutch for many years to come.

During the latter years of the history of the Company of Royal Adventurers the factories including Cape Corse fell into great decay, on account of the failure of the company to send out ships and supplies. Nearly all the English trade was carried on in the vessels of private traders, who in return for their licenses, agreed to take one-tenth of their cargoes free of all freight charges, which goods were to be used for the maintenance of the company's factories, especially Cape Corse.[167] Even this provision was not sufficient, and in the latter part of November, 1670, it was found necessary to send some additional supplies for the immediate relief of Cape Corse.[168] The king, who was still indebted to the company for his subscription to the stock, was induced to pay a part of it, with which money two ships were despatched for the relief of Cape Corse[169] which had been in great distress.[170]

FOOTNOTES:

[1] John II of Portugal had assumed the title of Lord of Guinea in 1485.

[2] Dumont, _Corps Universel Diplomatique_, VI, part 2, p. 367.

[3] As for instance, in 1659, the seizure of a Dutch ship called the Vrede by a French captain under the pretense of a Swedish commission. Lias, West Indien, 1658 tot 1665, Zeeland chamber to the Amsterdam chamber of W. I. C. (West India Company), March 1, 1660 (N. S.). Also, in the same year, the Dutch confiscated a Courland ship called the Pietas for trespassing on Dutch territory. _Ibid._, Amsterdam chamber of W. I. C. to S. G. (States General), June 23, 1661 (N. S.). Louis XIV also complained about the disturbance of French commerce on the Gambia by the Dutch. _Lettres, Mémoires et Négociations de Monsieur le Compte d'Estrades_, I, 185, Louis XIV to d'Estrades, August 13, 1661 (N. S.).

[4] Diederichs, pp. 20, 21. (Diederichs, H., _Herzog Jacobs von Kurland Kolonien an der Westkuste von Afrika_.)

[5] The West India Company was subdivided into the chambers of Amsterdam, Gröningen, Zeeland, North Holland and Friesland, and the Maas. The Amsterdam chamber was much the most important; it was known therefore as the "presidiale" chamber.

[6] C. O. 1: 16, f. 191, February 4, 1659 (N. S.). At the same time Momber advised Steele, the Courland commander at Fort St. André, to pay no attention to the contract if he was in a position to defend himself, but Steele was unable to resist. Diederichs, pp. 45, 46.

[7] Diederichs, pp. 46-8; C. O. 1: 16, ff. 193, 195-7.

[8] Resolution of S. G., July 28, 1661 (N. S.); Aitzema, X, 76. (Aitzema, Lieuwe van, _Historie of Verhael van Saken van Staet en Oorlogh_.)

[9] See the oath taken by Holmes' men dated March 7, 1660/1, enclosed in the letter of Nassau and others to the estates of H. and W. F. (Holland and West Friesland), January 17/27, 1662.

[10] C. O. 1: 16, f. 193, relation of Otto Steele; Diederichs, p. 49. Holmes afterward admitted that there were but two men and a boy in the fort when it was taken. C. O. 1: 30, f. 74, Holmes to Sir Edward Walker, May 20, 1673.

[11] VanGogh and others to S. G., September 6/16, 1661.

[12] Lias, West Indien, 1658 tot 1665, Amsterdam chamber of W. I. C. to S. G., January 10, 1661 (N. S.).

[13] Resolution of S. G., January 13, 1661 (N. S.).

[14] Lias, West Indien, 1658 tot 1665, Amsterdam chamber of W. I. C. to S. G., January 31, 1661 (N. S.).

[15] Resolution of S. G., February 5, 1661 (N. S.).

[16] _Ibid._, July 28, 1661 (N. S.).

[17] Clar. St. Paps. (Clarendon State Papers), 104, f. 211, the Dutch ambassadors to Ruysch, August 5, 1661 (N. S.).

[18] _Ibid._, 104, f. 217, Downing to S. G., August 8, 1661.

[19] Aitzema, X, 78, Charles II to S. G., August 14, 1661.

[20] Clar. St. Paps., 104: 237, Downing to Clarendon, August 19, 1661 (N. S.). In another letter Downing declared, "it would be very well to accept of the Duke his transferring his interest to his Matie, and for the Dutch ambrs you will do well to be 6 or 8 moneths in examining the matter and then let them know his Maties mind." Egerton MSS., 2538, f. 12, Downing to Nicholas, January 27, 1661/2.

[21] He suffered this punishment only because he had taken to Guinea a number of extra men whose wages the king felt obliged to pay. Admiralty Papers, Navy Board, In-Letters, 5, James to the Navy Board, September 10, 1661.

[22] This seems to be a little too much to say of the king's letter.

[23] C. O. 1: 15, f. 168, VanGogh and others to S. G., October 19/29, 1661.

[24] P. C. R., Charles II, 2: 417, October 25, 1661.

[25] _Ibid._, p. 459, November 27, 1661.

[26] _Ibid._, pp. 510, 514, January 8, 10, 1662. He may also have been before the Council in December, as an order was made on December 21, 1661, rescinding the former order to stop his pay. Admiralty Papers, Navy Board, In-Letters, 6, James to the Navy Board, December 21, 1661.

[27] Nassau and Hoorn to the estates of H. and W. F., January 17/27, 1662.

[28] Egerton MSS., 2538, f. 12, Downing to Nicholas, January 27, 1661/2.

[29] C. O. 1: 18, ff. 310, 311.

[30] Papieren van Johan de Witt betreffende de Oost en West Indische compagnie, Carloff to Valckenburg, February 15, 16, 1658 (N. S.).

[31] Loketkas, Staten Generaal, Sweden, no. 38.

[32] _Remonstrantie, aen de Ho. Mo. Heeren de Staten Generael der Veereenighde Nederlanden_, p. 18.

[33] Dammaert, _Journal_, September 19, 1652, May 18, 1653, December 7, 19, 1655, April 22, 1656 (N. S.).

[34] S. P., Holland, 178, f. 123, undated paper dealing with the English title to Cape Corse.

[35] Afterwards retaken by the English in the West Indies, toward the last of 1663. Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten Generaal, Downing to S. G., February 3, 1663/4. O. S.

[36] Admiralty High Court, Libels, 114, no. 231.

[37] Aitzema, X, 277.

[38] Admiralty High Court, Libels, 115, no. 124; _ibid._, Examinations, 74, deposition of Edward Paulstagge, March 7, 1662/3.

[39] Nassau and Hoorn to the estates of H. and W. F., January 24/February 3, 1662. In March, 1663, Bernard Sparke, owner of the Paragon which the Dutch had seized on the Gold Coast, arrested a West India Company ship at Ilfracombe. Sparke asked for the condemnation of the ship, but on account of a treaty entered into between the English and the Dutch in September, 1662, the Privy Council refused to detain the Dutch ship. Cunaeus to the estates of H. and W. F., March 27/April 6, 1663; P. C. R., Charles II, 3: 357, 380.

[40] Egerton MSS., 2538, ff. 68, 69, Downing to S. G., May 3/13, 1662.

[41] Clar. St. Paps., 76, ff. 217, 218, Downing to Clarendon, May 9, 1662. O. S.

[42] Egerton MSS., 2538, f. 73, Downing to S. G., June 6/16, 1662.

[43] _Ibid._, f. 106, Downing to S. G., August 6/16, 1662.

[44] Add. MSS. (Additional Manuscripts), 22,919, f. 270.

[45] Resolution of S. G., August 28, 1662 (N. S.).

[46] Dumont, _Corps Universel Diplomatique_, VI, part 2, pp. 424, 425.

[47] Index op het Register en Accorden met de Naturellen, Wilree to Edmund Young, May 24, 1662 (N. S.).

[48] S. P., Holland, 176, f. 119.

[49] Add. MSS., 22,919, f. 262.

[50] _Ibid._, 22,920, f. 24, affidavit of William Crawford and others, before the Admiralty High Court, February 13, 1663/4.

[51] _Ibid._, 22,919, f. 262, Wilree to the officers of the ship James, November 9, 1662 (N. S.).

[52] _Ibid._, 22,920, f. 24, affidavit of Crawford and others, February 13, 1663/4.

[53] S. P., Holland, 167, f. 251, Downing to Williamson, September 11, 1663. O.S.

[54] Add. MSS., 22,920, ff. 13, 14, Downing to S. G., September 17/27, 1663.

[54a] Clar. St. Paps., 106, f. 192, Downing to Clarendon, September 18, 1663. O. S.; S. P., Holland, 167, ff. 271, 272, Downing to Bennet.

[55] Add. MSS., 22,920, f. 22, Royal Company to Downing, September 25, 1663.

[56] Clar. St. Paps., 106, f. 223, Downing to Clarendon, October 2, 1663 O. S.

[57] S. P., Holland, 168, ff. 41, 42.

[58] _Ibid._, 176, f. 121.

[59] _Ibid._, 167, f. 284, Downing to Bennet, September 25, 1664 (O. S.).

[60] Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan den Raadpensionaris, Cunaeus to DeWitt, November 2, 1663 (N. S.).

[61] C. S. P., Col., 1661-1668, p. 159, warrant to duke of York, Sept. 5, 1663.

[62] S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, f. 53. These instructions are not preserved in their complete form.

[63] C. O. 1: 16, f. 157, oath of William Quick and others at Charles Island, June 1, 1662.

[64] C. O. 1: 18, f. 154, deposition of Stephen Ustick, June 7, 1664; S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, ff. 147, 148.

[65] S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, f. 148, Holmes' narrative. After taking the island Holmes sent for as many men as could be spared by the Royal Company's factors on the Gambia. Accordingly they took possession of it in the name of the company. C. O. 1: 18, f. 24.

[66] Aitzema, XI, 294, deposition of Andries C. Vertholen, June 9, 1664 (N. S.); Lias, West Indien, 1658 tot 1665, depositions, June 19 and July 19, 1664 (N. S.).

[67] C. O. 1: 18, f. 90, resolution of the council of war on board the Jersey, April 9, 1664.

[68] Loketkas, Staten Generaal, Engeland, deposition of John Denn, commander of the ship Mary, December 3, 1663 (O. S.).

[69] S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, f. 149, Holmes' narrative.

[70] S. P., Holland, 176, ff. 118-123, June 7, 1663 (N. S.). A mark of gold was supposed to be worth about £28. 16s.

[71] Index op het Register der Contracten, letters dated June 13, 14, 1663. 1663.

[72] S. P., Holland, 167, ff. 258-260, September 12, 1663. This protest with that of Valckenburg of June 7, 1663, was sent to England, where both were regarded as very important.

[73] C. O. 1: 17, ff. 153, 154, Mr. Brett to the Royal Company, August 31, 1663; Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten Generaal, Downing to S. G., September 15, 1664 (O. S.).

[74] Index op het Register der Contracten, September 17, 1663.

[75] C. O. 1: 17, ff. 153, 154, contains a number of extracts of letters from factors of the Royal Company to the company dated from June to September, 1663. They mention many other conflicts with the Dutch, including the charge that the Dutch had hired the natives to attack the fort at Kormentine.

[76] Aitzema, XI, 295, deposition of Andries C. Vertholen, June 9, 1664 (N. S.).

[77] C. O. 1: 18, f. 39, order of the council of war held on board the Jersey, May 7, 1664.

[78] S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, ff. 51, 52, Holmes' examination. In his examination before the Privy Council Holmes asserted that in one of the ships captured from the Dutch, orders had been found from the States General commanding the Dutch factors to seize the English fort at Kormentine. There is no evidence to support this assertion and the States General afterwards characterized the statement as "an errand invention & a fowle lye." S. P., Holland, 181, f. 10.

[79] S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, ff. 150, 151, Holmes' account; C. O. 1: 18, f. 39, order of the council of war held on board the Jersey, May 7, 1664.

[80] S. P., Holland, 174, f. 32, Downing to Bennet, January 10, 1664/5 (O. S.). This letter, written over a year later, shows that Downing was not acquainted with Holmes' instructions.

[81] Lister, Thomas Henry, _Life and Administration of Edward, first Earl of Clarendon_, III, 259, Downing to Clarendon, November 6, 1663 (O. S.).

[82] S. P., Holland, 168, f. 230, Downing to Bennet, December 18, 1663.

[83] Clar. St. Paps., 107, f. 101, Downing to S. G., February 8, 1663/4 (O. S.).

[84] Add. MSS., 22,920, f. 26, Schested to Downing, February 10, 1664; S. P., Denmark, 17, f. 150, Frederick III to Schested, December 15, 1663.

[85] Loketkas, Staten Generaal, Engeland, W. I. C. to S. G., read December 1, 1663 (N. S.); _ibid._, S. G. to Downing, December, 1663.

[86] S. P., Holland, 169, ff. 120, 121, Downing to (Bennet), February 12, 1663/4 (O. S.).

[87] _Ibid._, f. 121.

[88] _Ibid._, ff. 122, 124.

[89] S. P. Holland, 169, f. 132, Downing to S. G., February 16, 1663/4 (O. S.).

[90] _Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten van H. en W. F._, Cunaeus to DeWitt, March 11/21, 1664.

[91] Pepys, _Diary_, IV, 103; Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten van H. en W. F., Cunaeus to DeWitt, (April 8/18, 1664, N. S.).

[92] Clar. St. Paps., 107, f. 147, Downing to Clarendon, April 1, 1664 (O. S.); Dumont, _Corps Universel Diplomatique_, VI, part 2, p. 424, article XIV.

[93] S. P., Holland, 170, ff. 16-18, Downing to Bennet, May 6, 1664 (O. S.); Clar. St. Paps., 107, ff. 195, 196, Downing to Clarendon, May 6, 1664 (O. S.).

[94] _Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten van H. en W. F._, Cunaeus to DeWitt, May 6/16, 1664; Secretekas, Engeland, no. 123, Cunaeus to the directors of W.I.C., May 6/16, 1664.

[95] Secretekas, Engeland, no. 123, W. I. C. to S. G., May 23, 1664 (N. S.).

[96] S. P., Holland, 173, f. 129, Downing to Bennet, December 30, 1664 (O. S.).

[97] Resolution of S. G., June 13, 1664 (N. S.).

[98] _Ibid._, June 5, 1664 (N. S.).

[99] S. P., Holland, 171, f. 174, VanGogh to S. G., June 24/July 4, 1664.

[100] DeWitt, _Brieven_ (DeWitt, Johan, _Brieven, geschreven ende gewisselt tusschen den Heer Johan de Witt_), IV, 311, DeWitt to VanGogh, July 11, 1664 (N. S.).

[101] _Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten van H. en W. F._, VanGogh to DeWitt, July 15/25, 1664.

[102] P. C. R., Charles II, 4: 122; S.P., Dom., Charles II, 99, f. 170, petition of the Royal Company for a convoy for its ships. It was also reported that the duke of York was fitting out a frigate at his own expense to send to Guinea. C. S. P., Dom., 1663-1664, p. 264, newsletter, September 2, 1663.

[103] S. P., Holland, 171, f. 238, W. I. C. to S. G., July 21, 1664 (N. S.).

[104] Clar. St. Paps., 108, ff. 39-41, Downing to Clarendon, July 22, 1664 (O. S.).

[105] Pepys, _Diary_, IV, 202.

[106] _Ibid._, 42, 143.

[107] Clar. St. Paps., 108, ff. 48, 49, Downing to Clarendon, July 29, 1664 (O. S.).

[108] Brandt, Gerard, _La Vie de Michel de Ruiter_, pp. 212-213.

[109] Brandt, _Vie de Ruiter_, pp. 213, 214, 217.

[110] S. P., Holland, 171, ff. 23, 24, Downing to Bennet, August 4, 1664 (O. S.); _ibid._, ff. 124, 125, Downing to Bennet, August 26, 1664 (O. S.).

[111] S. P., Holland, 171, ff. 119, 120, Downing to S. G., August 25, 1664 (O. S.).

[112] _Ibid._, f. 25, Downing to Bennet, August 4, 1664 (O. S.).

[113] _Ibid._, f. 56, Downing to Bennet, August 12, 1664 (O. S.).

[114] Clar. St. Paps., 108, ff. 75, 76, Downing to Clarendon, August 26, 1664 (O. S.).

[115] Lister, _Life of Clarendon_, III, 344, Downing to Clarendon, September 9, 1664 (O. S.).

[116] S. P., Holland, 172, f. 171, Downing to Bennet, September 9, 1664 (O. S.).

[117] Clar. St. Paps., 108, f. 82, Downing to Clarendon, September 16, 1664 (O. S.).

[118] S. P., Holland, 172, f. 241, Downing to Bennet, September 23, 1664 (O. S.).

[119] _Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten Generaal_, VanGogh to S. G., September 23/October 3, 1664.

[120] Pepys, _Diary_, IV, 254; _Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten Generaal_, VanGogh to S. G., September 30/October 10, 1664.

[121] Pepys, _Diary_, IV, 254.

[122] S. P., Holland, 172, f. 35, Downing to Bennet, October 7, 1664 (O. S.).

[123] _Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten van H. en W. F._, VanGogh to DeWitt, October 3/13, 1664. A few days after this VanGogh very much annoyed the king by bringing up the Cape Verde incident again. The king burst out, "And pray, what is Cape Verde? A stinking place (using these very words): Is this of such importance to make so much adoe about! As much as I could ever yet learne of it, it is of noe use at all." S. P., Holland, 172, f. 158, VanGogh to Ruysch, October 24, 1664 (N. S.).

[124] _Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten van H. en W. F._, VanGogh to DeWitt, October 3/13, 1664.

[125] S. P., Holland, 173, f. 178, VanGogh to Ruysch, November 7, 1664 (N. S.); DeWitt, _Brieven_, IV, 387, 390, VanGogh to DeWitt, October 28/November 7, October 31/November 10, 1664.

[126] DeWitt, _Brieven_, IV, 390, DeWitt to VanGogh, November 14, 1664 (N. S.).

[127] Clar. St. Paps., 108, f. 126, Downing to Clarendon, November 11, 1664 (O. S.).

[128] _Ibid._, f. 100, Downing to Clarendon, October 14, 1664 (O. S.); Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten Generaal, October 14/24, 1664.

[129] Clar. St. Paps., 108, f. 108, Downing to Clarendon, October 28, 1664 (O. S.); _ibid._, f. 120, Downing to Clarendon, November 4, 1664 (O. S.).

[130] _Ibid._, f. 117, Downing to Clarendon, November 4, 1664 (O. S.).

[131] _Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan der Raadpensionaris_, VanGogh to DeWitt, October 17/27, 1664.

[132] S. P., Holland, 173, f. 19, VanGogh to Ruysch, December 5, 1654 (N. S.). The duke of York was known to be very favorable to Holmes at the same time. S. P., Dom., Charles II, 105, f. 176, Coventry to Bennet, November 27, 1664.

[133] Pepys, _Diary_, IV, 312.

[134] He arrived at Cape Verde October 22, 1664, and left the Gold Coast February 27, 1665.

[135] In this account it seems unnecessary to give the details of the capture of these places. They may be found at length in Brandt, _Vie de Ruiter_, pp. 223 to 265.

[136] S. P., Dom., Charles II, 110, f. 19; Condition of Co., Jan. 2 (1664/5).

[137] P. C. R., Charles II, 5: 4.

[138] _The Case of the Royal African Company of England and their Creditors_, p. 6.

[139] Add. MSS., 22,920, f. 46, Lord Hollis to (Downing), September 2/12, 1664.

[140] On October 30, 1664 (N. S.), d'Estrades declared to the king of France that the real cause of the war then about to begin was the desire of the king of England to become master of Guinea. _Mémoires d'Estrades_, II, 517.

[141] See the paper of Sir Richard Ford, one of the prominent members of the Royal Company. Clar. St. Paps., 83, f. 374.

[142] C. S. P., Dom., 1664-5, p. 154, warrant to Holmes, January 7, 1654.

[143] S. P., Holland, 174, f. 138, VanGogh to Ruysch, January 9/19, 1665.

[144] S. P., Holland, 174, f. 138, VanGogh to Ruysch, January 13/23, 1665.

[145] _Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan den Raadpensionaris, VanGogh to Ruysch_, January 27/February 6, 1665.

[146] _Ibid._, VanGogh to Ruysch, January 30/February 9, 1665.

[147] _Ibid._, Cunaeus to ----, February 24/March 6, 1665.

[148] P. C. R., Charles II, 5:69.

[149] _Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan den Raadpensionaris_, (VanGogh) to Ruysch, February 27/March 9, 1665.

[150] C. S. P., Dom., 1664-5, p. 268, order to release Holmes, March 23, 1664/5.

[151] The account of DeRuyter's voyage given here is a digest of what appears at much greater length in Brandt, _Vie de Ruiter_, pp. 223-265. A short contemporary English account may be found in C.O. 1: 19, ff. 88, 89.

[152] S. P., Holland, 182, ff. 246, 247. The Dutch had entertained some hopes of inducing the English to surrender Cape Corse, as is evident from negotiations which they carried on with the Swedes and the Danes. In March, 1665, a treaty was drawn up between Sweden and the United Provinces in which the former country agreed to renounce her claims of damage against the West India Company and all her rights to any places on the African coast, for which renunciation the States General was to pay 140,000 rix dollars. The treaty failed of approbation on account of the reluctance of the king of Sweden to withdraw his interests from the coast of Africa. Aitzema, XI, 1102, 1103; S. P., Holland, 174, f. 148, Downing to Bennet, February 17, 1664/5 (O.S.); S. P., Holland, 179, f. 86, Downing to Bennet, March 10, 1665 (March 10, 1664/5. O. S.).

With the Danes the Dutch had more success. On February 11, 1667, a treaty was entered into between Frederick III, of Denmark and the United Provinces, in which it was agreed that the Danes should surrender all their claims to Cape Corse, retaining, however, the adjacent fort of Fredericksburg. Dumont, _Corps Universel Diplomatique_, VI, part 3, p. 74.

[153] Dumont, _Corps Universel Diplomatique_, VI, part I, pp. 44, 45, article 3.

[154] Villaut, _A Relation of the Coasts of Africa called Guinee_, pp. 49, 56, 75.

[155] _Ibid._, pp. 126, 131, 135. Villaut also speaks of an English fort at Eniacham (Anashan).

[156] A. C. R., 75: 60.

[157] S. P., Dom., Charles II, 217, f. 76, John Lysle to Williamson, September 16, 1667.

[158] C. O. 1: 17, f. 243, John Allen to (the Royal Adventurers), December 18, 1663.

[159] A. C. R., 75: 3.

[160] S. P., Dom., Charles II, 380, f. 57; _ibid._, 381, ff. 138, 139.

[161] C. O. 1: 23, ff. 3, 4, 6, 7, Wilree to Pearson, January 23/February 2, and February 14/24, 1668.

[162] _Ibid._, 23, f. 5, Pearson to Wilree, n. d.

[163] C. O. 1: 23, f. 2, Pearson and others to the Royal Adventurers, February 18, 1667/8.

[164] A. C. R., 75: 75.

[165] C. O. 1: 23, f. 1, petition of the Royal Adventurers (July 3), 1668; P. C. R., Charles II, 7: 374, July 3, 1668.

[166] P. C. R., 7: 378, July 8, 1668. The minutes of the general court for November 14, 1668, mention a letter intended to be dispatched to Sir William Temple. A. C. R., 75: 81.

[167] A. C. R., 100: 47, 48.

[168] _ibid._, 75: 96.

[169] C. O. 1: 25, f. 227, estimate of charges for supplies at Cape Corse, December 19, 1670; A. C. R., 75: 106, 107.

[170] Foreign Entry Book, 176, minutes of the foreign committee, January 22, 1671/2.