Chapter XXIII (2)

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he has the honour to acknowledge, with gratitude, your Majesty's communication of yesterday. Lord John Russell waited to see Lord Aberdeen before he answered, and having now had a long conversation with him, Lord John Russell being assured of your Majesty's support, of Lord Aberdeen's concurrence, and of the assent of the majority of his colleagues, is willing to continue his humble services in the Cabinet, and in the House of Commons.

Lord John Russell must ask your Majesty to excuse what may have seemed intemperate in his letter of Sunday last. He is still of opinion that without public confidence in his integrity and uprightness he can be of no use to your Majesty, or to the Country.

And on that confidence must depend the continuance of his services.[26]

[Footnote 26: On the same day Lord John announced in the
Commons the withdrawal of the Reform Bill. He admitted that
this course would expose him to the taunts and sarcasms of his
opponents, and to the suspicions of his supporters. Here "his
feelings overcame him, and, as he used the word 'suspicion'
in reference to his motive, his utterance was choked, and the
sentence he struggled to pronounce was evidently given through
tears." (_Ann. Reg._, 1854, p. 120.) Loud and sympathetic
cheers followed from all parts of the House.]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _11th April 1854._

We saw Lord Aberdeen at three o'clock to-day, who reported to the Queen that the change of mind of Lord John had been the result of an hour and a half's discussion with him this morning. He must admit, however, that he found Lord John in a mood willing to let himself be convinced. The Queen's letter might have contributed to this as well as the entreaties of the Duke of Bedford and Lord Lansdowne. Lord Aberdeen could tell Lord John in truth that there was not a shadow of difference of opinion amongst any of his friends, that he would lose himself for ever, and meet with universal reprobation, if he persisted in resigning after every cause for it had been removed, and he had agreed to the course Lord Palmerston had insisted upon. Lord Palmerston had written a very clever letter to Lord John, begging him not to desert the Queen and the Country, which, if he read it to the House of Commons, would floor Lord John completely.

We asked what had been agreed upon at yesterday evening's meeting. Lord Aberdeen told us the decision, under the impression that Lord John would resign, had been for Lord Aberdeen to call upon Lord Palmerston, and to explain to him that although he had acted cordially with him as a Colleague in this Government, yet they had been political antagonists during their whole lives--the Government also was still a Reform Government; from personal, therefore, as well as public, reasons it was impossible that he should be entrusted with the lead of the House of Commons, being the only anti-Reformer. And it was hoped that he would have no difficulty in letting Mr Gladstone lead the House, as Sir James Graham was the same age and political standing with Lord Palmerston, but at once cheerfully contented to waive all his claims in favour of Mr Gladstone.

ALBERT.

[Pageheading: THE DUKE OF CAMBRIDGE]

[Pageheading: THE EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA]

_The Duke of Cambridge to Queen Victoria._[27]

VIENNA, _28th April 1854._

MY DEAR COUSIN,--Before leaving this place I think it right that I should once more trouble you with a letter, to inform you that the messenger has arrived who brought your autograph letter for the Emperor, which I presented to him to-day at an audience I had for this purpose.... I had a very long and most interesting conversation with the Emperor, who opened frankly and fairly upon the great questions of the day. The impression he made upon me was an excellent one, his confidence and frankness are complete, and I have the firm conviction that he is a man of his word, and that he never would say a thing that he did not in his heart mean. The result of what he said was the following: that he naturally was most distressed at all that had occurred; that he was placed by the Emperor of Russia in a most difficult position; that he quite disapproved his acts; but that he could not but have a great disinclination to break with a very old ally; and that even still he hoped this painful step might be spared to him by the Emperor of Russia making some proposal so honourable to all parties, that it would not be rejected by the Western Powers, who would naturally not be disinclined to a peace, honourable to themselves and tranquillising for the future; that the basis of such treaty would be the position of the Christian population of the East; that this might be discussed in Conference, the Russians having _first_ evacuated the Principalities, upon which the Turks would hold the right bank of the Danube, our Fleets to await events in the Bosphorus, and our armies at Constantinople, such position being highly honourable and advantageous to us in the eyes of Europe, and certainly not nearly so favourable to Russia; that he was certainly sensible that the English Government had not pressed him, feeling as they had done the extreme delicacy of his position, and the great extent of his frontier so easily attacked; that he did not wish to say now, till the moment of decision came, thinking it more honourable and straightforward not to raise false expectations, but that his interests being so completely with us, should the Emperor of Russia do nothing in the honourable direction he hoped to see him adopt, he should then consider himself called upon to express frankly to us what he proposed to do, in order that our action might become united and of advantage to one another. He further thought that the treaty with Prussia would greatly facilitate all this, as Prussia had acceded to the wishes of Austria in the event of certain eventualities, which, however, for the moment are not named, but which, as far as I understand, go to the length of leaving Austria unfettered to act as she likes at the moment when she considers her so doing essential to her position as a young Empire. It is quite evident to me that this is the general feeling here, amongst all those who have any weight in the councils of the Empire. These are _Austrian_ views, and I must say I can understand them and appreciate them as such. I am confident, I am certain, they are _honest_ on the part of the Emperor, and I doubt not he will carry them through to the letter, for I am confident the Emperor never would say what he did not mean. Rely upon it, this Country will never go with Russia; she knows her interests too well for that; she would like to avoid a War altogether if she could, and with that view she would be delighted to see some honourable and acceptable proposal made, but should this fail she will then take a very decided line, and that line will be in accordance with Austrian interests--which means with us. I find that most of the more prudent people, and many of those in high office, are fully alive to the advantages of the English alliance, and would wish to see this alliance confirmed _de novo_; and I think it would be very well for us to meet them half-way with this. But then it would be better to avoid all after-dinner speeches such as those at the Reform Club,[28] all Polish legions such as are talked of, and in short any of these little matters, which are painfully felt here, and which always produce an uncomfortable and distrustful effect. The Emperor expressed himself in the most grateful manner towards yourself, and I think is pleased at your having permitted me to be present on this occasion.... Hoping that you will approve of my humble endeavours here, and with sincere regards to Albert, I beg to remain, my dear Cousin, your most dutiful Cousin,

GEORGE.

[Footnote 27: The English forces destined for the East were
under the command of Lord Raglan (formerly Lord Fitzroy
Somerset). The Duke of Cambridge commanded one infantry
division, the other three being respectively under Sir George
Brown, Sir De Lacy Evans, and Sir Richard England; the cavalry
division was commanded by the Earl of Lucan, General Scarlett
commanding the heavy cavalry, and Lord Cardigan the Light
Brigade.]

[Footnote 28: At a dinner given on the 7th of March by the
Reform Club to Sir Charles Napier, Lord Palmerston, who was
in the chair, and Sir James Graham, had made provocative and
unbecoming speeches; on attention being called in Parliament
to the proceedings, Mr Bright complained of the reckless
levity displayed; Lord Palmerston made a flippant and
undignified defence, the tone of which was much resented.]

[Pageheading: BOMBARDMENT OF ODESSA]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _9th May 1854._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Accept my best thanks for your kind letter of the 5th. I return you the Emperor's kind letter. Nothing could be more satisfactory than the reception George met with by everybody at Vienna--beginning with the Emperor. They showed him much confidence, and he obtained from them intelligence which I think no one else would. The Fleets have done their duty admirably at Odessa;[29] the town has not been touched, and all the fortifications and many ships have been destroyed....

We had a concert last night, and I saw good Sir H. Seymour, who is full of your kindness and goodness; and a most worthy, honourable and courageous little man he is.[30] If the poor Emperor Nicholas had had a few such--_nous ne serions pas ou nous en sommes_. But unfortunately the Emperor does _not like_ being _told_ what is unpleasant and _contrary_ to _his wishes_, and gets very violent when he hears the _real_ truth--which _consequently_ is not told him! There is the misery of being violent and passionate; if Princes and still more Kings and Emperors are so, _no_ one will _ever_ tell them the truth, and _how_ dreadful that is! I think one never can be too careful in bringing up Princes to inculcate the principle of _self-control_.

We have a good deal of rain and thunder since yesterday, which I hope will revive poor parched Nature. I must now wish you good-bye, as I expect dear Victoire shortly. Nemours intends going to fetch the Queen. With Albert's love, ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 29: In consequence of the Russians firing upon a
flag of truce, Odessa was bombarded on the 22nd of April, and
most of its batteries silenced or destroyed.]

[Footnote 30: The conversations of Sir Hamilton Seymour and
the Emperor Nicholas in the year 1853 had now been given
to the world. The Czar, believing the time ripe for the
dismemberment of Turkey, had expressed himself openly to the
British Ambassador, and the conversations were all reported to
the British Ministry. On the 2nd of March 1854, an obviously
inspired article in the _Journal de St. Petersbourg_ professed
to contradict the statements of Lord John Russell in the
House of Commons reflecting on the bad faith of the Russian
Government, and accordingly, in their own vindication, the
English Cabinet now published the conversations above referred
to.]

[Pageheading: THE SULTAN]

[Pageheading: THE BRITISH FORCES]

_The Duke of Cambridge to Queen Victoria._

CONSTANTINOPLE, _13th May 1854._

MY DEAR COUSIN,--I have not as yet announced to you my safe arrival here, as I was anxious first to see the Sultan and the general state of things before giving you a report of what was really going on....

I found a great proportion of the Infantry arrived, a portion of the Artillery, but as yet no Cavalry. Lord Raglan is well and in good spirits, Lord Stratford de Redcliffe ill in bed with a bad fit of the gout--most miserable to see in every respect. The Sultan[31] received me at once on the day of arrival, and made his return visit to me yesterday. I confess I was not much impressed with either his appearance or general ability. He is, to say the truth, a wretched creature, prematurely aged, and having nothing whatever to say for himself. A few commonplace civilities was all the conversation which passed between us. I said everything I could think of to make a conversation, among other things messages of civility from yourself; but though he appeared pleased and expressed his satisfaction at our being here, I could not get him to enter into anything, and I was not sorry on both occasions when our interview was at an end. As to his Ministers, and in fact the whole population and country, with the exception of Redschid Pasha,[32] they are all a most wretched and miserable set of people, and far, far worse than anything I could possibly have imagined or supposed. In fact, the "sick man" is _excessively sick indeed_, dying as fast as possible; and the sooner diplomacy disposes of him the better, for no earthly power can save him, that is very evident. This is the opinion of every person out here of both armies, French and English, and you may rest assured it is the truth. The great thing is that we are here and no other Power can now step in, but diplomacy must settle what is to happen, for as to the Turks remaining in Europe that is out of the question, and the very fact of our being here now has given them their death-blow. I hope, my dear cousin, you will forgive me for being very candid on this point, but I really do not think that anybody in England had any idea of the real state of affairs here. The sooner therefore that they are put in possession of the truth unvarnished the better. The great and imperative necessity is that the four Powers of Europe should strike together, otherwise things will become much worse than they are even at present. Everybody is very civil and obliging to me, the Sultan has put me into one of his best Palaces, very nicely fitted up, and is anxious to do everything I wish. I find it inconvenient, as the troops are on the other side of the Bosphorus, and I therefore intend going over there to reside if possible. Marshal St Arnaud is here and Prince Napoleon, but no French troops. I have seen the latter once; he was very civil indeed to me, but I do not think he has made at all a good impression here, his manner being offensive and harsh. I do not think the Army like him at all. I am afraid the French Ambassador is giving much trouble. Neither St Arnaud nor the Prince like him at all, and I believe they have written to demand his recall, which would be a very good thing, as he cannot hit it off with anybody. As to our movements, I know nothing of them as yet, nor do I think that much has as yet been settled, but I fear we shall not be fit to move for some time; the difficulty of transport is very great, our Artillery only partly arrived, and no Cavalry. We require more troops, more particularly of the latter arm, in which the Russians are very strong. We ought to have at least 10,000 men more, and the sooner they are sent out the better. Even that number is not enough, for the French talk of 100,000 men, and we should be in a most dreadful minority unless we had 40,000 to 50,000. I am afraid all this will alarm people in England, but it is the truth.... I remain, my dear Cousin, your most dutiful Cousin,

GEORGE.

We never hear any news here. All that does come to us generally comes by way of Europe; another proof of what a miserable country this is.

[Footnote 31: Abdul Medjid, born 1823, who had succeeded to
the throne at the time of the Syrian War; see _ante_, vol. i.,
19th August, 1839, note 54.]

[Footnote 32: Minister of Foreign Affairs, born 1802, died
1858.]

[Pageheading: THE KING OF PRUSSIA]

_The King of Prussia to Queen Victoria._

[_Translation._]

SANS SOUCI, _24th May 1854._

MOST GRACIOUS QUEEN,--... My policy,[33] which has been so terribly criticised and derided as "vacillating," has been, since the beginning of this most inauspicious conflict, one and the same, and _without a hairsbreadth of deviation_ either to the right or to the left. As it rests on the unshakable foundation which my conscience as a King and a Christian has laid down, and which does not admit _que je fasse la besogne ni de l'un ni de l'autre parti_, I am abused and insulted at the Winter Palace, and regarded, by way of contrast in London and Paris, as a kind of simpleton--neither of which is pleasant.

May your Majesty believe my Royal Word: I was, I am, I remain the truest and most faithful friend of Great Britain, as well in principle as from religious feeling and from true affection. I desire and practise a good and honest understanding with France; but when it comes to helping the French--to whom Prussia's geographical position between Paris and Warsaw is very inconvenient--to pull the _chestnuts from the fire_ for them, for such a task I am frankly too good. If the Emperor wishes to force me to assist--as evidently he is inclined to do--it will end by becoming too difficult for him. He ought to thank God that my view of Russian policy and my fidelity to your Majesty have prevented me from making him begin this _Turkish_ War on the _other side of his own frontier_. The great advantage of this result is totally forgotten in France, and, unfortunately, in England too. Those who every day fill the papers of home and foreign countries with accounts of my vacillations, nay, who represent me as leaping from my own horse on to a Russian one, are inventing lies, in a great measure, deliberately. I tell your Majesty, on my honour and conscience, that my policy is to-day _the same_ as it was nine months ago. I have recognised it as my duty before God to preserve, for my people and my provinces, peace, _because I recognise Peace as a blessing and War as a curse_. I cannot and will not side with Russia, because Russia's arrogance and wickedness have caused this _horrible_ trouble, and because duty and conscience and tradition forbid me to draw the sword against Old England. In the same degree duty and conscience forbid me to make unprovoked war against Russia, because Russia, so far, has done me no harm. So I thought, so I willed when I thought myself isolated. How then could I now suddenly abandon a steady policy, preserved in the face of many dangers, and incline to Russia at the moment when I have concluded with Austria an Alliance defensive and offensive, in which (if God grant His blessing) the whole of Germany will join in a few days, thus welding, for the entire duration of the War, the whole of Central Europe into a Unity, comprising 72,000,000 people, and easily able to put 1,000,000 men into the field? And yet, most gracious Queen, I do not take up a defiant position on the strength of this enormous power, but I trust in the Lord's help and my own sacred Right; I also believe, honestly and firmly, that the character of a so-called Great Power must justify itself, _not by swimming with the current_, but _by standing firm like a rock in the sea_.

I close this letter which, in consequence of various interruptions, is almost a week old, on the 24th of May. This is your birthday, ever dearest, most gracious Queen. On this day I lay at your Majesty's feet the expression of my wishes for every blessing. May God grant your Majesty a joyful day, and a richly blessed year of rule. May He strengthen, preserve, and invigorate your precious health, and may He give you, within the three hundred and sixty-five days of the year of your life which begins to-day, _that_ one day of overabundant blessing, of unspeakable joy, for which I long, for which I pray to God--_that blissful day on which you can utter the word_ PEACE.

Now I beg your Majesty from the bottom of my heart not to be angry with me for my unconscionably long letter, nor to worry yourself about sending an answer, but, on the other hand, graciously to keep it secret, communicating it only to the dear Prince. It is a matter of course that the facts which it contains, and the resulting explanations, which may be of importance for your Majesty's Government, must, from their nature, no longer be kept secret, so soon as you think it right to announce them. I embrace the dear Prince tenderly, and commend myself to the grace, goodwill, and friendship of my august Royal Sister, I being your Majesty's most faithfully devoted, most attached Servant and Good Brother,

FREDERIC WILLIAM.

[Footnote 33: In the previous portion of this long letter,
here omitted, the King gives a detailed account of his
position and policy.]

[Pageheading: MARSHAL ST ARNAUD]

_Queen Victoria to the Duke of Newcastle._

OSBORNE, _29th May 1854._

The Queen acknowledges the receipt of the Duke of Newcastle's letter, which she received quite early this morning.

The Duke of Cambridge's letter does _not_ give a flourishing account of the state of Turkey. What alarms the Queen most is the news given by the Duke of Newcastle of the pretensions of Marshal St Arnaud.[34] She does not quite understand whether he has received the supreme command over the Turkish Army, but at any rate if the Porte should be willing to allow its Army to be placed under Foreign Command, a portion of it ought to be claimed by us for Lord Raglan, which, joined to his English forces, would produce an Army capable of taking the field independently.

The Queen trusts that the Government will take this into serious consideration, and, if they should concur in this view, that no time will be lost.

[Footnote 34: The Duke had written to say that a demand had
been made by Marshal St Arnaud upon the Porte that Omar Pasha
should be superseded, and the Turkish Army placed under his
(St Arnaud's) orders; also that Marshal St Arnaud was desirous
of assuming the supreme command of the allied forces. The
incident is graphically recorded by Mr Kinglake.]

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S REPLY]

[Pageheading: INVASION OF THE PRINCIPALITIES]

[Pageheading: FRIENDLY RELATIONS]

_Queen Victoria to the King of Prussia._

[_Translation._]

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _June 1854._

DEAREST SIR AND BROTHER,--Your faithful Bunsen has handed me your Majesty's long explanatory letter, and has taken his leave of us,[35] with tears in his eyes, and I can assure your Majesty that I, too, see with pain the departure of one whom I have been accustomed to consider as the faithful mirror of your feelings, wishes, and views, and whose depth and warmth of heart I esteem no less highly than his high mental gifts. Sympathy with his fate is general here. I entirely recognise in your letter the expression of your friendship, which is so dear to me, and which does not admit any sort of misunderstanding to exist between us, without my endeavouring at once to clear it up and remove it. How could I meet your friendship otherwise than by equally absolute frankness, allowing you to look into my inmost heart! Though you have shown me a proof of your gracious confidence in giving me, down to the smallest detail, an account of your personal and business relations with your servants, I still believe that I have no right to formulate any judgment. Only one thing my heart bids me to express, viz., that the men with whom you have broken were faithful, veracious servants, warmly devoted to you, and that just by the freedom and independence of spirit, with which they have expressed their opinions to your Majesty, _they have given an indisputable proof_ of having had in view, not their own personal advantage and the favour of their Sovereign, but his true interests and welfare alone; and if just such men as these--among them even your loving brother, a thoroughly noble and chivalrous Prince, standing next to the throne--find themselves forced, in a grave crisis, to turn away from you, this is a _momentous sign_, which might well give cause to your Majesty to take counsel with yourself, and to examine with anxious care, whether perhaps the hidden cause of past and future evils may not lie in your Majesty's own views?[36] You complain, most honoured Sire and Brother, that your policy is blamed as _vacillating_, and that your own person is insulted at home and abroad (a thing which has often filled me with _deep grief and indignation_), and you asseverate that your policy rests upon a firm basis, which the conscience of "a King and a Christian has laid down for it." But should it be possible to discover in your Majesty's fundamental views something self-contradictory, then necessarily, the more consistently and conscientiously these fundamental views are revealed in their consequences, the more contradictory must your actions appear to those who are not intimately aware of your intentions, and cannot but force upon the world the impression that your views themselves were wavering.

You will not take it amiss in a true friend and sister, if she endeavours to place before you her impressions on this matter, as frankly as they appear to her.

Your Majesty has acknowledged in the face of the world that Russia has addressed to the Porte demands which she had no right to make. You have further acknowledged that the forcible taking possession of two Turkish provinces with the intention of enforcing the demand was a political wrong. You have, together with Austria, France, and England, several times declared in Protocols the preservation of the integrity of the Turkish empire to be a European interest. Notwithstanding all this, Russia continues to occupy the Danube principalities, penetrates further into Turkey, and, by forcing on a sanguinary and exhausting war, leads the unhappy and _suffering_ empire on to the brink of the grave. What should Europe then do under these circumstances?

It could not possibly be the intention of the Powers to declare the preservation and integrity of the Porte to be a matter of European concern, solely in order to allow that empire to be destroyed before their very eyes! As to Prussia, I can conceive a line of policy, not that indeed which I should think in harmony with the generosity and chivalry of your rule, but still one possible in itself, by which she would say to herself: "The preservation of this integrity I have indeed declared to be a matter of European concern, but I wish to leave England and France to defend that policy with their wealth and blood, and reserve to myself only a _moral_ co-operation." But what am I to think if, after England and France with courageous readiness have taken upon themselves alone this immense responsibility, sacrifice, and danger, your Majesty is now mainly considering the erection of a barrier of 72,000,000 of men between them and that Power, against whose encroachment the European interest is to be defended? What am I to say to the threat uttered against the _West_ as well as against the _East?_ and to your even asking from the West gratitude for "the enormous advantage" that you do not, into the bargain, yourself join in attacking it!! For your Majesty says expressly in your letter: "The Emperor ought to thank God that my view of Russian policy, my _fidelity_ to your Majesty, have prevented me from making him begin the Turkish war on the other side of his own frontier. The enormous advantage of this abstention is totally forgotten in France, and, unfortunately, in England too!"

Dearest Sir and Brother, this language shows a contradiction in your own mind, which fills me with the greatest anxiety for possible consequences, an anxiety not diminished by your kindly adding: "Duty, Conscience, and Tradition forbid you to draw the sword against Old England."

I shall gladly with you bless the day on which the word of Peace can be uttered. Your Majesty can, by vigorous co-operation, help to usher in that day, just as you might have--in my conviction--contributed, by vigorous co-operation to prevent the War altogether.

Whatever these troublous times may bring us, I harbour the firm confidence that the warmth of our friendly relations cannot be troubled by anything, and rejoice in the circumstance that the personal relations of the two Sovereigns are, in this matter, so entirely in harmony with the interests of the two nations.

Albert sends you his homage, and I remain, with most cordial remembrance to the dear Queen, and with thanks for the kind wishes expressed by both of you, ever your Majesty's faithful Sister and Friend,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 35: The influence of Russia over the King had been
proved by the recall of Baron Bunsen, and the dismissal of
all those Ministers who had opposed the policy of the Czar in
Turkey.]

[Footnote 36: The Prince of Prussia had shown his
dissatisfaction with the King's policy by quitting Berlin.]

[Pageheading: THE WAR OFFICE]

_Minute of Interview by the Prince Albert._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _8th June 1854._

Lord Aberdeen had an Audience to-day before the Council, and represented that what was intended was merely a division of the office of Secretary of State, and not the creation of any new power, and must be considered rather as a means of avoiding further changes.[37] Lord Grey, in hearing of this intention, called it in a letter "the worst arrangement of all," as unfavourable to his further views; the Duke of Newcastle would fill the office, and would have to prepare the changes, inherent in the arrangement, and was determined not to break down the present arrangements; Lord John Russell was agreed herewith, and Sir George Grey would take office knowing this to be Lord Aberdeen's firm decision. But there was in fact no choice. Mr Rich would this afternoon bring forward a Motion in the House of Commons for the consolidation of all military offices under one Department and a Civil Head, and Lord John Russell, to whom Lord Aberdeen had said that the Queen still hesitated about admitting the separation of the duties of Secretary of State, declared to him angrily, if that was so, he would go down to the House and vote for Mr Rich's Motion!! The Motion would be carried without fail in the House.

So this important measure had been carried by storm (as the Queen could only give way under these circumstances), and carried without a definite plan, leaving everything to the future!!

Lord John is to be Lord President, and he insisted upon Sir George Grey taking the Colonies. Lord Aberdeen fears much dissatisfaction from Lord Canning, Mr Cardwell, and Mr Peel, and just dissatisfaction; the Cabinet are very angry at the whole proceeding. Lord Granville behaved exceedingly well, putting himself and his office entirely at Lord Aberdeen's disposal.[38]

It is supposed that in the House expressions will be dropped in favour of Lord Palmerston's taking the conduct of the War in his hands. The Duke of Newcastle, whom we saw, also states the extreme difficulty of _defining_ the duties of the Secretary of State, but promises to do so, as far as possible, for the Queen's convenience.

ALBERT.

[Footnote 37: Lord John Russell had some time before proposed
the separation of the War and Colonial Departments, with a
view of filling the Colonial Office himself, "which, in every
point of view." wrote Lord Aberdeen to the Queen, "would have
been a most satisfactory arrangement."]

[Footnote 38: Lord Fitzmaurice, in his _Life of Lord
Granville_, points out that Mr Strutt was really the person
who had a right to complain. He was abruptly removed from the
Chancellorship of the Duchy, and replaced by Lord Granville to
suit Lord John's convenience.]

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _26th June 1851._

The Queen has not yet acknowledged Lord Aberdeen's letter of the 24th. She is very glad to hear that he will take an opportunity to-day of dispelling misapprehensions which have arisen in the public mind in consequence of his last speech in the House of Lords, and the effect of which has given the Queen very great uneasiness.[39] She knows Lord Aberdeen so well that she can fully enter into his feelings and understand what he means, but the public, particularly under strong excitement of patriotic feeling, is impatient and annoyed to hear at this moment the first Minister of the Crown enter into an _impartial_ examination of the Emperor of Russia's character and conduct. The qualities in Lord Aberdeen's character which the Queen values most highly, his candour and his courage in expressing opinions even if opposed to general feelings of the moment, are in this instance dangerous to him, and the Queen hopes that in the vindication of his own conduct to-day, which ought to be triumphant, as it wants in fact _no_ vindication, he will not undertake the ungrateful and injurious task of vindicating the Emperor of Russia from any of the exaggerated charges brought against him and his policy at a time when there is enough in it to make us fight with all might against it.

[Footnote 39: The speech of Lord Aberdeen, to which the Queen
here refers, had created a very unsatisfactory impression. On
the 19th of June the venerable Lord Lyndhurst had denounced
the aggressive policy and the perfidy of Russia; in the debate
which followed, Lord Aberdeen spoke coldly, in a strain of
semi-apology for Russia, and with an unlucky reference to the
Treaty of Adrianople. Popular feeling against Russia being
then at a white heat, the speech was considered indicative of
apathy on behalf of the Government in the prosecution of the
war. Accordingly, by moving on a later day for a copy of his
own despatch of 1829, relative to the Treaty, the
Premier obtained an opportunity of dispelling some of the
apprehensions which his speech had excited.]

[Pageheading: THE RUSSIAN LOAN]

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _27th June 1854._

The Queen observes in Lord Cowley's letter a suggestion of M. Drouyn de Lhuys to stop, if possible, the Russian Loan. She thinks this of the highest importance as _cutting_ the _sinews_ of war of the enemy. The Queen does not know whether we have by law the power to forbid the quotation of this stock in our market, but a short Act of Parliament might be obtained for the purpose. The London and Paris markets rejecting such paper would have the greatest influence upon its issue.[40]

[Footnote 40: Lord Clarendon replied:--"... With reference to
your Majesty's note of this morning, Lord Clarendon begs to
say that having laid a case fully before the Law Officers, and
having ascertained from them that it would be high treason for
any subject of your Majesty's to be concerned in the Russian
Loan, he will give all possible circulation to the opinion,
and he has this evening sent it to Vienna, Berlin, and The
Hague...."]

[Pageheading: INSTRUCTIONS TO LORD RAGLAN]

_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._

LONDON, _29th June 1854._

Lord Aberdeen presents his humble duty to your Majesty. The Cabinet assembled yesterday evening at Lord John Russell's, at Richmond, and continued to a very late hour.[41]

A Draft of Instructions to Lord Raglan had been prepared by the Duke of Newcastle, in which the necessity of a prompt attack upon Sebastopol and the Russian Fleet was strongly urged. The amount of force now assembled at Varna, and in the neighbourhood, appeared to be amply sufficient to justify such an enterprise, with the assistance of the English and French Fleets. But although the expedition to the Crimea was pressed very warmly, and recommended to be undertaken with the least possible delay, the final decision was left to the judgment and discretion of Lord Raglan and Marshal St Arnaud, after they should have communicated with Omar Pasha.

It was also decided to send the reserve force, now in England, of 5,000 men, to join Lord Raglan without delay. This will exhaust the whole disposable force of the country at this time, and renders it impossible to supply British troops for any undertaking in the Baltic. A communication was therefore made yesterday to the French Government to know whether they would be disposed to send 6,000 French troops, to be conveyed in English transports, to the Baltic, in order to join in an attack upon the Aland Islands,[42] which appeared to be attended with no great difficulty; although any attempt upon Helsingfors, or Cronstadt, was pronounced by Sir Charles Napier to be hopeless.

[Footnote 41: The war now entered upon a new phase. Though the
land forces of the Allies had hitherto not come into
conflict with the enemy, the Turks under Omar Pasha had been
unexpectedly successful in their resistance to the Russians,
whom a little later they decisively defeated at Giurgevo.
Silistria had been determinedly besieged by the Russians,
and its fall was daily expected. Yet, under the leadership of
three young Englishmen, Captain Butler and Lieutenants Nasmyth
and Ballard, the Russians were beaten off and the siege
raised. The schemes of the Czar against Turkey in Europe had
miscarried.

Mr Kinglake describes, in an interesting passage, the growth
in the public mind of a determination that the Crimea should
be invaded, and Sebastopol destroyed. The Emperor Napoleon
had suggested the plan at an earlier stage, and the _Times_
newspaper fanned popular enthusiasm in favour of it. The
improved outlook in the East warranted the attempt being made,
but the plan was not regarded with unqualified approval by the
commanders of the allied forces in the East. In the speech,
already referred to, of Lord Lyndhurst, the project had been
urged upon the Government, and Lord Raglan considered that the
despatch now sanctioned by the Cabinet, which is printed in
the _Invasion of the Crimea_, left him no discretion in the
matter.

The scheme had previously been considered in all its
aspects by the Cabinet, and Mr Kinglake gives an exaggerated
importance to the fact that some of the members of the Cabinet
gave way to sleep while the long draft of instructions was
being read to them at the after-dinner Council at Pembroke
Lodge.]

[Footnote 42: Bomarsund, a fortress on one of these islands,
was taken by Sir Charles Napier, aided by a French contingent
under General Baraguay d'Hilliers, on the 16th of August;
but the high expectations raised as to the success of the
operations in the Baltic were not realised.]

_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._

LONDON, _30th June 1854._

Lord Aberdeen presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He begs to call your Majesty's attention to the circumstance that, in 1842, your Majesty was graciously pleased to authorise Sir Robert Peel to declare that your Majesty had determined that the Income Tax should be charged upon the sum payable to your Majesty under the Civil List Act, and that this declaration was received with marked satisfaction. Lord Aberdeen humbly presumes that your Majesty will be disposed to follow the same course with reference to the augmentation of the Tax; and should this be the case, Lord Aberdeen begs to intimate that the time for making it known has now fully arrived....

[Pageheading: HOME DEFENCES]

_Queen Victoria to the Duke, of Newcastle._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _3rd July 1854._

In consequence of the departure of these additional 5,000 men for the East, the Queen feels very uneasy at the very defenceless state in which the country will be left, not from any want of confidence arising from the present conjuncture of affairs, but from a strong sense of the impolicy and danger of leaving this great country in such a helpless state under any circumstances, for we never can foresee what events may not suddenly spring up at any moment (like Greece, for instance[43]) which may require a force to be in readiness for any particular purpose.

The Queen therefore wishes the Duke of Newcastle to give her detailed answers upon the various points stated in the accompanying paper; but the Queen wishes to have the "_effective_ state" and not "the state upon paper only." The Duke will be able to obtain these reports from the different departments.

What store of muskets are there _here?_

When will the new ones be ready?

What is the force of Artillery left in the country in men and horses?

What amount of troops are there in the country of Infantry (deducting the 5,000 men under orders for the East), and of Cavalry, and where are they stationed?

How much Militia has been and will be embodied?

What is the Naval Force at home?

How much serviceable ammunition is there both of Artillery and small arms in the country?

[Footnote 43: A violently hostile feeling between the Turks
and Greeks had culminated earlier in the year in a formidable
insurrection among the Sultan's Greek subjects. It was
terminated on the 18th of June by an engagement at Kalampaka,
in Thessaly.]

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _4th July 1854._

The Queen approves the enclosed drafts, and wishes only to remark on one passage, where Lord Clarendon says, "that he acts by the unanimous desire of the Cabinet," which she thinks better altered or omitted. If left, it might weaken the authority of future instructions emanating from the Secretary of State alone; moreover, he acts constitutionally under the authority of the Queen, on his own responsibility and not that of the Cabinet.

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _17th July 1854._

The Queen has just received Lord Aberdeen's letter, and has fully considered the contents of it. She has finally decided to make no change in her intended departure, from a conviction that her doing so might shake confidence in the result of this night's Debate. Should anything serious occur, she would be ready to return to-morrow or at any time that her presence in town was considered of importance to the public service.

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _19th July 1854._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of yesterday, and was very glad to hear that both the meeting and the Debate went off so well. The party which supports the Government is certainly "a strange basis for a Government to rest upon," but such as it is we must make the best of it, and nothing will contribute more to keeping it together than to give it the impression that the Government is thoroughly united.[44]

[Footnote 44: During a desultory discussion on the 13th of
July, Mr Disraeli had assailed the Government and its chief in
the Commons, to such purpose that Lord John Russell, stung
by his sarcasms, and mortified by his own failure, asked Lord
Aberdeen to relieve him of the Leadership of the House. The
Queen, to whom he had also written, entreated Lord John not to
let his opponent see that his object in making his attack had
been successful. A meeting of the Ministerialists was held
on the 17th at the Foreign Office, at which one hundred and
eighty members of the House of Commons were present, and some
diversity of opinion was expressed; the result of the meeting
was that the Government was more satisfactorily supported.]

[Pageheading: INDIAN AFFAIRS]

_Queen Victoria to the Marquis of Dalhousie._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _26th July 1854._

It is a very long time since the Queen has had the pleasure of hearing from Lord Dalhousie, but she supposes that (fortunately) there is very little to say, everything being so quiet and prosperous. The Queen highly appreciates and values Lord Dalhousie's kind offer to remain in India while there is any prospect of difficulty being caused by the present War, which will be a source of great satisfaction and tranquillity to her, as she feels that her Indian Dominions cannot be in safer hands.

The Queen wishes to tell Lord Dalhousie how much interested and pleased we have been in making the acquaintance of the young Maharajah Dhuleep Singh.[45] It is not without mixed feelings of pain and sympathy that the Queen sees this young Prince, once destined to so high and powerful a position, and now reduced to so dependent a one by her arms; his youth, amiable character, and striking good looks, as well as his being a Christian, the first of his high rank who has embraced our faith, must incline every one favourably towards him, and it will be a pleasure to us to do all we can to be of use to him, and to befriend and protect him.

It also interested us to see poor old Prince Gholam Mohammed, the last son of the once so dreaded Tippoo Sahib.

We both hope that Lord Dalhousie's health is good, and the Prince sends him his kind remembrance.

[Footnote 45: This young Prince was born in 1838, and was a
younger son of Runjeet Singh, Chief of the Sikhs, who, after a
loyal alliance with England for thirty years, died in 1839.
In 1843 Dhuleep Singh was raised to the throne, which had been
occupied successively by Runjeet's elder sons. After the Sikh
war in 1845, the British Government gave to the boy-king the
support of a British force. In 1849, after the destruction of
the Sikh army at Gujerat, and the annexation of the Punjab,
a pension was bestowed on the young Maharajah on condition
of his remaining loyal to the British Government. He became a
Christian and was at this time on a visit to England.]

[Pageheading: MILITARY APPOINTMENTS]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Hardinge._

OSBORNE, _6th August 1854._

The Queen has received Lord Hardinge's letter of the 4th.[46] She would for the future wish all papers for signature to be accompanied by a descriptive list showing at a glance the purport of the documents, as is done with papers from other Government offices.

The Queen has looked over the lists of Major-Generals made by the last brevet which Lord Hardinge submitted, and must confess that it does not afford a great choice; yet, leaving out the cavalry officers and those disqualified by age or infirmities, there remain some few whom she has marked with an "X," for whose exclusion no adequate reason is apparent. An exclusion of officers who have served in the Guards, _merely on that account_, the Queen would not wish to see adopted as a principle, and the selection of Colonels of the Line (because there are no Generals fit), in preference to Generals of the Guards who are perfectly so, will amount to this. General Eden,[47] moreover, has been in command of a Regiment of the Line, and General Knollys[48] has not been promoted from the Guards, and, in accepting the Governorship of Guernsey, specially begged that this might not exclude him from active service--a circumstance which he mentioned to the Prince at the time. Both these have the reputation of very good officers.

The Queen does not wish anything to be arranged prospectively now, but would recommend the subject to Lord Hardinge's future consideration.

[Footnote 46: In reply to a letter from the Queen, stating
that she had inadvertently signed certain papers in the
ordinary course. Her attention had not been drawn to their
important features.]

[Footnote 47: Lieut.-General John Eden, C.B., nephew of the
first Lord Auckland.]

[Footnote 48: Sir William Knollys, K.C.B., 1797-1883, became
in 1855 the organiser of the newly formed Camp at Aldershot.]

[Pageheading: SPECIAL PRAYERS]

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._

OSBORNE, _21st August 1854._

The Queen must repeat what she has frequently done, that she strongly objects to these _special_ prayers which _are_, in fact, _not_ a sign of gratitude or confidence in the Almighty--for if this is the course to be pursued, we _ought_ to have one for every _illness_, and certainly in '37 the influenza was notoriously more _fatal_ than the cholera had ever been, and _yet no one_ would have thought of having a prayer against _that_. Our Liturgy _has_ provided for these calamities, and we may have frequent returns of the cholera--and yet it would be difficult to _define_ the _number_ of deaths which are to _make_ "a form of prayer" _necessary_. The Queen would, therefore, strongly recommend the usual prayer being used, and no other, as is the case for the prayer in time of War. What is the use of the prayers in the Liturgy, which were no doubt composed when we were subject to other equally fatal diseases, if a new one is always to be framed specially for the cholera?

The Queen would wish Lord Aberdeen to give this as her decided opinion to the Archbishop, at all events, for the present. Last year the cholera quite decimated Newcastle, and was bad in many other places, but there was _no special_ prayer, and _now_ the illness is in _London_ but _not_ in any other place, a prayer is proposed by the Archbishop. The Queen cannot see the difference between the one and the other.

[Pageheading: CIVIL LIST PENSIONS]

_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._

LONDON, _1st September 1854._

Lord Aberdeen, with his humble duty, begs to lay before your Majesty the pensions proposed to be granted on the Civil List at this time. The only case requiring any special remark is that of the children of Lord Nelson's adopted daughter. There seems little doubt that the person referred to was really Lord Nelson's daughter, according to evidence recently produced, and was recommended by him to the care of the country, just before the battle of Trafalgar.[49]

A numerous party in the House of Commons wished that your Majesty's Government should propose a special vote for this person and her family; but the Cabinet thought that it would give rise to much scandal and disagreeable debate, and finally recommended Lord Aberdeen to place the three daughters on the Pension List. The circumstances of the case are, no doubt, very peculiar; and although Lord Aberdeen does not feel perfectly satisfied with the course pursued, he thinks it very desirable to avoid the sort of Parliamentary debates to which the discussion of such a subject would necessarily give rise.

[Footnote 49: Horatia, daughter of Nelson and Lady Hamilton,
was born on the 29th of January 1801, and married in 1822 the
Rev. Philip Ward of Tenterden. She died in 1881.]

_The Emperor of the French to Queen Victoria._[50]

BOULOGNE, _le 8 Septembre 1854._

MADAME ET BONNE S[OE]UR,--La presence du digne epoux de votre Majeste au milieu d'un camp francais est un fait d'une grande signification politique, puisqu'il prouve l'union intime des deux pays: mais j'aime mieux aujourd'hui ne pas envisager le cote politique de cette visite et vous dire sincerement combien j'ai ete heureux de me trouver pendant quelques jours avec un Prince aussi accompli, un homme doue de qualites si seduisantes et de connaissances si profondes. Il peut etre convaincu d'emporter avec lui mes sentiments de haute estime et d'amitie. Mais plus il m'a ete donne d'apprecier le Prince Albert, plus je dois etre touche de la bienveillance qu'a eue votre Majeste de s'en separer pour moi quelque jours.

Je remercie votre Majeste de l'admirable lettre qu'elle a bien voulu m'ecrire et des choses affectueuses qu'elle contenait pour l'Imperatrice. Je me suis empresse de lui en faire part et elle y a ete tres sensible.

Je prie votre Majeste de recevoir l'expression de mes sentiments respectueux et de me croire, de votre Majeste, le bon Frere,

NAPOLEON.

[Footnote 50: The French Emperor had established a camp
between Boulogne and St Omer, and early in the summer
had invited Prince Albert to visit him. It was reasonably
conjectured at the time that one of the chief purposes of
the invitation was by personal intercourse to overcome the
prejudice which the Emperor believed prevailed against him.
The visit lasted from the 4th till the 8th of September, and
the Prince's impressions were recorded in a memorandum, "the
value of which," writes Sir Theodore Martin, by way of preface
to his publication of it, "cannot be overstated; nor is it
less valuable for the light which it throws upon the Prince's
character, by the remarkable contrasts between himself and the
Emperor of the French, which were elicited in the unreserved
discussions which each seems equally to have courted."]

[Pageheading: PRINCE ALBERT AND THE EMPEROR]

_The Earl of Clarendon to Queen Victoria._

FOREIGN OFFICE, _22nd September 1854._

Lord Clarendon presents his humble duty to your Majesty....

Count Walewski told Lord Clarendon to-day that the Emperor had spoken with enthusiasm of the Prince, saying that in all his experience he had never met with a person possessing such various and profound knowledge, or who communicated it with the same frankness. His Majesty added that he had never learned so much in a short time, and was grateful. He began his conversation with reproaching Count Walewski for not having written to him much oftener respecting the Prince, and endeavoured to ascertain the opinions of His Royal Highness upon all important subjects.