Chapter IV: Part 4

Note 43. "In the year 1892, Rizal being in Manila, recently arrived from Europe, several people of the country were gathered together, among them Andres Bonifacio, Numeriano Adriano, Timoteo Paez and Estanislao Legaspi, in a wooden house in calle Dulumbayan, were a society known as the "Liga Filipina" was founded." Testimony of Valentin Diaz, native of Panay, Ilocos Norte.

"In May or June 1892 Jose Rizal reached Manila; and encharged by him, Paez and Serrano invited a large number of persons to gather on a certain day ... in the house of Doroteo Ongjungco where Rizal manifested to those present, among whom was the witness, that it was necessary to form an association which should be called the "Liga Filipina", the object and of which should be the attainment of the separation of these islands from Spain." Moises Salvador y Francisco (fols. 1,296-1,299).

"The reunion was called by Rizal, and the witness was invited by Timoteo Paez, who conducted him to the house of Doroteo Ongjungco.... That Jose Rizal addressed those present, manifesting the convenience of establishing an association under the name of the "Liga Filipina" with the object of collecting funds by different means, to the end of securing opportunely the independence of these islands".... Testimony of Domingo Franco y Tuason (fols. 1299-1303).

Note 44. It was not the aim which Rizal had in his mind, of delivering his country from disabilities but the manner in which he set to work to accomplish that end, to which objection must be raised. When a people suffer under the oppression of its rulers, all the world admires the man who rises to throw off the hateful yoke. But when the oppression is imaginary and when the so-called hero is but a marionette in the hands of political schemers who seek their own advantage under the shelter of a pretence to throw off a yoke which does not exist, one cannot admire the part played by the deluded "tool". The emancipation from the mother-country was the key-note of the revolt. It was the aim of the Filipino freemasons, of the Liga Filipina, of the Compromisarios and of the Katipunan.

Note 45. Rizal was deported to Dapitan, in the island of Mindanao, by decree of Governor Despujols, part of which has been quoted in note 42. The decree goes on to say that, by reason of the fact that "the veil under which, up this present, he has succeeded in hiding his true intentions has been torn asunder," ... "that he adduces no other defence but useless denials, having recourse to throwing the blame of the discovery of the leaflets upon his own sister (see page 99)...."

"In fulfillment of the high duties which devolve upon me as your General and Vice Royal Patron ... I decree the following:..."

"1st: that Jose Rizal shall be deported to one of the islands of the south...."

"The responsibility of these vigorous measures which a painful duty imposes upon me, falls entirely upon those who by their imprudent aims and ungrateful proceedings come to disturb the paternal cares of this general government making the ordinate march of Philippine progress the more difficult." [41]

"Manila, 7th July 1892.--Despujols.

Note 46. "In the month of April 1893, upon the initiative and invitation Juan Zulueta, now dead, and of Deodato Arellano, cousin of Marcelo del Pilar, a new gathering was called in the house of Deodato Arellano, with the object of establishing anew the Liga Filipina under the same bases and for the same ends...."

Note 47. The determinate ends of the separatists have already been spoken of in note 3, which see.

Note 48. See note 102.

Note 49. "The object of the society (the Liga) is the establishment of shops, workshops, businesses, industries and even a bank if possible, with the end in view of collecting funds for an armed rising."--Testimony of Juan Dizon Matanza, (fols. 1,132-1,138.)

Note 50. The ceremonies practiced by the Liga differed but little from those practiced by the Katipunan. The chief difference lay in the fact that the ceremonial of the Katipunan partook more of the grotesque, of the absurd, of paganism.

Pio Valenzuela in recounting the forms and ceremonies practiced upon his initiation, said:

"Once in the house [42], they spoke of many things, en resume, that the aim of the association was to obtain the independence of the Philippines, oppressed and enslaved by the Spaniards. Placing, later on, a dagger at his breast, they obliged him to throw himself upon it, a thing which the witness could not pluck up courage enough to do; whereupon they placed it in his hand, leading him to a man whom he recognized to be seated, and ordered him (the witness) to strike him with the dagger, a thing which he dare not do either. He was then conducted into a room and addressed by a person he knew to be Bonifacio by the voice, who informed him that he could not retrace his steps because he knew of the existence of the society, but he could not assist at the juntas nor could they teach him the signs of recognition till he had been re-initiated; they moreover made him sign two sheets of blank paper, causing him to swear never to reveal the existence of the society to anyone, under the pain of assassination. They then removed the bandage which he was blindfolded and he saw around him eight or nine individuals dressed in cloaks and hoods; he signed the two sheets of paper and was again blindfolded and conducted to a considerable distance from the house where the bandage was again removed.

Another member of the Katipunan in his declaration made on the 22nd of September 1896, stated that during the month of February 1893, one Sunday morning, a certain Estanislao Legaspi entered his store, telling him to accompany him in a calesa. He listened to tirades against the Spanish Government till their arrival at the house of a certain Tranquilino Torres, in calle Elcano. Here "his eyes were bandaged by Legaspi and he was handed over to the care of another individual who conducted him to the upper story of the house and made him sit down; he then heard a person whom he knew to be Legaspi by his voice speak, saying several things against the Spanish Government, demanding of him an oath of blind obedience, and a defense of the Philippines till the shedding of the last drop of his blood, threatening him with fearful punishments if he should turn traitor. This ceremony being terminated, his eyes were unbound and he saw, on a table, a skull which they made him kiss, and Legaspi handed him a lance commanding him to wound himself in the arm; but he felt a feeling of faintheartedness come over him, and manifested to those present that he had not courage enough to wound himself and wished that the oath he had taken be enough; he was dispensed from the operation. When the bandage was removed the eight individuals composing the junta were masked with black hoods, but after he kissed the skull and attempted to wound himself they removed the hoods and he then recognized Estanislao Legaspi who presided, Mariano de Vera, Teodoro Plata and Juan de la Cruz who was a clerk of the Tabacalera, and who had led him upstairs; he did not know the other three. The witness paid two pesos as entrance fee promising to pay 50 cents monthly. He asked Legaspi what association it was, and he replied that it was the Liga Filipina."

In the daily report of the secret police department made to General Blanco on the 30th of June 1896, is the following notice:

"Herewith is given translated most faithfully from Tagalog, the result of an interview held with a well-to-do indian who belonged to the most popular of the masonic lodges, who tried to draw into it a friend. Questioned upon certain affairs, he said: "In the masonic lodges of San Juan del Monte and of Pandacan, the whole pueblo, rich and poor, is inscribed."

"In the reunions the brethren attend blind-folded, and the chiefs with the face covered."

"The person who desires to enter the lodge is obliged to have his face covered and his eyes bandaged in sign of blind obedience; the proofs are carried out and signature made as follows. The person receiving the initiated takes a dagger and gives it to him saying to him: do you swear to be steel like that which you hold in your hand and not to bend in the exigencies which oppress and vex us, and to labor in pro of the independence of your enslaved country? I swear answers the person to be initiated. Do you swear not to have father, mother, wife, child nor any relative but the revenging arm which shall sleep and live with you? I swear. They then surround him with arms of all classes and say to him: here is thy family, thy only work, and may it give thee thy life and open thy eyes for thy good of the country. They then make a small incision in the form of a cross in the right arm near the shoulder."

"At present our meetings are held at night and in the most lonely fields, with the object of not being surprised." ...................................................................

"It is well known among us masons that Rizal is attributed with the faculty of being able to translate his person instantaneously from one point to another." ...................................................................

Note 51. Juan Castaneda testified on the 21st of September 1896 before the Chief Inspector of the Corps of Vigilance that "he was recommended to make the greatest amount of propaganda possible, of Japanese ideas in the pueblo of Imus." The Japanese ideas here spoken of were those of the foundation of the Japanese protectorate.

Note 52. Money! money!! money!!! was the great cry in the majority of the masonic correspondence between the workers in Spain and those who had to supply the funds here. On the 8th of June 1892 Morayta wrote to bro. Panday-Pira informing him (a favorite custom of Morayta's) that what was wanted was "money to invite journalists (to dine or take a drink) and to pay articles in the papers." Morayta, probably with tears in his eyes, in ending his letter, heaves a sigh, whilst his fingers itching for the touch of gold, nervously clutch the pen which scrawls these words: "if we only had here a good administrator with funds then you would see how we should advance!"

On the 22nd of June 1892 the secretary of the Gr. Or. Esp. wrote to the same explaining how "in a few meetings, a couple of banquets and a few presents made at the right time" much could be accomplished.

Note 53. Rizal had money troubles previously with Pilar in Madrid (see note 39). The excessive earnest and zeal displayed at the time of the foundation of the Liga by Rizal died away on his deportation. This zeal was owing to the captivating manner in which the founder demonstrated to his audience the brilliant future to be attained by such an undertaking. Rizal had the advantage of a ready oratory and like Bonifacio, drew his hearers to his cause in spite of themselves. And then again, the same as in masonry, the association was secret, and its true end and aim were but whispered; and whilst many of the associated were laboring to assist, as they thought, in the fomentation of the culture and advancement of the country, they were in reality playing with the toy allotted to them by the society, whilst the chief members, those members best suited to be masons, as says the Gr. Sec. of the Gr. Or. Esp. [43], carried on the true work of the Liga. As in the lower degrees of any secret society, and of masonry in particular, the members are unaware of what is aimed at in the degrees to which they have not attained, to which all cannot attain, and the secrets of which are zealously guarded, so it was in the Liga.

Upon its re-establishment the Liga counted among its members several who aimed at the leadership. The absence of Rizal, deported to Dapitan, left open the door for unbridled ambition. Everyone wanted to be the head. This together with money troubles brought about considerable ill feeling between the absent founder and those continuing the work of the association. Rizal had so far kept up a continual secret communication with the Liga, thanks to the liberty allowed him by his keepers in Mindanao, who guarded him with scandalous carelessness; and thanks also to the emissaries sent to him from Manila in search of instructions and advice. The result of the ill-feeling thus brought about was the rupture in official relations between the Liga and its founder.

Note 54. See note 39.

Note 55. One of the facts clearly developed in the trials of those suspected of treason, was that the guilty ones had taken the utmost care not to leave behind them traces of their work. This was principally the case with Rizal and the other chief workers of the revolt, and of those who formed the association of Compromisarios.

Note 56. Both Pedro and Francisco Roxas were honorary councillors of the Administration. On the 19th of September 1896 Blanco published the following decrees:

"In as much as Sr. D. Francisco Roxas, honorary councillor of the Administration is found under process in the courts of law: in the use of the faculties in me invested, I decree that he cease from the exercise of his functions etc., etc."

And on the 30th of September the following:

"In as much as the Excellent Sr. D. Pedro P. Roxas, honorary councillor of the Administration has been found under process in the courts of law, for rebellion; in the use of my faculties, etc., etc."

Moises Salvador y Francisco testified (fols. 1138-1143) that "among the persons who sympathised with the cause and who aided it with their means for its realization, he remembered D. Pedro Roxas and D. Francisco Roxas ... (and others); and there existed in the provinces others whose names he could not remember."

Domingo Franco y Tuason testified on the 30th of September 1896 (fols. 1332-1337) that "in another of the several interviews he had with Francisco L. Roxas, he asked him if in the circle of his relations (with the association) he counted with persons who had offered to aid the objects and ends of the Liga. Sr. Roxas replied: Yes. And in proof thereof he drew from a drawer in his desk a record which he read, and among the names he read the witness remembered those of don P. Roxas and others."

When Francisco Roxas found himself in danger of arrest, he attempted to flee to Hong-Kong, but was captured on board the ship which was to carry him there. From the ship he was conducted under arrest to the Comendancia of the Veterana where he remained several days, at the end of which he was transferred to the Fort of Santiago.

Francisco was a millionaire who had received from Spain a name and reputation superior to his personal merits, and yet in spite of all that the mother-country had done for him in raising him up to a position to which he could never have attained without her aid, he was found to have placed himself in the vanguard of the bitterest enemies of his country. He was the director of the workings of separatism and was the chief provider of arms for the revolt, as was testified by innumerable witnesses. [44]

On the eve of his execution for treason Francisco penned the following abjuration:

"I, Francisco L. Roxas, on the eve of my death, in reparation for what in my words and actions may have offended my neighbor; for warning of others of my person and in order to satisfy my conscience, to the end that no one, and especially my children, fall into the net of freemasonry, or of any other secret society, all of which I detest and curse, and be not in a day to come ungrateful sons of our Mother Spain, beg pardon for all my faults and bad example."

"I die in the Holy Roman Catholic Apostolic faith in which I was born and educated in a christian manner. I admit all that she admits and condemn all that she condemns."

"This I sign with my own hand with entire liberty."

Jany. 10th 1897 in Manila, Royal Fort of Santiago.--F. L. Roxas:--Witnesses: Antonio Pardo and Felix Garcia.

On January 11th Gov. Gen. Polavieja telegraphed to Madrid as follows:

"Sentenced by council of War, to-day there have been executed (shot) twelve persons guilty of treason ... among them Francisco Roxas, Councillor of Administration; Nijaga, Lieut. of native infantry; Villaroel, Villareal, Moises Salvador and others."

Pedro Roxas was also a millionaire who inherited a good fortune, which, under the shelter of official protection multiplied considerably. Spain honored him with the grand cross of Isabela la Catolica. Like Francisco he was a Councillor of Administration. He possessed a large estate in Nasugbu which, when the revolt broke out, became an insurgent hornet's nest. There the rebels had a cannon, three falconettes and a large number of arms.

After having been deprived of his office by decree previously mentioned, Pedro Roxas secured in some way or other from Blanco, permission to go to Spain. On arrival at Singapore he landed and remained there. Later on he was defended in the Spanish Cortes by Sr. Romero Robledo [45]. In Manila, to those who could judge of the facts on the spot, this defence came as a thunderbolt. However, the Spanish paper El Correo in the issue of August 15th said:

"The conduct of Sr. Roxas results satisfactorily cleared, so that no doubt remains in respect to his complete disconnection with the revolt."

Among the separatist element Pedro Roxas was known as the Emperor Pedro I.

Note 57. Maximo M. A. Paterno was the father of the well known Pedro Paterno. Maximo was in his latter days the leading spirit of the celebrations held in honor of the amnesty proclaimed in 1900, by the late President McKinley. He died at the age of 76, just before the celebrations took place.

This amnesty celebration, like most things attempted by Filipinos alone, turned but a fiasco, the speeches which were to be delivered on the occasion not being in any way in keeping with the oath of allegiance taken by the speakers. The speeches contemplated were in advocation of practically the same thing as that for which the rebels had been keeping up an armed struggle, and so, when the U. S. Commission was invited by Pedro Paterno to be present thereat, it naturally was unable to accept the invitation.

The whole celebration was an abortive attempt on the part of its organizers to antagonize the Military and Civil authorities. Mr. Taft, as president of the Commission, at first accepted the invitation extended, supposing the speeches to be given, had been censored by the proper authorities, at that time the military; but on finding that this was not so, he declined in the name of the other members of the Commission, and thus avoided the unpleasantness of being present at a banquet at which both the Military and the Civil authorities would be insulted and the Government of the U. S. defied.

On the 28th of July 1900, the day of the banquet, Mr. Taft on behalf of his fellow Commissioners, addressed a letter to Pedro Paterno on the subject. See Appendix J.

Pedro Paterno was one of those who for a considerable time refused to take the oath of allegiance; with him were others, Mabini in particular.

Maximo Paterno had received from Spain the Cross of Knight of the Royal and American Order of Isabela La Catolica.

Note 58. And others: Among the names mentioned in many of the documents I have consulted on the subject of the trials of those guilty of treason, I have frequently come across those of Linjap (Mariano), Chidian (Telesforo), Yangco (Luis R.), and others. Of this latter Domingo Franco was asked during his trial, if Luis R. Yangco had assisted at any reunion of the compromisarios, to which he replied that he (Yangco) had not assisted at any session (fols. 1381-1382).

As I have already remarked in another note, many of those charged with complicity in the affairs of the revolt were latter on proved to be innocent. That considerable number of the wealthy natives and half-castes sympathised more or less with the idea of greater liberality in government, is undoubtedly true, but that they extended their sympathies to the aims of the hordes of cut-throats led by Bonifacio is absurd.

The leading Filipinos and many insular Spaniards sighed for privileges which the Government of Madrid did not deem well to concede. To bring pressure upon the Government some of these combined to support in the metropolis, some of their number who should keep up the work of agitation. This agitation however took a form displeasing to many, who thereupon ceased to lend it their aid and consent. But few of the leaders of the people, especially of the wealthy ones, desired to cut themselves adrift from Spain, and not till a few insignificant beings such as Aguinaldo, Bonifacio, Mabini, and Pilar (Pio del) and Buencamino came upon the scene did the idea of independence of the island really take form. A faint idea of such a thing as independence did exist formerly, but the enlightened Filipinos saw, only too clearly, the probable result.

The wealthy proprietors here cited, no doubt sympathised more or less with the Liga Filipina in its beginning, whilst it was under the complete control of its founder Rizal; but as the Liga lost the character given to it by Rizal, and underwent the change it did, it is only natural to suppose that many of its former supporters left it as they would a sinking ship. However the fact that they were identified with the original Liga seems to have been taken as a proof of their connection with the revolt. This is certainly the opinion expressed by Sr. Diaz.

Note 59. Mactan is the name of the island upon which Magallanes, the famous explorer, met his death at the hands of the savage hordes who at that time peopled the land. Names of places and persons associated with the disasters suffered by Spain, were greatly admired among the separatists. Surely Mactan, an island peopled by savages at the time of its chief notoriety, and Mayon, the site of a destructive volcano, are very suitable names to give to such centers as were the popular councils of Trozo and Sta. Cruz.

Note 60. On the 30th of August 1895, the Civil Governor of Batangas asked of the commander of the Guardia Civil of Lemery, information concerning "persons in the pueblo of Taal who were distinguished for their separatists opinions". The said commander replied that a report on all such persons would be unending, and proceeded to cite the case of Felipe Agoncillo to personify the said separatist element, as follows:

"Among the group of the chief ones and as chief of them, stands Felipe Agoncillo, proprietor and lawyer." He then goes on to explain how Agoncillo imposed his will upon every one in the pueblo, even upon the Municipality, no law or regulation sent even by the highest authorities going into force until it had been passed upon by him. "It would be difficult," says he, "for me to collect any perfect proof of his anti-Spanish tendencies which are, however, self-evident to the Spanish element of this province." This report, which was a sufficient warning of danger, was sent to the Gov. of Batangas on the 18th of September 1895. He immediately forwarded it to Gen. Blanco. About three months afterwards Blanco looked into the matter, circumstances demanding that some steps should be taken to preserve national honor; and he decided to deport six of the separatists as an example to the remainder. Of these six one was Agoncillo. This industrious filibuster had influential and watchful friends in Manila, who, upon seeing the turn things were taking, telegraphed him "Cafe en baja; fuera existencias." This was warning sufficient and Agoncillo accompanied by Ramon Atienza succeeded in escaping.

On the 14th of April the Japanese Mail Steamer Hiorine left Manila. On this steamer Agoncillo fled, hidden it is said, in a coal bunk. The Heraldo de Madrid of the 16th of September 1896, in speaking of the affair says: "Agoncillo gave the captain of the ship the sum of 350 pesos as gratification and on this account had placed at his disposal upon arrival at Kobe, a ship's boat, whilst the remaining passengers had to hire their transportation."

On the 2nd of May 1896, the secret police of Manila reported to Gen. Blanco, as follows:

"Notice is hereby given of the sailing for Japan of Felipe Agoncillo, property-owner of the province of Batangas, who goes to put himself at the disposition of the junta magna (in Japan), carrying with him some 80,000 pesos collected in Lipa, Taal and other pueblos, for the sustainment of anti-Spanish propaganda."

Like most of the leaders of the separatist campaign, Agoncillo was astute. He partook of that peculiar trait of the native character: a sharpness of perception, a cuteness which one not acquainted with the indian would take for intelligence. An Indian will often do something remarkable, but in spite of its appearance of being an extraordinary action, a result of a well thought out plan, it proceeds in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred, from instinct rather from intelligence. Native peoples are more accustomed to use their common-sense than most of us and hence arises the fact, that frequently the Filipino has outwitted both the military and the civil authorities. England learned this lesson in dealing with the Oriental in India, Spain learned it here, and America has yet to discover the same truth.

Mr. Wildman [46], the late U. S. Consul at Hong-Kong, once affirmed of Agoncillo, "Sr. Agoncillo is a very intelligent and daring diplomat (the Government later on found him to be far more daring than intelligent), and could fill the position of chief of any department of State in any civilized country." But then, it was nothing strange for Wildman to make such breaks!

Note 61. Among these honorable exceptions which Sr. Diaz says he has great pleasure in recognizing, might be mentioned several who were falsely accused and whose names have gone down to the reading public in the works of various writers who wrote in good faith, branded with the mark of ingratitude which characterized and still characterizes so many natives and half-castes.

It gives a careful student of the subject more than passing pleasure to be able to give the lie to those who in their testimony classified as members of the infernal plot to "cut the throats of every Spaniard, without regard even to parentage", the names of some of the most prominent Filipinos of to-day, men who although they have not grovelled in the dust before the conqueror and accepted positions under the new Government, are more truly prominent than those who assert themselves as the "leaders" of the people.

Among these honorable exceptions there were many who although they came to form part of the so-called Revolutionary Government, did so only when Spanish rule had ceased to exist, and when the accepted opinion was that a government elected by the people would be recognized by the U. S. These, however, were never traitors to the mother country; they were men who treated Spain as every honorable man should treat his country. These were not men who changed their religion as they changed their clothes: to suit the occasion. They were not men who concealed their titles to freemason degrees, at the bottom of their trunks, and exposed them with pride upon the change of sovereignty. These men were never perjurers, never traitors. Born and raised in the bosom of the Catholic faith they remained faithful to it, and faithful to the traditions of the country which gave them their political being; and it is with great pleasure that, with Sr. Diaz, I also can say, that I have great pleasure in recognizing these honorable exceptions, and in proof thereof have I dedicated this small historical sketch to them.

Note 62. Day by day the morality in the administration of the funds became worse, and so intense did the ill-feeling engendered by pride become, that the members forgot all about the fomentation of the culture and advancement of the country. Like a nursery full of willful children, they all wanted their own way, and when they could not have it, some cried: "now I shan't play," "now I'll go and tell ma;" this perhaps was the chief cause of the dissolution of the association, for some did go and tell "ma;" and the wealthy members, and those who had anything to lose, were immediately overcome with abject fear lest "ma" should punish them with a good spanking.

"In the month of October 1893, the Superior Council becoming aware that some documents pertaining, to the Liga had been handed over to the offices of the General Government, the dissolution of the society was determined."--Testimony of Domingo Franco y Tuason. (fols. 1,299-1,303).

On the 25th of May 1896, notice was given by the secret police to Governor General Blanco, as follows:

"Notice is herewith given of the existence in Manila, of a Society named La Liga Filipina, to which are affiliated a large number of individuals...."

Note 63. The testimony given by many of the political prisoners as to the foundation, aims and work of the Compromisarios is somewhat conflicting. For instance: Antonio Salazar, (fols. 1,008-1,013) testified that on account of the mal-administration of the funds, "the subscription on behalf of La Propaganda ceased, and under the name of Compromisarios was founded an association composed of ... (here follow names of members), and seeing that they could not gather sufficient funds, they agreed to increase the subscription and seek persons to associate with them."

On another occasion the same witness testified (fols. 1,014-1,018) that certain persons whom he named were the "Compromisarios, who were in communion with Marcelo (del Pilar), and who remitted money to him." He also stated that "on account of the bad conduct observed in Madrid by Pilar, ... some of the Compromisarios refused to send him resources."

In reply to a question as to the relationship between the Compromisarios and the Katipunan, he gave as his opinion, that "there could be no doubt that both societies aimed at the same end." At fols. 1118-1129 the same witness affirmed that "as the partisans of Rizal and Pilar ... saw that neither masonry nor the Liga could hope for funds [47], they formed the society of Compromisarios among wealthy persons of Manila and the Provinces."

Domingo Franco affirmed that the outbreak of the revolt came as a great surprise to the Compromisarios.

As to the aims of the society, Moises Salvador y Francisco is authority for the statement that: "in one of the juntas they treated of the provision of arms and other material of war; and it was agreed, moreover, to gather funds for the said expenses, and as the junta replied that it was impossible at that time, a committee was appointed, composed of Jose Ramos, Doroteo Cortes and Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista, to draw up a petition for the aid of Japan."

Moises also affirmed (fols. 1,296-1,299) that the Supreme Council of the Compromisarios was formed as follows:

President Domingo Franco.
Secretary Apolinario Mabini.
Treasurer Bonifacio Arevalo.
/ Numeriano Adriano.
Vocales + Ambrosio Bautista.
\ Moises Salvador.

Domingo Franco (fol. 1,299-1,303) testified that upon the dissolution of the Liga, and in the month of October 1894, there gathered together in a house of the witness, Numeriano Adriano, Apolinario Mabini, Isidoro Francisco, Deodato Arellano and the witness, and it was decided to constitute the association known as the Compromisarios, endeavouring to gather as many as forty members, each paying a monthly subscription of 5 pesos, for the sustainment of the La Solidaridad.

The same witness also testified (fols. 1,332-1,337) that "The Liga and the Katipunan were constituted in three groups, viz.: the Supreme Council or the aristocracy, under the presidency of Francisco L. Roxas; the Compromisarios or middle classes, divided into juntas or local councils.... The third aggregation was the Katipunan under the presidency of Andres Bonifacio, and was composed of the lower classes.

From all this we gather that the association of Compromisarios was founded with the idea of collecting funds to continue the work commenced by masonry and the Liga. The association was, practically, a committee formed to take up the work of the Liga, but formed in such a manner as to avoid suspicion, and all compromise with the late Liga. In its formation, its duties and its methods, it differed from both the Liga and from the Katipunan, but whilst differing from them it formed a tie between them, carrying on a work which the Katipunan could not carry on of itself. The Liga died; and its mantle fell upon the Compromisarios. This society inspired, watched over and protected the labor of its successor, the Katipunan, the fighting machine of the separatist or filibuster element.

Note 64. The idea which appeared to pervade the minds of the so-called progressive Filipinos was that with a code of laws a la Europea, the adoption of some or other new fangled idea imported from France, Germany or anywhere but the Peninsular, the Filipino would immediately attain the advancement and culture enjoyed among the Japanese. To anyone not acquainted with either the Filipino or the Japanese, such an idea might be acceptable; but no student of Oriental races, nor even the mere casual observer of these two peoples, would venture to predict than even with all the advantages of modernism the Filipino now enjoys, will he, as a people, attain to such a state of culture as that enjoyed by the sons of the Empire of the Rising Sun even in a hundred years.

Among the European peoples the progress of civilization and regeneration was slow but it was none the less decisive. Among Orientals it is, as a rule, quick but not lasting. Among almost all Oriental peoples the rising generation is bright and gives signs of great possibilities; but these youths after having passed with honors through college and university, too often end their lives as they began them--as children. What the Oriental lacks is stability. Nothing is more common in the Philippines than to find that your cook or coachman has completed four-fifths of his studies as lawyer, doctor or something else. The Filipino who has reached the age of thirty and has not, in these days, been bata [48] in a convent or with a private family, been cochero, cook, collector of accounts for some business house, letter-carrier, postman, policeman, musician in a church choir, fireman, and connected with a few other employments of more or less importance, is by no means a rara avis, to say nothing of the many who have also been majors and generals in the insurgent "army", and without stopping to consider a pair of very prominent natives who from batas in the University of Sto. Tomas have, after a series of political intrigues, risen to positions of law-tinkers over a people, the vast majority of whom hate and despise them.

As a matter of fact the very best of the filipino politicians and other local men of fame, bright, learned and progressive though they be, would count but little side by side with the foremost sons of the Flowery Kingdom. To find in Yokohama, or even in Nagasaki or Kobe, or any other city of Japan, a hundred Rizals, a hundred Pilars (Marcelos, Pios or Gregorios), a hundred Apacibles, or Mabinis, or Aguinaldos, or Buencaminos or Taveras would be an easy task. But to find in the Philippines a Marquis Ito, a Mutsu, a Yamata or a Matsugata,--that is the question.

And why? Because at the time when Spain discovered these islands, finding the people in a state of social and moral degradation, without formal government or any social organization beyond the tribal system (and that but limited) common to almost all savage peoples, the Japanese had already counted with more than 1000 years of more or less stable government, always organized, and with a social organization and a firm national unity. The people of Japan, at that time, cultivated the arts and sciences, enjoyed the fruits of prosperous industries and of external commerce. They had a religion and a language which could be written and understood when written. Three hundred years ago, when the Filipinos were just commencing to learn the difference between man and beast, the Japanese was enjoying a relative civilization not yet attained by the Chinese, much less by the partisans of the separatist leaders of Luzon and the Visayas.

No country has ever done for her colonial children what Spain did for the Filipinos during the three centuries she held control over the Archipelago; and yet how far are the people from the state of culture of the Japanese! Well might the leaders of the people look to Japan as a model!

Note 65. Domingo Franco (fols. 1,332-1,337) testified that on a certain day "he went to see Francisco L. Roxas and asked him if it were certain that he had been to the house of Cortes, and had arranged matters in respect to the Commission which should go to Japan; to which Sr. Roxas replied, yes; and that it was agreed that Cortes should go, commissioned to ask of the Japanese Government, help and protection for these islands, (the Filipino Government) handing over as a guarantee, one of the islands near Luzon, which the witness believed to be Mindoro on account of its large size and small population.

"Antonio Salazar (fol. 1,118-1,129) stated that "of the junta of compromisarios there formed part: Cortes, Espanol and Ramos, who were then in Japan petitioning that Empire to aid them with arms, ships and money...."

Isabelo de los Reyes, in telling the Governor General, Primo de Rivera, what he affirmed to be the truth of the situation in 1897, stated that "the Filipino burguesses had nominated a commission composed of Doroteo Cortes, Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista, Jose A. Ramos and Marcelo H. del Pilar, the latter of whom died in Barcelona whilst on his way to Japan. This commission had for its object the securing of the protection of that empire; Cortes, as president, gathered funds to sustain Ramos and Isabelo Artacho Vicos, who were his agents in that country."

Note 66. Antonio Salazar (fols. 1,008-1,013) testified that "The year previous he met Timoteo Paez in Calle Echague, and enquired of him if he had moved his residence to Quiapo; Paez replied that he had transferred the members of his family to a house of strong materials, not wishing to leave them in a nipa [49] house in Tondo, as he was going to Singapore, and after encharging the witness to preserve secrecy, told him that he was going there to engage a steamer which was to make a trip to Dapitan to steal away Rizal from that place; moreover that the date upon which Paez went to Singapore might be known by enquiring at the house of Echeita and Co., where the said Paez was engaged, and which conceded him permission to go."

On another occasion this same individual testified (fols. 1,118-1,129) that "the Compromisarios agreed to employ the sum (of money gathered for another purpose) for the purpose of aiding the stealing away of the person of Rizal from Dapitan, for which purpose they sent it (the money) to Timoteo Paez, at Singapore that he might engage a steamer which should go to Dapitan; and as they could not realize the undertaking, they sent the money to Jose Baza who lived in Hong-Kong, and Baza sent the money to Sandakan (in Borneo) so that a ship might be engaged there for the purpose.

On the 13th of January 1895, the Gr. Pres. of the Gr. Cons. Reg., bro. Musa, gr. 18, wrote to the lodge Modestia, as follows:

"A. L. G. D. G. A. D. U.

A la Resp. Log. Modestia No. 199.

S. F. U.

Ven. Maes. Pres.

"Our very beloved bro. Dimas-Alang (Jose Rizal, see foot-note,
page 47), who for some time has been, as you know, expiating
in Dapitan, faults he has not committed [50], is authorized to
change his residence, under the condition that it be in some part
of Spain and not in the Archipelago."

"Together with this notice we have received another that the
said bro. lacks absolutely the resources for such a long voyage
... etc."
................................................................

"In virtue of this, I write to you that, bearing in mind what I
have explained, you may arrange to be collected from the members,
the pecuniary aid they wish and are able to contribute for the
meritorious work in question."

The Gr. Pres., Muza.

Jose Dison Matanza testified (fols. 1,132-1,138) that "the Secret Camara of the Katipunan gathered together and decided upon another plan, which was, as Bonifacio told the witness, to embark a large number of people as passengers on a ship which was to go to Dapitan; and these when they were upon the high seas, were to surprise the crew and take possession of the ship; they should then steal away Rizal from Dapitan and take him wherever they could."

Note 67. If elsewhere in the history of the workings of separatism in the Philippines, proof were wanting of the cruel deceit practiced by the filibuster leaders upon the ignorants who formed the mass of the secret associations of masonic origin, here in this instance it would be found in abundance. Taking the whole question of the part played by Japan or by individual Japanese in the separatist movement from beginning to end I am strongly of the opinion that the supposed assistance, whether in the form of arms and ammunition, or in that of financial or moral support was a deliberate imposture, and that those credulous persons who contributed with their hard-earned money towards the sums said to have been utilized for propaganda in Japan, were defrauded, not only out of the money they gave to the funds, but also of what they might legitimately hope for as a result of the expenditure of the said funds. It is a well known fact that the hopes of the people were kept up by many statements which were absolutely unfounded [51]; the assertions of Cortes, Ramos and others who performed the duties of the embassy to Japan, were most probably of this nature.

The person who, during the trials of those accused of treason, gave the most interesting testimony relative to this matter, was Juan Castaneda. He affirmed that "on account of family troubles, and for questions arising from losses at gambling, and in view of his having robbed his mother, he decided to leave for Hong-Kong, embarking on the SS. Esmeralda, on the 31st of July 1895" [52]. He went on to describe how he there met his friend, the native ex-priest Severo Buenaventura; how the said Buenaventura initiated him into the secrets of freemasonry, and how this native ex-priest had been himself initiated by Ambrosio Flores [53]. That they later on decided to go to Japan sailing on the SS. Natal. That on their arrival at Yokohama they lodged at the house of Jose Ramos, where there also lived Artacho. "During the first days of their stay Ramos and Artacho seemed to look upon them with want of confidence, and hid from them their conversations." He affirmed also that among the visitors to the house of Ramos were a Mr. Hirata, a professor of law, intermediary between Ramos and Prince Konoy, resident in Tokyo, and also, a Mr. Yosida, merchant. He stated also that "to excuse their frequent absence, Ramos and Artacho assured him that they had been to Tokyo to interview the dignitaries of the Empire, Prince Konoy, General Yamagata and the count of Tokogana, one of the ministers who had been Japanese ambassador to the court of Italy. Ramos assured them that, with these Japanese politicians they were arranging the securing of the independence of the Philippines, to which end the Japanese offered to land here 100,000 rifles with their ammunition, the cost of which should be paid for in a fixed number of years ... etc., etc."

Isabelo de los Reyes [54] says on this point:

"According to what is said, Ramos interviewed, on several occasions, Prince Konoy, General Yamagata and the Count of Tokogana, who was then a minister. These gentlemen, it seems, were sympathizers with the idea of our independence under the protectorate of Japan, as in Korea, and that they proposed, as a means of gaining it, the fomentation of Japanese immigration in the Philippines, and that when once this was attained, the seeking of a conflict with Spain."

Further on he states that: "Some days before the insurrection broke out, Isabelo Artacho brought me a letter from Jose A. Ramos, in which he gave me an account of the efforts they were exerting to influence the leading politicians of Japan, to the end that they should aid us to secure our independence. Artacho told me verbally the details and that he knew that the liberal party of Japan, which then was the opposition, sympathized with the idea, and proposed as a means of attaining it, the seeking of a cause of conflict with Spain, introducing Japanese emigrants to that end."

Moises Salvador (fols. 1,138-1,143) stated that according to letters received by Bonifacio Arevalo from Cortes and Ramos, these two had been received by the Japanese minister of foreign affairs, to whom they expounded the object of their journey; and as the minister asked them what money they had to cover the expenses of the enterprise, they replied that they would pay their way with the money they should seize, pertaining to the Religions Orders and to the Treasury [55]; and being satisfied, the Japanese minister told them they might prepare themselves, for he would send them arms in June or July, to the coast of Luzon, to be disembarked near the island of Polillo...."

That the separatists hoped for, and aimed to secure the aid of Japan is certain; many testified to the fact; but this testimony was more or less hearsay. Certain leading separatists went to Japan to concoct the scheme and were, no doubt, listened to by some more or less prominent persons. This is all the more probable when we remember that the credentials carried by the Commission took the form of a petition signed by some 22,000 Filipinos, that is, it bore that number of signatures. [56]

The work of propaganda carried on by certain Filipinos cannot be called into question; but what is very uncertain is whether or not the Japanese extended the wished and hoped for assistance. To be received in interview, and to be heard with attention, are two very different things. A father listens to the idle prattle of his child, but the childish words leave no other impression on his mind than their cuteness merits at the time. This is probably what occurred between Cortes and Ramos and the so-called "official" element of Japan.

Notes 68 and 69. Pio Valenzuela testified (fols. 582-605) that "in the month of May, a student of Law Daniel Aria y Tirona, came to his house and invited him to go to salute the commander of the Japanese cruiser the Kongo [57]. That at an hour fixed, there gathered at the Bazar [58], with the witness, Andres Bonifacio, Emilio Jacinto, Jose Dizon and others, who were received by the commander of the cruiser with an air of indifference, and of apparent ridicule.... Bonifacio saluted and welcomed him to the islands, offering his services. The commander replied, thanking them and inviting them to take a voyage to Japan to visit the towns of that country, and enjoy its beautiful climate. Later on they directed a letter to the Commander, Jacinto drawing it up and Bonifacio, Dizon and himself and others signing it; its text was a salutation to the Emperor and Empress of Japan, and a manifestation of a desire to form a part of the said Empire, etc.... With the letter were presented twelve water-melons [59] sent by Emilio Aguinaldo, capitan municipal of Cavite Viejo, and a quantity of mangoes purchased by Cipriano Pacheco, and also a picture."

Jose Dizon Matanza questioned on the same subject, affirmed (fols. 1,132-1,138) that he was invited to the "Bazar Japones," to salute and welcome the commander of the cruiser (Kongo).... When he arrived they gave him iced water.... About an hour afterwards there arrived an officer of the ship who said he was the doctor, and soon after the commander arrived; all saluted him.... On the evening of the same day Bonifacio, Valenzuela and the witness went to Nagtajan to the house where lived the Japanese who kept the Bazar.... Bonifacio told them they had a letter to give them. Three or four days later on, Valenzuela presented himself at the house of the witness with a letter in Tagalo which read more or less as follows: (here follows what the witness remembered of the letter.) Bonifacio signed it as president of the Supreme Council of the Katipunan, Jacinto as secretary, Valenzuela as Fiscal and the witness with the name of Jose Talin.... After the departure of the Commander, the witness enquired of Bonifacio what result the letter had obtained, Andres replying that the Commander had taken a copy of it, returning the original, because the persons signing it were not representative; but that the said officer was very pleased with the pictures given in the name of the Katipunan, and with the melons and mangoes sent from Cavite."

Isabelo de los Reyes affirms that: "When the Japanese cruiser Kongo visited the port of Manila in May 1896, the Supreme Council of the Katipunan went to salute its commander in the upstairs of the Bazar Japones, situated in the plaza del Padre Moraga, and handed him a manuscript setting forth their desire for the aid and assistance of Japan towards the gaining of independence for the Philippines. They also offered him a picture and some native fruits."

"The commander received them well and even regaled them with iced drinks and coffee, but did not dare to accept the document, limiting himself to the taking of a copy of it and promising to transmit their desires to the Emperor; he also invited them to make a voyage to his country. Nothing has since been heard of the commander."

So much for the testimony given concerning the Kongo and its commander.

Information I have obtained from Japanese semi-official sources on this point, shows that the Kongo steamed into Manila bay in 1896 in the same manner as it did recently, on a non-official visit. As was customary, the Japanese Commander and other officers visited the Japanese Bazaar in Plaza Moraga as well as other Japanese business houses. The Bazar Japones was a center to which friends and acquaintances gathered to salute the visiting officers. Upstairs were prepared iced drinks, etc. for those who cared to take them. Bonifacio and others, uninvited, walked in and presented themselves and their petition and offerings. The latter the commander accepted; the petition he did not accept: in this he showed good sense. As to the supposed copy which he promised to take, evidence goes to show that it was not taken, but that the said commander merely made a few notes of it on a scrap of paper. The proprietors of the Bazar ridicule the idea that the commander favored the petition or received the so-called commission with pleasure; their opinion is that to which any investigator of the affair would come, that the Commander was a gentleman and did not wish to hurt the feelings, by his refusal, of even such ignorantes as those who at that time forced themselves upon him.