Chapter X: Front Matter (10)

We learn that in some parts of the United States, there are yet
men so lost to all honourable feelings, so deeply depraved as to
violate those laws of their country which were intended to
protect the rights of free persons of colour. Those who have any
knowledge of the heart of man, his selfish attachments, and the
firm grasp with which he seizes and holds all that he calls his
own, cannot be surprized at the reluctance which individuals
evince, in resigning their claims to those people of colour who
are legally their slaves: but at this period when the rights of
man are so well understood, in a country where the highest degree
of civil liberty is enjoyed by the white citizens, it appears
astonishing that the kidnapper should be permitted to carry on
his depredations; that his audacious encroachments on the rights
and happiness of the suffering people of colour should, for a
moment, be tolerated. We hope our feelings on this subject, will
not be considered as the offspring of misguided zeal. Every one
in whose heart the pulse of benevolence beats, whose sentiments
are not degraded beneath the dignity of man _must feel_ on this
occasion; he must be sensible of the deep crime which the
kidnapper commits against the laws of his country, and the
violent nature of his trespass on the dearest rights of humanity.
The man of colour whom our country has declared _free_; around
whose liberty the law has thrown its protecting arms, in defiance
of the voice of that country and that law, is torn from his
family by the midnight robber, and transported to the mournful
regions of perpetual slavery, while his wife and his little ones
are left to struggle alone, in poverty, for the bread of mere
existence. This is a melancholy but a faithful picture of the
miseries occasioned by the detestable kidnapper. Let us exert our
best faculties for the purpose of eradicating such evils. Those
societies who form the line of demarcation between the states in
which slavery has been partially or totally abolished, and those
in which it is unconditionally maintained, are particularly and
earnestly requested to use all their vigilance for the detection
of kidnappers and the suppression of those crimes. We do not mean
to say that any deficiency, in proper zeal, has been manifested
by those societies, we rather wish to speak the language of
encouragement.

We observe with satisfaction the continued care, of several
societies, in the great task of education. We hope there is not a
single member of any one of our societies who does not perceive
the importance of it. To make men happy in themselves and useful
to society it is not necessary that they be taught the abstruse
sciences, but it is indispensibly requisite that they be
qualified to form a correct estimate of those powers, and to
exercise those faculties which the Great Creator of man has been
pleased to intrust to their care. The Abolition Societies may be
regarded as the paternal protectors and friends of the people of
colour. They have undertaken that task, and it is their duty to
persevere in their labours, to hold out to the end in their good
work. Although liberty be a blessing, when we obtain the freedom
of the slave our work is not completed. It then becomes our
peculiar charge to endeavour to teach the enfranchised man how to
value, and how to employ the privileges which have fallen to his
lot. This noble task is rapidly progressing in some societies,
and we seriously and affectionately invite others to imitate
their benevolent efforts. Lancaster's plan of instruction seems
admirably adapted for the communication of the rudiments of
literature, we hope there are, in all our societies, some
individuals whose condition of life will allow them leisure, and
whose virtue will animate them to persevering efforts in the
blessed task of instructing the forlorn, and in some places, we
may say almost friendless people of colour. Let them be taught to
read and they will be introduced to a knowledge of the
scriptures, those sacred repositories of moral and divine truth;
let them be taught the elementary branches of arithmetic which
will prepare them for the common concerns of life.

We rejoice with you that our national Government has had the
wisdom and humanity, to embrace the first constitutional
opportunity afforded, to pass a law which entirely prohibits our
citizens from foreign traffic in human flesh. We hope our hearts
are not without sentiments of sincere gratitude to the great
disposer of events for that signal blessing. But we have to
sympathize with nearly a million of human beings who are subject
to the bonds of slavery within the United States, we have yet to
mourn over this dishonour of our country. The progress of truth,
or correct opinion of right has accomplished great ends, but much
remains to be done. Domestic slavery is a national crime; a
crime which is calculated to excite in the man of upright
sentiments, serious and awful apprehensions of the final
consequences of its continuance. It is our duty to employ the pen
and the press for the dissemination of such arguments as shall
convince our countrymen of the injustice and impolicy of such
slavery. The man whose mind is clouded by prejudice, while his
heart is hardened by selfish considerations, must have truth
frequently repeated, and presented under various aspects, before
his errors can be corrected, his prejudices subdued, and the
noble feelings of philanthropy excited in his breast. This is a
constant, an arduous, but not a hopeless duty. We therefore
recommend the frequent publication of extracts from celebrated
works, or original essays, tending to establish the justice and
policy of gradual and general emancipation.

One society has informed us that a committee of its members held
a satisfactory conference with the blacks and other people of
colour. We think such conferences, under the direction of
discreet men, may have a beneficial influence on the minds of the
blacks, we again recommend the subject to your attention. In such
meetings the advice of former Conventions may be renewed, and, we
think, the necessity of legal marriages, honesty in their
dealings, and the importance of religious instruction should be
impressively urged upon them.

We learn that Thomas Clarkson's history of the abolition of the
slave trade, which has been reprinted in Philadelphia, is now
published for the emolument of its author. When we consider the
value of this work to the cause of emancipation, the
indefatigable zeal of that powerful and benevolent advocate for
the rights of the Africans, and his great expense in the
performance of his labours, we think ourselves bound in duty, to
contribute our aid for the general circulation of his interesting
history. We therefore earnestly recommend that work to your
patronage, and we hope you will cheerfully employ such means, as
you may think effectual for promoting its sale.[12]

_To Society for promoting abolition._

IN discharging the customary duty of addressing you, we have
great satisfaction in stating, that the business of the
Convention has been conducted, throughout, with the utmost
cordiality.

We cannot, however, forbear the expression of our sincere regret,
that so few societies have been represented in this Convention.
When we contemplate the interesting magnitude of the cause in
which we have unitedly and voluntarily embarked--when we consider
the solid and obvious advantages, which have hitherto been
derived, to the friends of humanity, from a free and personal
interchange of opinion and from unison of action, we confidently
trust that trifling impediments will not be suffered to interpose
in the fulfilment of our duty. We therefore, in that freedom
which becomes the advocates of truth and justice, do most
earnestly and affectionately recommend a more zealous attention
to this important point, in order that the succeeding Convention
may be more fully attended. Much has been accomplished, but, when
we remember that it has been officially announced by the late
census that nearly twelve hundred thousand of our fellow beings
remain in a state of abject bondage in our deluded country, it
surely will not, cannot be denied, that much, very much, remains
yet to be done. You have put your hands to the plough--look not
back till ye shall have accomplished the end. You have commenced
the wrestling, cease not your hold till ye shall have obtained
the prize.

While against the oppressor, we plead the cause of the
oppressed--While we invite the unhappy slave to a patient and
Christian submission to his condition--and urge on his legalized
master a humane exercise of his power--While we feel ourselves
bound, by all honourable and lawful means, to protect those whom
the laws have enfranchised, from being again dragged into
slavery--let us not forget how much depends on the careful
instruction of all who are free. Without this our labour will be
but very partially accomplished. This great object, so important
to ourselves, as members of those who are the subjects of our
care; and the Convention have learned, with heart-felt
satisfaction, that it is proposed, by the people of colour in New
York, to raise a fund among themselves, for the instruction of
their orphan children. This circumstance, while it proves an
honourable testimony to the persevering zeal of the New-York
Manumission Society, reflects great credit on the blacks
themselves; and we hope the example will not be without
beneficial effects elsewhere. Could such of these people as have
it in their power, be persuaded to apply a part of their surplus
earnings to the establishment of similar funds, instead, as is
unhappily the case in too many instances, of spending their money
in courses which prove injurious to their health and morals, not
only their race, but the community at large, would from such
meritorious efforts speedily reap the most unequivocal
advantages.

It appears that, in defiance of the laws already provided to
interdict the inhuman practice, and notwithstanding the enormity
of the offence in itself, men are yet found, so lost to justice
and the tender feeling of humanity, as to be guilty of carrying
free blacks from some of the states, and selling them as slaves
in others. We, therefore, recommend renewed vigilance to detect
and prosecute these hardened transgressors--and that, whenever
the laws are found to be defective, or insufficient to the
correction of the evil, application be made, to the constituted
authorities, for such amendments, and alterations as may be
necessary and effectual; that our country may be purged of this
most grievous iniquity.

The Pennsylvania Society accompanied their address to the
Convention with some very interesting documents, which were
transmitted to them by the African Institution in London, part of
which it is proposed to publish in the form of an appendix to our
printed minutes, in order that the information which it contains
may be more generally diffused. The Convention have not, at this
time, deemed it necessary or expedient, to take any further order
on this subject. Were the laws of the general government, in
relation to the slave trade, duly and faithfully executed, it is
believed they would put an end to this inhuman traffic, which, to
the disgrace of some of our citizens, it is but too evident they
have been carrying on under the protection and cover of foreign
flags. We invite you to a careful perusal of these documents.
They contain the evidence of a mass of iniquity, the development
of which cannot but excite the indignation of every feeling mind.

You will perceive, by the minutes of our proceedings, that the
friends of humanity have gained an accession to their cause in
the establishment of an Abolition Society in Kentucky. We trust
their labours will be blessed with success, and that this dawn of
light will burst into a more perfect day on our brethren of the
southern states, casting its cheering and benign influence alike
on all; that the ensanguined lash of the task master, and the
cries of the slave, may no longer appal the ear and sicken the
heart, in this boasted land of mercy and equal rights.[13]

The Committee appointed to draft an address to the several
Abolition, Manumission, &c. Societies in the United
States--reported an essay, which was read, considered by
paragraphs, and adopted, as follows:--

_To the various Societies instituted to promote the Abolition of
Slavery in the United States, or to protect the rights and
improve the condition of the People of Color._

The American Convention of delegates from Societies, associated
in various parts of our country, to promote the abolition of
slavery and improve the condition of the African race, convened
in Philadelphia, having harmoniously transacted its important
concerns, address you at this time with increased interest for
the success of the cause they have espoused; firmly relying on
the Divine Being for a blessing on their feeble efforts to
promote the cause of justice and mercy.

The communications forwarded to the Convention at this time,
fully evince that the cause of emancipation continues to advance,
and that even in the strongholds of slavery the friends of the
oppressed slave are fast increasing in numbers. Our fellow
citizens of the south and west are becoming more and more
awakened to a sense of the evil, injustice, and impolicy of
slavery; and we firmly trust that those who have engaged in the
benevolent work of "restoring liberty to the captive, and to let
the oppressed go free," will not look back with discouragement at
the long period this cruelty has prevailed, but continue to press
forward with increased energy to the goal they have set before
them, the complete and final abolition of slavery within the
United States. To promote this desirable object we know of no
measures more efficient than the formation of anti-slavery
associations, particularly in situations where the evils of
slavery prevail; for experience has fully proved that a
combination of effort has often effected that which individual
exertion has attempted in vain. The dissemination of useful works
and tracts on the subject of slavery, cannot but have a powerful
effect in enlightening the public mind on this awfully
interesting subject. The Convention would particularly recommend
the following works to your special attention--viz: Clarkson's
Abolition of the Slave Trade, abridged by Evan Lewis; Clarkson's
Thoughts on Slavery; Laws of the State of Pennsylvania, passed
1780; Tract on Slavery, published by the Tract Association of
Friends in Philadelphia; Hodgson's Letter to J. B. Say, on the
comparative productiveness of Free and Slave Labor; and a work
now preparing for publication in this city, entitled, A Sketch of
the Laws in relation to Slavery in the United States, by George
M. Stroud. They also recommend that each Anti-Slavery Society
subscribe, and promote subscriptions among their members and
others, for the Genius of Universal Emancipation, edited by
Benjamin Lundy, of Baltimore; and to the African Observer, a
periodical work published in Philadelphia, by Enoch Lewis; and
the Freedom's Journal, a weekly paper published at New York, by
John B. Russwurm, a person of color. All these works we believe
are well conducted, and will be powerful aids to the cause of
liberty and justice.

As an incipient step to the abolition of slavery, we earnestly
recommend that immediate application be made to the Legislature
of states where slavery exists, to prohibit the sale of slaves
out of the state. The traffic which is thus carried on from state
to state, is fruitful of evil consequences, not only depraving
the minds of those engaged in it, but producing the most cruel
separations of near connexions, and depriving its victims of
almost every incentive to conjugal fidelity or correctness of
conduct. Perhaps next in importance in meliorating the condition
of the slaves, is the adoption of regulations for their religious
instruction, and the education of their children.

The condition of the free people of color in the United States
has claimed our attention, and we earnestly recommend to the
several societies, not only to use their endeavors to protect
them in their just rights, but to use every means in their power
to elevate them in the scale of society, by affording them and
their children the means of literary instruction. And as the
first day of the week is too frequently spent by them in
dissipation, we would suggest the formation of associations
wherever practicable, for the establishment of first day or
Sunday schools for their benefit, as well as schools on the other
days of the week. The degraded condition of this class of men
ought to call forth our regret and sympathy; being precluded from
pursuing the lucrative employments of life, it is much to be
desired that more of them than have heretofore been permitted may
be instructed in handicraft trades, and employed in manufactures.

You will observe, by our minutes, that the Convention has again
addressed Congress, on the important subject of the abolition of
slavery in the District of Columbia, and the restriction of the
further introduction of slaves into the Territory of Florida; and
we hope our application will be supported by addresses from other
bodies of our constituents. The Convention believes that if the
advocates of freedom persevere in endeavoring to enlighten the
public mind on this all important subject, that the time is not
far distant when a triumph will be obtained over the strong
prejudice and delusion which has so long continued, and the cause
of justice and humanity will finally prevail.

The Convention fervently desires that all who have put their
hands to this great work may really deserve the epithet of
"Saints," which in irony has been reproachfully cast upon them;
and by their energy, prudence, and moderation, convince their
opponents they have been mistaken in their characters and
conduct. And we confidently hope that the blessing of that
Almighty Being, who equally regards the bond and the free, will
crown your righteous labor with success.[14]

_To the various Anti-Slavery Societies in the United States._

The American Convention, for promoting the abolition of slavery,
and improving the condition of the African race, feeling desirous
to encourage every measure that may have a tendency to aid this
deeply injured people, and to relieve our country from the many
evils inseparably connected with the system of individual
oppression, take the liberty to address you upon the present
occasion. And in the performance of this task, we are
particularly solicitous to draw your attention to the subject of
the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia--a subject
which we view as highly important, especially at the present
moment, and deserving your most serious consideration.

When we reflect that the government of this District emanates
from the Congress of the United States--that the power to
regulate its political and municipal concerns is solely vested in
that body--that the people of every State must share the honor or
opprobium attending the course of conduct pursued by the
authorities in the administration of its local government--and
that the whole Union must be measurably responsible for the
consequence resulting therefrom--when we take this view of the
subject, we ought not for a moment to hesitate in appealing to
the friends of humanity in every section of the country, and
urging them to use all lawful and just means, within their reach,
to limit, and finally to eradicate the demoralizing and
corrupting system of slavery, which is yet upheld and tolerated
there.

We will not enter into a minute detail of the many advantages
that would result to the nation, either morally or politically,
from the abolition of slavery, in the District aforesaid.--But we
feel it an imperious duty to state, that in our opinion it would
be attended with the most salutary effects on other portions of
the Union, the _influence_ of which would be incalculable. Under
the present regulations, that distinguished spot on which is
erected the sacred Fane of republican Freedom, is not only
polluted by the galling shackle and the iron rod of oppression,
but is absolutely converted into a great depository for the
purchase and sale of human beings. The demoralizing effect which
this must produce on the minds of many who become familiarized
with it, and the odium which it attaches to us, in the estimation
of enlightened foreigners, many of whom are constant witnesses
thereof, must inevitably sap the foundation of our free
institutions, and degrade our national character in the eyes of
the world. This, we conceive, (to say nothing of the injustice of
slavery and its concomitants,) should be a sufficient incentive
to action--a sufficient inducement to labor in the holy cause of
emancipation.

We are aware that it has been asserted, even on the floor of
Congress, that we should wait until the people of that District
themselves demand the abolition of the system of slavery. This
doctrine we conceive to be fallacious. _The people there are not
exclusively responsible for the national disgrace and criminality
attending it._ The United States government, and of course, the
people in every section of the Union, must bear the odium and
meet the consequences:--and if so, it follows, that they have a
perfect right to avert the same, by such just and legal means as
their wisdom may point out, and their judgment select. But a
portion of the people of that District _are_ now demanding the
eradication of the evil in question. Societies for the abolition
of slavery have been organized among them; and they have
protested against the continuance of the cruel and disgraceful
practice. Let, then, the voice of their brethren elsewhere, be
heard in unison with theirs. Let a strong appeal be made to the
justice of the nation, that the constituted authorities may be
induced to take up the subject, and bestow upon it that care
which its importance imperiously requires.

To facilitate the accomplishment of this purpose, we would advise
and recommend, that petitions and memorials be circulated by all
the anti-slavery societies in each of the States and territories,
for the signature of the citizens at large, and that they be
forwarded to Congress by the Representatives, with instructions
to lay them before that body, at an early day.

The Committee appointed to consider on and report what measures,
&c. made the following report.

_To the American Convention for promoting the Abolition of
Slavery, &c._

The Committee appointed "to consider of and report what measures
are necessary to be taken to promote the Abolition of the
Domestic Slave Trade, and to protect free persons of color from
being kidnapped, and whether any regulations might be adopted to
prevent their being carried off in steam boats, stages, and
coasting vessels," Report, that although in their opinion the
intimate connexion existing between the Domestic Slave Trade and
the system of slavery generally, precludes the expectation of
applying a very efficient check to the one, except by a reduction
of the other, yet they indulge the hope that the united influence
of the several Abolition and Anti-Slavery Societies throughout
the Union, directed to memorializing Congress, might procure some
wholesome restraint upon a traffick fraught with such aggravated
evil, and productive of such complicated misery.

In relation to the other subject submitted to them, viz. "the
protection of free persons of color against kidnappers," the
Committee are of opinion that the existing laws appear to be
amply sufficient, if properly executed. They have, therefore, no
other measures to recommend than the less obtrusive, but
persevering exertions, of the several associations now formed,
and which may be hereafter instituted, in the different sections
of our country.

On behalf of the Committee,

DAVID SCHOLFIELD, _Chairman_.[15]

_To the Abolition, Manumission, and Anti-Slavery Societies in the
United States of America._

FELLOW LABORERS.--In reviewing the labors of the several
Anti-Slavery Societies in the United States, there is much to
cheer and gratify us. In looking over the different sections of
our extended country, we find the cause of truth and humanity has
slowly, but regularly advanced, in the minds of our fellow
citizens generally. And we think nothing remains but perseverance
in presenting the subject of slavery in its native deformity and
its hideous aspect, to convince its advocates of their error, and
to overcome all the opposition which can be arrayed against us.
We are satisfied that to the perseverance of its advocates alone,
we are indebted in a considerable degree for the change of
opinion in the Northern, Middle, and some of the Western States:
and we sincerely hope that a similar change will be ultimately
made in the southern sections of our county. Let us never relax
in our exertions to promote the emancipation, and meliorate the
condition of slaves, till every human being in these United
States shall equally enjoy, all the blessings of our free
Institutions. How can we feel apathy or indifference while we can
almost see from the windows of the room in which we are now
deliberating, a receptacle for slaves, in which they are thrust,
manacled and bound, all ready to ship by their avaricious owner
in the first vessel whose master or owners are as hard hearted
and unprincipled as himself! Yes! A dungeon, the horrors of which
has called forth deep emotions of regret from all who are
permitted to see the misery and wretchedness of its inmates, and
particularly the tears and great agitation of a benevolent aged
stranger, who, in visiting this country, which has always
professed "That all men are by nature, and of right ought to be
free," was surprised and shocked to find in the precincts of one
of the most professedly enlightened and patriotic cities in the
Union, a storehouse of human flesh!

Slavery in whatever point of light considered, is a revolting
subject, repugnant to the best feelings of our nature, as
inconsistent with the rights and happiness of man. We therefore,
urge the respective Societies to renewed exertions, in behalf of
our colored population, and to petition Congress to abolish
Slavery in the District of Columbia, and also to prevent its
further extension in the territories of the United States.

Deeply injured as they have been by the whites, the colored
people certainly claim from us some degree of retributive
justice; we would, therefore, at this time particularly and
earnestly recommend to the renewed attention of all the
Abolition, Manumission and Anti-Slavery Societies in this
country, the all-important subject of giving the colored children
literary instruction, and placing them as apprentices to useful
trades.

For, unquestionably, the most efficient means of promoting the
moral improvement of this degraded portion of the human family is
the institution of schools. And it must be obvious to every
thinking mind, that a portion of education will be absolutely
necessary to prepare the slave for the enjoyment of freedom; and
such has been the happy influence of it on the scholars in the
New York African Free School, that the Trustees in that city,
state, that no scholar who has been regularly educated in their
school, has ever been convicted of crime in any of their courts
of justice. We have no doubt that if similar means were used in
other places, the like happy result would be obtained. And it is
equally certain, that facts like these do more to obliterate idle
prejudice than all abstract reasoning on the subject.

The Convention have been highly pleased at this time by the
exhibition of some handsome specimens of the skill and talent of
some of the boys in the African school under the charge of
_Charles C. Andrews_, in New York; creditable alike to the
Teacher and the scholar. For a more particular description of
these articles, we refer to page 20 of the minutes of this
Convention.

We again call your attention to the following extract from our
Address last year, particularly applicable to the present
subject.

"As an incipient step to the Abolition of Slavery, we earnestly
recommend, that immediate application be made to the Legislatures
of States where Slavery exists, to prohibit the sale of slaves
out of the state. The traffic which is thus carried on from state
to state, is fruitful of evil consequences, not only depraving
the minds of those engaged in it, but producing the most cruel
separation of near connexions, and depriving its victims of
almost every incentive to conjugal fidelity or correctness of
conduct. Perhaps next in importance in meliorating the condition
of slaves, is the adoption of regulations for their religious
instruction, and the education of their children."

"And while the members of the several Societies are laboring in
the good work of universal emancipation, the Convention would
particularly urge them to use all suitable endeavours, mildly
yet earnestly, to prevail upon slave holders to consider the
injustice and impolicy of tolerating Slavery; and prevail, if
possible, upon such individuals, to fall into some plan for its
gradual and entire abolition in our otherwise free and favoured
country."

We conclude with exhorting all those who are engaged with us in
this important cause, to persevere, with the hope and confidence,
that although our progress may be apparently slow, and our
prospects sometimes appear discouraging, conformably to the
dispensations of a Gracious Providence, truth and justice must,
and will ultimately prevail.

All of which is respectfully submitted.

EDMUND HAVILAND, _Chairman_.[16]

_To the Manumission, Anti-Slavery Societies, &c, throughout the
United States._

FELLOW CITIZENS,--The American Convention for promoting the
Abolition of Slavery, &c. now sitting at Washington, in the
District of Columbia, having seriously taken into consideration
the state of slavery in the said district, and in the United
States generally, and viewed what furtherance the cause of
freedom has received for some time past, are decidedly of
opinion, that increasing efforts are at this time, emphatically
called for, on the part of those who really think that "all men
are created free and equal."

Memorial after memorial has been presented to Congress, but as
yet they have produced but little visible effect. Small progress
has been made towards abolishing slavery at the seat of our
National Government. It has been a subject of much reflection
what measures would be most likely to accomplish the grand object
of our labours; and we would suggest whether greater success
would not be likely to crown our efforts, by more widely
disseminating a knowledge of the objects and principles of the
different Anti-Slavery Societies throughout the Union. The
subject has been referred at this session of our Acting
Committee, but our funds are too limited to act as extensively as
the great importance of the object requires. It is believed that
a very large portion of the citizens of the United States are
favorable to the emancipation of the people of colour, if it
could be done upon legitimate principles, without infringing
upon the rights of individuals or endangering the safety of the
community; and if the dissemination of our principles was more
generally attended to, co-adjuting societies would doubtless
increase, and this Convention eventually become a body so
numerous and respectable, that the National Government would not
withhold its attention.

The proper education of the African race should form a prominent
feature in all our efforts. It is with much gratification we are
enabled to state that the address from New York, mentions a
continued advancement in the literary improvement of the coloured
children, and that from Philadelphia holds out the prospect of
the establishment of a school for teaching them the higher
branches of an English education and thus enabling them to act as
teachers of their own isolated race. To break up the fallow
ground, to sow the seed, and rear the tender plants of virtue in
this degraded people, should be the wish of every heart and the
effort of every hand. Let us establish schools, instruct the
children, and show to the world that the mind of the African is
not a soil where genius sickens and every virtue dies.

When we reflect that man is a being whose own interest generally
forms the alpha and omega, beginning and end of life, a centre
around which every passion and affection of his heart revolves, a
boundary beyond which he seldom ventures, we are rather
encouraged at the progress of our cause, than deterred by the
magnitude of the work to be yet accomplished. Have not thousands
been liberated, and the condition of tens of thousands improved?
We believe there is a secret fire enkindled in the public bosom
which will never be extinguished, until liberty be given to the
captive and freedom to the oppressed. But this glorious principle
needs to be encouraged and kept alive by the increasing efforts
of its friends, to show to the world that they themselves are not
weary of well-doing. Prejudices imbibed in youth and strengthened
by age are to be broken down, and many an objection to be
overcome.

In conclusion we would remark that although much censure has been
cast upon us, we are renewedly convinced of the goodness and the
justice of our cause. Let us exhort you to a patient continuance
in your labours; and "the bread cast upon the waters, shall be
found after many days."[17]

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Minutes of the Proceedings of a Convention of Delegates from the Abolition Societies, 1794, pp. 18-21.

[2] Minutes of the Proceedings of a Convention of Delegates from the Abolition Societies, 1795, pp. 26-31.

[3] Minutes of the Proceedings of a Convention of Delegates from the Abolition Societies, 1796, pp. 23-25.

[4] Minutes of the Proceedings of a Convention of Delegates from the Abolition Societies, 1796, p. 28.

[5] Minutes of the Proceedings of a Convention of Delegates from the Abolition Societies, 1797, pp. 22-25.

[6] Minutes of the Proceedings of a Convention of Delegates from the Abolition Societies, 1798, pp. 15-20.

[7] Minutes of the Proceedings of a Convention of Delegates from the Abolition Societies, 1800, pp. 20-23.

[8] Minutes of the Proceedings of a Convention of Delegates from the Abolition Societies, 1801, pp. 42-46.

[9] Minutes of the Proceedings of a Convention of Delegates from the Abolition Societies, 1803, pp. 29-34.

[10] Minutes of the Proceedings of a Convention of Delegates from the Abolition Societies, 1804, pp. 35-39.

[11] Minutes of Proceedings of Tenth American Convention for the Abolition of Slavery, 1805, pp. 26-35.

[12] Minutes of the Proceedings of the Twelfth American Convention for promoting the Abolition of Slavery and improving the condition of the African Race Assembled at Philadelphia, 1809, pp. 26-31.

[13] Minutes of the Proceedings of a Convention of Delegates from the Abolition Societies, 1812, pp. 25-28.

[14] Minutes of the Proceedings of a Convention of Delegates from the Abolition Societies, 1827, pp. 20-22.

[15] Minutes of the Proceedings of a Convention of Delegates from the Abolition Societies, 1827, pp. 22-25.

[16] Minutes of the Proceedings of a Convention of Delegates from the Abolition Societies, 1828, pp. 28-30.

[17] Minutes of the Proceedings of a Convention of Delegates from the Abolition Societies, 1829, pp. 19-21.

CORRESPONDENCE

245 WEST 139TH ST.,
NEW YORK CITY,
January 11, 1920.

CARTER G. WOODSON, Ph.D.,
Editor, THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY,
Washington, D. C.

_Dear Sir_:

In the January, 1920, number of _The Journal of Negro History_ there is an affidavit of Kelly Miller and Whitefield McKinlay to the effect that Mr. Cardoza, at one time secretary of State for South Carolina, stated to them that a number of colored men met and appointed a committee which was sent to Washington to get the advice of Charles Sumner and Thaddeus Stevens concerning the formation of the political organization for the newly enfranchised Negro shortly after the adoption of the 14th Amendment, pains being taken to keep the plans from both the native whites and the so-called carpet-baggers from the North, and that both Mr. Sumner and Mr. Stevens advised the committee to tender the leadership to native whites of the master class of conservative views, but that the plan was frustrated because they were unable to secure the consent of desired representatives of the former class to assume the proffered leadership.

I accept the fact that Mr. Cardoza made the statement as sworn to by Prof. Miller and Mr. McKinlay, but I must state with all of the emphasis that is possible that it is inconceivable to me how Mr. Sumner or Mr. Stevens could give such advice that would give the leadership of the newly enfranchised Negroes to native whites of the master class, however conservative. All rebels were alike to Mr. Sumner and Mr. Stevens. No reference to conservative men of the master class will be found in the speeches or writings of either one.

I have read the speeches of both men on the Reconstruction measures as published in the _Congressional Globe_ and I have failed to find one word uttered by either one that would lead me to believe that they would give the advice as stated in the affidavit. Both men held radical views as to reconstruction plans for the rebel States and were chiefly instrumental in having the Reconstruction Acts and the 14th Amendment passed. If it had not been for their untiring and persistent efforts, especially of Mr. Stevens, who practically dominated the House of Representatives from 1861 to the date of his death, I venture the assertion that the Reconstruction Acts and the 14th Amendment as passed could not have been passed.

It is possible that there were Negroes in South Carolina who had never felt the lash of the master class who were willing to curry favor with that class, regardless of the gratitude due the Northern men, white and colored, but I do not believe that the Northern Negroes (R. B. Elliott, Judge Wright, Judge Whipper, Henry W. Purvis, S. A. Swails, Dr. B. A. Bosemon, R. H. Gleaves, B. F. Randolph and others) would have deserted their Northern brethren, nor do I believe that the great men of the Republican Party (Conkling, Fessenden, Wade, Morton, Weed, Seward, Stanton, Chase, Boutwell, Washburne, Blaine, Sherman, Schurz, Phelps, Morrill, Bingham, Henry Wilson, Hoar and others) would have stood for the consummation of such a plan. I am sure, from what I knew of the Negroes of South Carolina, that they would have rebelled against the plan. If any committee went on to Washington it is possible that the members suggested the plan to Mr. Sumner and Mr. Stevens, but for them to advise along that line, a thousand times, no.

Everything done by Mr. Sumner and Mr. Stevens was done openly and above board and if they had given the advice as stated in the affidavit they would have had the courage of their convictions to have stated so publicly. It was not in their nature to play the cards from under the table.

Mr. Stevens, who was the author of the Reconstruction Act and most of the Reconstruction measures, ranking next to Alexander Hamilton as a constructive statesman, had embodied in the Act an oath that would have precluded men of the former master class, radical or conservative, from having anything to do with the Reconstruction legislation for the former rebel States. They could not register; therefore, they could not vote nor hold office until all of the provisions of the Reconstruction Acts, including the ratification of the 14th Amendment, were complied with, and their political disabilities removed. Practically all of the "cracker" element or "poor buckra" as designated by the Negroes could vote but the statement does not include that element.

The Republican Party was organized in South Carolina in July, 1867, and Northern men, white and colored, took an active part in the deliberations, R. H. Gleaves, a Northern Negro, being the President of the convention.

The Constitutional Convention met in Charleston, January 14, 1868, the Northern men practically dominating the proceedings, and before adjournment a State ticket was nominated. R. K. Scott, a Northern white man, was nominated for Governor. There were other white men (Northern) on the ticket. The Governor and Lieutenant-Governor were elected for two years and the other State officers for four years. This would indicate that the Northern men held the situation well in hand.

The South Carolina legislature under the Constitution of 1865, refused to ratify the proposed 14th Amendment on December 20, 1866. This legislature was composed of Democrats, all of the master class, conservative and radical, and in view of this it is incomprehensible to me how intelligent Negroes could have thought of tendering the leadership to any men of the master class. The conditions were such that men of the master class could not have accepted the leadership had they so desired after repudiating the 14th Amendment.

I have read Rhodes, Dunning, Burgess, Hart, Hollis, Pike, and Schouler, on Reconstruction, also S. W. McCall's _Biography of Thaddeus Stevens_, E. B. Callender's _Thaddeus Stevens, the Commoner_, and E. L. Pierce's _Memoirs and Letters of Charles Sumner_, and cannot find anything that would indicate that either Mr. Sumner or Mr. Stevens would give the advice as stated in the affidavit.

When Mr. Stevens introduced the proposed 14th Amendment it contained the following section: