Chapter XXXIV: Letter XX (1)

_Thomas Alward to Thomas Cromwell._ A. D. 1529.

[MS. COTTON. VITELLIUS B. XII. fol. 173. _Orig._]

"The following Letter (says Mr. Ellis), though mutilated, presents a genuine picture of one of the last interviews with which Wolsey was favoured by his Sovereign. It is dated on the 23^d. of September; sixteen days after which the King's attorney presented the indictment against him in the Court of King's Bench upon the Statute of Provisors.

"Thomas Alward, the writer of this Letter, appears to have been the Keeper of Wolsey's Wardrobe. He has been already incidentally named in the Letter which relates to the foundation of Ipswich College."

MAISTER CROMWEL,

In my mooste hartiest wise I [_commende me_] unto you; advertisyng the same that I have dely[_vered your lres_] unto my lordis grace who did immediatly rede over [_the same_] after the redyng wherof his grace did put theym in ... and so kepte theym always close to hym self. Th[_is I note_] unto you, bicause I never sawe hym do the like bifo[_re time_] the which your lettres his grace commaunded me.... And first, the same hertely thankyth you for your ... advertysement made unto hym from tyme to tyme [_of soche_] things as ye have written unto his grace wherin I know [_ye have_] don unto his grace singular pleasur and good service; and as [_for_] the vain bruts which goth against my lords [_grace_] I assur you as fer as may apper unto my said [_lord and_] other that be his servaunts, they be mervailous false, ... and gretely I do mervaile wherof the same shul[_de arise_] for I assur you that in this vacacion tyme [_dyvers_] lettres wer written by the kyngs commaundment from [_Mr. Ste_]vyns unto my said lord, by the which his adv[_ise_] and opinion was at sundry tymes desired ... in the kyngs causis and affaires, unto the which lettres [_aunswer_] was made from tyme to tyme, as well by my lords [_wry_]tyng as also by the sendyng of his servaunts to the[_courte with_] instructions by mouth to the kyng's highnes as the [_mater_] and case did requir. Over this the noblemen and gentry [_as well_] in my lords goyng to the courte as also in his retourne from [_the_] same dyd mete and incounter hym at many places gently [_and_] humaynly as they wer wonte to do. On Sonday last my lords grace, with the Legat Campegius cam unto the courte at Grene[_wiche_] wher they wer honorably receyved and accompanyed with sundry of the kings counsaile and servaunts, and so brought bifor masse onto the king's presence, who graciously and beni[~g]ly after the accustumed goodnes of his highnes, with very familiar and loving acountenance did welcome theym. And after communication and talkyng awhiles with my Lorde Campegius, his grace talked a grete while with my lorde a parte, which don, they departed all to geder in to chapel. And immediatly after dyner my lords grace went again unto the kyngs highnes beyng then in his pryvie chamber wher they wer commonyng and talkyng to geder at the leeste for the space of ij. houres, no person beyng present, and a friende of myne beyng of the prive chamber told me at my lords departur that tyme from thens ther was as good and as familiar accountynaunce shewed and used betwene theym as ever he sawe in his life heretofor. This don my lords grace with the legat retourned unto theyr logyng at Maister Empson's place. On Monday in the mornyng my lord leving the legat at his logyng went again unto the kyngs grace, and after long talkyng in his privie chamber to geder, the kyng, my lord, and all the hole counsaile sate to geder all that for'none aboute the kyngs matiers and affaires. In the after none, my lords grace having then with hym the Legat Campegius, went to the kyng's grace, and after talkyng and communication had a long whilis with the legat a parte they both toke ther leve of the kyngs highnes in as good fascion and maner, and with asmoche gentilnes, as ever I saw bifor. This don, the kyngs grace went huntyng. The legate retourned to Maister Empson, and my lords grace taried ther in counsaile til it was darke nyght. Further mor my Lord of Suffolke, my Lord of Rochford, Maister Tuke, and Master Stevyns did as gently [_be_]have theymselfs, with as moche observaunce and humy[_lyte to_] my lords grace as ever I sawe theym do at any [_tyme_] tofor. What they bere in ther harts I knowe n[_ot_.] Of the premissis I have seen with myne ies; wherfor I boldely presume and thinke that they be ferre [_furth_] overseen that sowth[243] the said false and untrewe reports: ascerteynyng you if ye coulde marke som[_e of the_] chief stirrers therof ye shulde do unto his grace [_moche_] pleasur. Assone as ye can spede your bysynes th[_ere my_] lord wolde be very glad of your retourne. My lord wilbe on Monday next at London. And the Legat [_Cam_]pegius shal departe shortely oute of Englonde. A[_nd thus_] makyng an ende I commit you to the tuicion and g[_widance of_] Almyghty God. From Saint Albons the xxiij^{th} S[_ep_]tember.

All the gentilmen of my lords chamber with the... ...[244] of commendith them hartely unto you.

Yowrs to my lytle [_power_]
THOMAS ALVARD.

FOOTNOTES:

[202] Mrs. Anne Gainsford.

[203] See the Earl of Surrey's character of him, in an Elegy on his Death, among his poems.

[204] It is presumed that the allusion is here to Sir Thomas Wyatt's verses entitled "A description of such a one as he would love:"

A face that should content me wonderous well,
Should not be faire, but lovely to behold:
Of lively loke, all griefe for to repel
With right good grace, so would I that it should
Speak, without words, such words as none can tell;
Her tresse also should be of cresped gold.
With wit and these perchance I might be tide
And knit againe the knot that should not slide.

_Songes and Sonettes_, 8_vo._ 1557, _p._ 35. 2.

[205] The King of France's sister.

[206] _Sanders De Origine ac Progressu Schismatis Anglicani. Libri_ 3. This book was first printed at Cologne, in 1585, and passed through several editions, the last in 1628. It was subsequently translated into French, and printed in 1673-4; which induced Burnet to write his History of the Reformation. In the appendix to his first volume he gives a particular account of Sanders' book, and refutes the calumnies and falsehoods contained in it. This called forth a reply from the catholic party, under the title of _Histoire du Divorce de Henry_ VIII. _par Joachim Le Grand_. _Paris_, 1688, 3 vols. 12mo. A work not without interest on account of the documents printed in the third volume, some of which I have found useful as illustrations of the present work.

[207] Sir Francis Brian was one of the most accomplished courtiers of his times: a man of great probity and a poet. Wyatt addresses his third satire to him, and pays a high compliment in it to his virtue and integrity. He was, like Wyatt, firmly attached to the Protestant cause: on this account he seems to have drawn on himself the hatred of the Roman Catholic party. Sanders, in his malevolent account of the Reformation in England, relates the following absurd and wicked story of him.--Cum autem Henrici Regis domus ex perditissimo hominum constaret, cujusmodi erant aleatores, adulteri, lenones, assentatores, perjuri, blasphemi, rapaces, atque adeò hæretici, inter hos insignis quidem nepos extitit, Franciscus Brianus, Eques Auratus, ex gente et stirpe Bolenorum. Ab illo rex quodam tempore quæsivit, quale peccatum videretur matrem primum, deinde filium cognoscere.--Cui Brianus, "Omnino," inquit, "tale O rex quale gallinam primùm, deinde pullum ejus gallinaceum comedere." Quod verbum cum rex magno risu accepisset, ad Brianum dixisse fertur. "Næ! tu merito meus est Inferni Vicarius." Brianus enim jam prius ob impietatem notissimam vocabatur, "Inferni Vacarius." Post autem et "Regius Inferni Vicarius." Rex igitur cum et matrem prius, et postea filiam Mariam Bolenam pro concubina tenuisset, demum at alteram quoque filiam, Annam Bolenam, animum adjicere cœpit. _De Schismate Anglicano_, p. 24.

This disgusting calumny is repeated by the followers of Sanders, and among others by Davanzati, in his _Schisma d'Inghilterra_, p. 22, Ed. 1727. And yet that history is presented by the Curators of the _Studio_ at Padua, to the youth educated there as "una stimabilissima Storia; descritta con quei vivi e forti colori che soli vagliano a far comprendere l'atrocita del successo dello Schisma d'Inghilterra." How (says Dr. Nott, from whom this note is taken) can the bonds of charity be ever brought to unite the members of the Roman Catholic communion with those of the reformed church, so long as their youth shall be thus early taught to consider our Reformation as the portentous offspring of whatever was most odious in human profligacy, and most fearful in blasphemy and irreligion?" _Memoirs of Sir Thomas Wyatt_, p. 84.

[208] 32 Henry VIII. A. D. 1540.

[209] A. D. 1532-3.

[210] Tyndal's Obedience of a Christian Man.

[211] This curious and interesting occurrence, which probably had considerable effect in furthering the progress of the Reformation, is told with more circumstance by Strype, from the manuscripts of Fox. It is so entirely corroborated by what is here said, that I think it incumbent upon me to place it in juxtaposition with Wyatt's narrative.

"Upon the Lady Anne waited a young fair gentlewoman, named Mrs. Gainsford; and in her service was also retained Mr. George Zouch. This gentleman, of a comely sweet person, a Zouch indeed, was a suitor in the way of marriage to the said young lady: and among other love tricks, once he plucked from her a book in Englishe, called Tyndall's Obedience, which the Lady Anne had lent her to read. About which time the Cardinal had given commandment to the prelates, and especially to Dr. Sampson, dean of the king's chapel, that they should have a vigilant eye over all people for such books, that they came not abroad; that so as much as might be, they might not come to the king's reading. But this which he most feared fell out upon this occasion. For Mr. Zouch (I use the words of the MS.) was so ravished with the spirit of God speaking now as well in the heart of the reader, as first it did in the heart of the maker of the book, that he was never well but when he was reading of that book. Mrs. Gainsford wept because she could not get the book from her wooer, and he was as ready to weep to deliver it. But see the providence of God:--Mr. Zouch standing in the chapel before Dr. Sampson, ever reading upon this book; and the dean never having his eye off the book, in the gentleman's hand, called him to him, and then snatched the book out of his hand, asked his name, and whose man he was. And the book he delivered to the cardinal. In the meantime, the Lady Anne asketh her woman for the book. She on her knees told all the circumstances. The Lady Anne showed herself not sorry nor angry with either of the two. But, said she, 'Well, it shall be the dearest book that ever the dean or cardinal took away.' The noblewoman goes to the king, and upon her knees she desireth the king's help for her book. Upon the king's token the book was restored. And now bringing the book to him, she besought his grace most tenderly to read it. The king did so, and delighted in the book. "For (saith he) this book is for me and all kings to read." And in a little time, by the help of this virtuous lady, by the means aforesaid, had his eyes opened to the truth, to advance God's religion and glory, to abhor the pope's doctrine, his lies, his pomp, and pride, to deliver his subjects out of the Egyptian darkness, the Babylonian bonds that the pope had brought his subjects under. And so contemning the threats of all the world, the power of princes, rebellions of his subjects at home, and the raging of so many and mighty potentates abroad; set forward a reformation in religion, beginning with the triple crowned head at first, and so came down to the members, bishops, abbots, priors, and such like."--_Strype's Ecclesiastical Memorials_, vol. i. p. 112.

[212] Mr. George Zouch.

[213] So it is in the Calendars prefixed to the Book of Common Prayer in Queen Elizabeth's reign. Lord Herbert says it was the sixth, Sanders the eighth, and Archbishop Cranmer the thirteenth or fourteenth.

[214] A. D. 1534.

[215] Shaxton and Latimer.

[216] To every one of these she gave a little book of devotions, neatly written on vellum, and bound in covers of solid gold enamelled, with a ring to each cover to hang it at their girdles for their constant use and meditation.

One of these little volumes, traditionally said to have been given by the queen when on the scaffold to her attendant, one of the Wyatt family, and preserved by them through several generations, was described by Vertue as being seen by him in the possession of Mr. George Wyatt of Charterhouse Square, in 1721. Vide _Walpole's Miscellaneous Antiquities_, printed at Strawberry Hill, 1772, No. II. p. 13. It was a diminutive volume, consisting of one hundred and four leaves of vellum, one and seven-eighths of an inch long by one and five-eighths of an inch broad; containing a metrical version of parts of thirteen Psalms: and bound in pure gold richly chased, with a ring to append it to the neck-chain or girdle. It was in Mr. Triphook's possession in the year 1817.

[217] Cosȳ: this woman's name was Cousyns.

[218] Probably the name of one of her attendants.

[219] unless.

[220] that.

[221] Sir Francis Weston.

[222] they.

[223] note.

[224] accepts.

[225] that.

[226] _i. e._ what.

[227] us.

[228] Anvers, Antwerp.

[229] number.

[230] an hour.

[231] number.

[232] That is his long continuance with the cardinal.

[233] He had probably disobliged the king by his attachment to Anne Boleyn.

[234] fear.

[235] Carlisle.

[236] William Worm, whom he mentions in a former letter, as the person who betrayed him.

[237] brought.

[238] out.

[239] Antiphonars, Gralls, Orderlys, Manuals, and Professionaries, are books containing different portions of the Roman Catholic Ritual. See Percy's Northumberland Household Book, p. 446, and Burn's Ecclesiastical Law.

[240] _licence._ There is a tradition at Alnwick that an auditor was formerly confined in the dungeon under one of the towers till he could make up his accounts to his lord's satisfaction.

[241] Dr. Augustine, or Agostino, a native of Venice, was physician to the cardinal, and was arrested at Cawood at the same time with his master, being treated with the utmost indignity: v. _Life_, pp. 348, 351. In the Cottonian MS. Titus b. i. fol. 365, there is a letter of his to Thomas Cromwell, in Italian, requiring speedy medical assistance, apparently for Cardinal Wolsey. It is dated Asher, Jan. 19th, 1529-30. Cavendish describes him as being dressed in a "boistous gown of black velvet;" with which he overthrew one of the silver crosses, which broke Bonner's head in its fall.

[242] Premunire.

[243] soweth.

[244] _f._ rest thereof.

A TRUE DESCRIPTION,

OR RATHER

A PARALLEL

BETWEENE

CARDINALL WOLSEY,

ARCH-BISHOP OF YORK,

AND

WILLIAM LAUD,

ARCH-BISHOP OF CANTERBVRIE, &c.

PRINTED IN THE YERE 1641.

_The following parallel between Laud and Wolsey is referred to in a note at p. 342 of the Life of Wolsey. It was printed at the same time and for the same purpose as the first garbled edition of that life; namely--to prejudice Archbishop Laud in the minds of the people. The press then teemed with pamphlets levelled at him, and in the same volume I find two others: "The Character of an untrue Bishop, with a Recipe to recover a Bishop if he were lost." And--"England's Rejoycing at the Prelates Downfall, written by an Ill-willer to the Romish Brood:" both of the same date._

A TRUE DESCRIPTION,

OR RATHER

A PARALLEL

BETWENE

CARDINAL WOLSEY AND ARCH-BISHOP LAUD.

There be two primates, or arch-bishops throughout England and Wales, Canterburie and Yorke, both metropolitans, York of England, Canterburie of all England, for so their titles runne. To the primate of Canterburie bee subordinate thirteene bishops in England, and foure in Wales. But the primate of Yorke hath at this time but two suffragans in England: namely, the Bishops of Carliele, and Durham: though hee had in King Lucius dayes, (who was the first Christian king of this our nation) all the prelacy of Scotland within his jurisdiction: Canterburie commanding all from this side the River Trent to the furthest limits of Wales; and York commanding all from beyond the Trent to the utmost bounds of Scotland, and hitherto, their prime archiepiscopall prerogatives may (not unproperly) be paralleld.

In the time of Henrie the first were potent two famous prelates, Anselme of Canterburie, who durst contest against the king, and Girald of Yorke, who denyed to give place or any precedence at all to Anselme. Thomas Becket, who was first chancellour, and after Arch-bishop of Canterburie, in the reigne of Henrie the Second, bore himselfe so insolently against the king his soveraigne, that it cost him his life, being slaine in the church as he was going to the altar. But above all, the pride, tyrannie, and oppression of the Bishop of Ely, in the reigne of Richard the First, wants example, who was at once Chancellour of England, and Regent of the land, and held in his hand at once the two Arch-bishopricks of York and Canterburie, who never rid abroad without a thousand horse for his guard to attend him, whom we may well parallel with the now great Cardinall of France: and need hee had of such a traine to keep himselfe from being pulled to peeces by the oppressed prelates, and people, equally extorting from the clergie and laietie; yet he in the end, disguising himselfe in the shape of an old woman, thinking to passe the sea at Dover, where hee awayted on the Strand, a pinace being hired for that purpose, he was discovered by a sayler, and brought backe to abide a most severe sentence. Stephen Lancthon, Archbishop of Canterburie, in the time King Iohn, would not absolve the land, being for sixe yeares together indicted by the pope, till the king had payd unto him and the rest of the bishops, eighteene thousand markes in gold; and thus I could continue the pride of the prelacie, and their great tyrannie through all the kings reignes: But I now fall upon the promist parallel betwixt Thomas Wolsey, Arch-bishop of York, and Cardinall, and William Laud, Doctor in Divinitie, and Arch-bishop of Canterburie.

They were both the sonnes of meane and mechanick men, Wolsey of a butcher, Laud of a cloth worker. The one borne in Ipswich (threescore miles), the other in Reading, thirtie miles distant from the City of London, both of them verie toward, forward, and pregnant grammar schollars, and of singular apprehensions, as suddenly rising to the first forme in the schoole. From thence, being yong, they were removed to the Vniversitie of Oxford, Wolsey admitted into Maudlin Coledge, Laud into St. Iohns; and as they were of different times, so they were of different statures; yet either of them well shapt according to their proportions; Wolsey was of a competent tallnesse, Laud of a lesse size, but might be called a prettie man, as the other a proper man: both of ingenious and acute aspects, as may appeare by this mans face, the others picture. In their particular colledges they were alike proficients, both as active of body as braine, serious at their private studies, and equally frequent in the schooles, eloquent orators, either to write, speake, or dictate, daintie disputants, well verst in philosophy, both morall, physicall, and metaphysical, as also in the mathematicks, and neither of them strangers to the muses, both taking their degrees according to their time; and through the whole academie, Sir Wolsey was called the boy-batchelour, and Sir Laud the little batchelour.

The maine study that either of them fixt upon was theology: for though they were conversant in all the other arts and sciences, yet that they solely profest, and by that came their future preferment; Wolsey being Batchelour was made schoole-master of Maudlin Schoole in Oxford: but Laud came in time to be master of St. Iohns Colledge in Oxford, therein transcending the other, as also in his degrees of Master of Art, Batchelour of Divinitie, and Doctor of Divinitie, when the other being suddenly cald from the rectorship of his schoole, to be resident upon a countrie benefice, he took no more academicall degrees, than the first of Batchelour, and taking a strange affront by one Sir Amias Paulet, a knight in the countrie, who set him in the stocks, he indured likewise divers other disasters: but that disgrace he made the knight pay dearely for, after he came to be invested in his dignitie. Briefely, they came both to stand in the princes eye; but ere I proceed any further, let me give the courteous reader this modest caveat, that he is to expect from me onely a parallell of their acts and fortune, but no legend of their lives; it therefore briefely thus followeth.

Both these from academicks comming to turne courtiers; Wolsey, by his diligent waiting, came to insinuate himselfe into the brests of the privie counsellours. His first emploiment was in an embassie to the emperour, which was done by such fortunate, and almost incredible expedition, that by that only he grew into first grace with King Henry the Seventh, father to King Henry the Eighth. Laud, by the mediation and meanes wrought by friends, grew first into favour with King Iames of sacred memory, father to our now royall soveraigne King Charles. They were both at first the kings chaplaines, Wolseyes first preferment was to bee Deane of Lincolne, of which hee was after bishop. Lauds first ecclesiasticall dignity was to be Deane of Saint Davids, of which he was after bishop also. And both these prelaticall courtiers came also to be privie counsellours. Woolsey in the beginning of Henry the Eighth's raigne, was made Bishop of Tourney in France, soone after Bishop of Lincoln, and before his full consecration (by the death of the incumbent) was ended, translated to the Arch-bishoprick of York, and all this within the compasse of a yeare; Laud, though not so suddainly, yet very speedily was from St. Davids removed to London, and from London to Canterburie, and this in the beginning of the reigne of King Charles. Thus you see they were both arch-bishops, and as Laud was never cardinall, so Woolsey was never Canterburie.

But in some things the cardinall much exceeded Canterburie, as in holding all these bishopricks at once, when the other was never possest but of one at one time. The cardinall also held the bishoprick of Winchester, of Worcester, Bath and Wells, with a fourth, and two abbat-ships in commendam: He had besides an hat sent him from Rome, and made himselfe cardinall, (that being before but Yorke) he might over-top Canterburie. But our William, howsoever he might have the will, yet never attained to that power, and howsoever hee could not compasse a hat from Rome, yet made the meanes to have a consecrated miter sent from Rome; which was so narrowly watcht, that it came not to his wearing. Moreover, the cardinall extorted the chancellourship from Canterburie; but we finde not that Canterburie ever either trencht upon the jurisdiction, or tooke any thing away from the arch-bishoprick of York.

Woolsey likewise farre out-went him in his numerous traine, and the noblenesse thereof, being waited on not onely by the prime gentrie, but even of earles, and earles sonnes, who were listed in his family, and attended him at his table, as also in his hospitalitie, his open house being made free for all commers, with the rare and extraordinarie state of his palace, in which there were daily uprising and downe-lying a thousand persons, who were his domestick servants. Moreover in his many entertainments of the K. with masks, and mightie sumptuous banquets, his sumptuous buildings, the prince-like state he carried in his forraigne embassages, into France, to the emperor, &c. in which he spent more coyne in the service of his king, for the honour of his countrie, and to uphold the credit of his cardinals cap, than would (for the time) have paid an armie royal. But I answer in behalfe of our Canterburie, that hee had never that meanes or imployment, by which hee might make so vain-glorious a show of his pontificalitie, or archiepiscopall dignitie: For unbounded mindes may bee restrained within narrow limmits, and therefore the parallel may something hold in this too.

They were also in their judiciall courts equally tyrannous; the one in the chancerie, the other in the high commission: both of them at the councell boord, and in the starre-chamber alike draconically supercilious. Blood drawne from Doctor Bonners head by the fall of his crosse presaged the cardinals downfall. Blood drawne from the eares of Burton, Prin, and Bastwick, was a prediction of Canterburies ruine; the first accidentall, the last premeditate and of purpose[245]. The cardinall would have expelled all the Lutherans and Protestants out of the realme, this our Canterburie would have exil'd both our Dutch and French church out of the kingdome. The cardinall took maine delight in his foole Patch, and Canterburie tooke much delight in his partie-coloured cats. The cardinall used for his agents Bonner and others, Canterburie for his ministers, Duck, Lamb, and others. They both favoured the Sea of Rome, and respected his holinesse in it. The cardinall did professe it publickly, the arch-bishop did reverence it privately. The cardinalls ambition was to bee pope, the arch-bishop strove to bee patriarch, they both bid fairely for it, yet lost their aime; and farre easier it is for men to descend than to ascend.

The cardinall (as I have said) was very ambitious; the arch-bishop was likewise of the same minde, though better moulded, and of a more politick braine, having a close and more reserved judgement in all his observations, and more fluent in his deliverie. The cardinall was verie curious in his attire and ornament of his body, and took great delight in his traine, and other his servants for their rich aparrell; the arch-bishop his attire was neat and rich, but not so gaudie as the cardinals was, yet tooke as much felicitie in his gentlemens rich aparrell, especially those that waited on his person, as ever the cardinall did, though other men paid for them: and if all men had their owne, and every bird her feather, some of them would bee as bare as those that professe themselves to bee of the sect of the Adamists: To speake truth, the arch-bishops men were all given to covetousnesse and wantonnesse; that I never heard of was in the cardinals men.

As the cardinall was sumptuous in his buildings, as that of White Hall, Hampton Court, &c. as also in laying the foundation of two famous coledges, the one at Ipswich, where he was borne, the other at Oxford, where he had his breeding: so Christ-Church, which he left unfinished, Canterburie hath since repaired; and wherein he hath come short of him in building, though he hath bestowed much on St. Iohns Coledge, yet he hath out-gone him in his bountie of brave voluminous books, being fourescore in number, late sent to the Bodleian or Universitie Librarie: Further, as the cardinall was Chancelour of England, so Canterburie was Chancellour of Oxford: And as the cardinall by plucking downe of some small abbies, to prepare stone for his greater structures, opened a gap for the king, by which he tooke the advantage utterly to raze and demolish the rest: so Canterburie by giving way for one bishop to have a temporall triall; and to be convicted, not by the clergie, but the laitie, so he left the same path open both for himselfe and the rest of the episcopacie: of which, there before scarce remained a president.

I have paralleld them in their dignities: I will conclude with a word or two concerning their downefalls. The cardinall fell into the displeasure of his king, Canterburie into an extreame hatred of the commons: both were arrested of high treason, the cardinall by processe, Canterburie by parliament. The cardinall at Keywood Castle neare Yorke, Canterburie at Westminster neare London; both their falls were speedy and suddaine: The cardinall sate as this day in the high court of chancerie, and within two dayes after was confined to his house; Canterburie as this day sate at the counsell boord, and in the upper house of parliament, and the same day committed to the blacke rod, and from thence to the Tower: The cardinall dyed at Leicester some say of a flux; Canterburie remaines still in the Tower, onely sick of a fever. _Vanitas vanitatum, omnia vanitas._

FINIS.

FOOTNOTES:

[245] This mention of omens reminds me that Dr. Wordsworth in his notes to Wolsey's Life has related the following affecting anecdote of Archbishop Laud.

"The year 1639 we all know was big with events calamitous to Laud, and to the church and monarchy. In Lambeth Library is preserved a small pane of glass, in which are written with a diamond pencil the following words:

Memorand: Ecclesiæ de
Micham, Cheme et Stone, cum aliis
fulguro combusta sunt
Januar: 14, 1638/9.
Omen evertat Deus.

On a piece of paper the same size as the glass and kept in the same case with it, is written by the hand of Abp. Wake, as follows: "This glasse was taken out of the west-window of the gallery at Croydon before I new-built it: and is, as I take it, the writing of Abp. Laud's own hand."

_The Will of Thomas Wolsey, Cardinal Wolsey's father; E Libro Testamentorum in Registro principali Dni. Epi. Norwic. Multon inscripto, fo. 146. a._

In Dei Nomine, amen. The xxxi day of the Moneth of September the yer of our Lord God a m. cccclxxxxvi. I Robert Wulcy of Ipyswiche hool of mend and in good memory beyng, make my testament and my last wyll in this maid wyse. Fyrst, I bequeth my soull to Almyghty God, our Lady Sent Mary, and to all the company of hevyn, and my body to be buryed in the churche yard of our Lady Sent Mary of Neum^rket. Also I beq. to the hey aut^r of the pariche of Sent Nicholas of Ippyswiche vi^{_s._} vij^{_d._} Also I beq. to the pentyng of the archangell ther, xl^{_s._} Itm. I wyll that if Thomas my son be a prest, w^tin a yer next after my decesse, than I wyll that he syng for me and my frends, be the space of a yer, and he for to have for his salary x marc, and if the seyd Thomas my son be not a prest than I wyll that a nother honest prest syng for me and my frends the term aforeseyd and he to have the salary of x marc. Itm. I wyll that Johan my wyf have all my lands and ten^{ts}. in the pariche of Sent Nicholas in Ippiswich aforesaid, and my free and bond londs in the piche of S^t Stoke to geve and to sell the residew of all my goods afor not bequethed, I geve and bequethe to the good disposition of Johan my wyff, Thomas my soon, and Thomas Cady, whom I order and make my executors to dispose for me as thei shall think best to ples allmyghty God and p^{ro}fyt for my soull; and of this my testiment and last wyll I orden and make Richard Farrington sup^rvisour, and he for to have for his labour xiij^{_s._} iiij^{_d._} and yf the seid Richard deserve more he for to have more of Johan my wyff. Itm. I beq. to the seyd Thomas Cady my executor aforeseyd xiij^{_s._} iiij^{_d._} Yevyn the day yer and place above wretyn.

* * * * *

_Probatum fuit presens Testamentum apud Gipwic. coram nobis Offic. Cans. Dm. Epi Norwic._ xj _die mensis Octobris Anno Dm. Millimo_ cccc^{mo} lxxxxvi. _In cujus rei testimonium Sigillum, &c._

_Fisher, Bishop of Rochester._

Bishop Fisher's opposition to Henry's divorce, as noticed by Cavendish at p. 222, subsequently cost him his head. Besides his letter to Wolsey maintaining the validity of the marriage with Catherine, published by Fiddes in his Appendix to the Life of Wolsey, and in Collier's Ecclesiastical History, vol. 2 Records, he wrote a larger discourse in Latin, "De Causa Matrimonii Regis Angliæ," which was long thought to exist only in MS. But in a late sale by public auction in London, of Don Jos Antonio Conde's Library, a printed copy was purchased for Mr. Heber, which appears to have issued from the press at Alcala (Complutum) in Spain. The printer of which says the manuscript copy was given him by the Arch-bishop of Toledo. It is probable that the Spanish agents in England contrived to obtain a copy and sent it to the emperor. It would not have been allowed to issue from the press in England. It is remarkable that Ribadineira in his Historia Ecclesiastica de Inglaterra, Madrid, 1588, p. 59. _rev._ mentions that Fisher presented his book to the legates. "Los que por parte de la Reyna tratavan este negocio eran los mas graves y doctos Teologos y Perlados de todo el Reyno y entre ellos Gulielmo Varamo Arçopispo Cantuariense y Primado de Inglaterra, y otros cinco Obispos de grande autoridad. Pero el que mas se mostrava era Juan Fischero Obispo Roffense, varon por cierto exemplar, y no solamente lumbrera del reyno de Inglaterra, sino de toda la christiandad, espejo de santidad, sal del pueblo, y verdadero Doctor de la Yglesia. El qual salio en publico, _y presentò a los Legados_ UN LIBRO _doctissimo que avia escrito_ EN DEFENSION DEL MATRIMONIO _del Rey y de la Reyna_, y amonestoles con razonamiento gravissimo que no buscassen dificultades donde no las avia, ni permitiessen que se pervirtiesse la verdad clara y manifiesta de la sagrada Escritura, y se debilitasse la fuerça de las leyes ecclesiasticas que en esta causa eran evidentes, y estavan tan bien entendidas. Que pensassen y considerassen atentamente los da[=n]os innumerables que deste divorcio se podian seguir: el odio entre el Rey Enrique y Carlos Emperador: las parcialidades de los principes que los seguirian: las guerras crueles de fuera y dentro del reyno: y lo que mas importava, las dissensiones en materia de la Fè, sçismas, heregias, y sectas infinitas. Yo dize por aver estudiado esta materia, y gastado en ella mucho tiempo y trabajo, oso afirmar que no ay en la tierra potestad que pueda deshazer este matrimonio, ni desatar lo que Dios atò. Y esto que digo no solamente _lo pruevo claramente_ EN ESTE LIBRO, con los testimonias irrefragable de la sagrada Escritura, y de los santos Doctores, pero tambien estoy aparejado a defenderlo con el derramamiento de mi sangre: dixolo Roffense, y como lo dixo, assi cumplio. Aviendo hablado de esta manera aquel varon illustre por la fama de su doctrina, excellente por la santidad de la vida, admirable por la dignidad de Perlado, y por sus canas venerable." Ribadineira says that four _other_ Doctors, and three Bishops, also offered other books which they had composed in defence of the validity of the Queen's marriage: the proof of this assertion is yet to seek.

A manuscript copy of Fisher's book is said to be among those presented by the Duke of Norfolk to the Royal Society. We may hope to have all that relates to this venerable prelate in a more tangible form when the Rev. John Lewis's Life of him shall be given to the world. I have the satisfaction to add that it has been some time at press, under the editorial care of the Rev. Theodore Williams of Hendon, and cannot fail to prove a valuable addition to Ecclesiastical Biography.

_The Instrument of the Kings gift to the Cardinal after his forfeiture by the premunire, which so much revived his hopes, is printed by Rymer and by Fiddes. The following is the Schedule appended to it. V. Life, 291._

The Money, Goods, and Cattells, given by the King's Grace to the Lorde Cardinall, whereof mention is made in the King's Lettres Patentes hereunto annexed.

Fyrste in Redy Money, MMM _li._

Item, in Plate, Nyne Thowsand Fyve Hundred Thre-score Fyve oz. dim. quarter, at iij^_s_ viij^_d_ the oz. amounteth to MDCCLII _li._ iij^_s_ viii^_d_.

Item, Dyvers Apparell of Houshold, as Hangyngs, Beddyng, Napry, and other thyngs, as appereth by the Inventorie of the same--amountyng in Value by Estimation, DCCC _li._

Item, In Horses and Geldyngs lxxx with their Apparel, valued by Estimation, CL _li._

Item, in Mules for the Saddell vi. with their Apparell, valued by Estimation, LX _li._

Item, in Mules for Carriage vi with their Apparell, valued by Estimation, XL _li._

Item, in Lyng on thowsand valued by Estimation, XL _li._

Item, in Cod and Haberden viij c valued by Estimation, XL _li._

Item, in Salt viii Waye valued by Estimation, X _l._

Item, in Implements of the Kytchen as Potts, Pannes, Spitts, Peawter Vessell, and other things necessarie for the same, valued by Estimation, LXXX _l._

Item, LII. Oxen valued by Estimation, LXXX _l._

Item, in Muttons LXX valued by Estimation XII _l._

Item, the Apparell of his Body, valued by Estimation, CCC _l._

Summa, vi M. ccc. lxxiv. _l._ iij^_s._ vii^_d._ ob.

_A Memoryall of suche Communication as my Lorde Legatts grace had with the Quenes Almoner._

[EX. MS. INTER ARCHIVA ACADEMIA CANTABRIG.]

This interesting paper is published in Fiddes, from the communication of the learned and Reverend Mr. Baker. It is so necessary a supplement to the very interesting interview of the two Cardinals with Katherine, given by Cavendish, that I could not resolve to withhold it from the reader, who may not chance to have ready access to Dr. Fiddes' ponderous volume.

Fyrst my lordes grace taking for introduction & commencement of his graces purposes & devyses, excogitate by the same for the totall extermination of suche heresies as daily encreased in Cambrydge: & that his grace thought more convenyent the same to be done by the commyssaries then the Bysshops of Rochester or Elie, shewed his pleasure & determination was to send him thyther, as well for that he was of good reputation & credytt there, beinge a M'^r of a colledge in the same, as also for that he had in tymes passed used hym in lyke busyness. To which the said M^r Almoner, fyrst excusing the remission of his wonte and bounde offyce & dewtie in vysitinge his grace, & most humblie beseching the same not to impute yt as proceding of any alienation of his trewe hart & devotion he bare unto the same, answered, that he woold most gladly taike upon him the said province & jorney; desyringe nevertheles his grace that he might defer the same untyll 20 dayes were past & expired, in which space he might well performe his residence at Wyndesore. Unto which petycyon his grace condescendyng, & takynge the same as a full resolution in that behalfe, pretendinge also to have had noon other cause or matter unto him, fynished that communicacion, and sodenly asked hym what tydyngs he had hard of late in the courte?--

To this he answered, that he hard noon, but that yt was much bruted that a Legatt shuld come hyther into England.--Whereuppon his grace inferred what the quene thought of his comynge, and for what purpose he should come?----To this he said, that she was fully perswaded & believed that his comynge was only for the decision of the cause of matrimonie dependinge betweene her & the kinges highnes.

Hereupon my lordes grace taking just occasion further to entre in this mater, & fyrste makyng rehersall of sondrie excellent benefitts with which his grace had indewed hym, to thend he shuld doo the kings highnes trewe & faithfull service, & sithe adjuring him upon his fidelitie, his othe, & _sub sigillo confessionis_, and suche other obtestations, to conceale & kepe secrete whatsoever his grace shuld then communicate unto hym, and never to propale the same to any man lyvyng, oonles he had expresse commandement by the kyngs highnes or his grace so to doo, desyred hym that he wold faithfully entierly & hooly declare unto his grace all & singuler soche thinges as he knewe of the quenes dysposicion, minde, sayings, purpose & intent in this mattier.

To this the said M^r Almoner fyrst alleging & declaring of how singuler and perfytt devocyon he was towards the kyngs hyghnes and my lords grace, & that he wold not oonly be moost redy to execute his commandements, but also to kepe secrete suche things as his grace shuld wyll him so to doo: answered, that he hard the quene oft saie that yf in this cause she myght attaine & injoye her naturall defence & justice, she distrusted nothing butt yt should taike suche effecte as shuld be acceptable both to God & man. And that for theese causes:--

Fyrst for that it was in the ieies of God moost plaine & evydent that she was never knowen of Prince Arthure. Secondly, for that neyther of the judges were competent, being bothe the kings subjects, beneficed within his realme, & delegate from the pope at the contemplation of the king, she being never hard, ne admytted to her defence. Thirdly, for that she ne had ne myght have within this realme any indifferent counsaile. Fynally, for that she had in Spaine two bulles, the oone beinge latter daite than the other, but bothe of suche effycacie & strengthe, as shulde sone remove all objections & cavyllations to be maide to thinfringing of this matrymonie.

To this my lord's grace replying said, he marvelled not a lyttle of her so undyscrete ungodly purposes & sayings, which caused him to conceyve that she was neyther of suche perfection, ne vertue as he had thought in tymes past to have been in her: & so entering in refutation of all the premisses said:--

Fyrst, where she saithe that she was not knowen of Prince Arthure, verely it is a weake & much unsure grownde for her to leane unto, being so urgent & vehement presumptions _non solum Juris, sed etiam de Jure_ to the contrarie, which and of congreuence ought to wey more in every equall judges brest then her symple allegation. For it cannot be denied but that bothe he & she was then of suche yers as was mete and hable to explete that act. It is also verey notarie, that thei dyd lye together, bothe here & in Waylles, by the space of three quarters of a yere. Furthermore, nothing was so muche desyred of bothe there parentes as the consummation of the said act: Insomuche that the counsailers of Ferdinando being resident here for that purposse dyd send the sheets thei ley in, spotted with bloude, into Spaine, in full testimonye & prouf therof. The counsaillers also of bothe parties moste solemnelye sworne affearme in there treaties & saien that the matrymonie was consummate by that act. Forthermore the comen voyce through England is, that the said Prince Arthure shuld oftymes boost oon mornyng how ofte he had been the nyght before in the myddes of Spaine: Insomuche that commonlye his so primature deathe was imputed onely to _nimio coitu_.

Fynally, King Henry VIIth of blessed memorie, wold not by certaine space after the deathe of the saide prince, permytte or suffer that the kings highnes shuld injoye the name & tytle of Prince, onely for that it was dowbted by such as than was most abowte the quene whether she was conceaved wyth chylde or noo. And therefore these presumptions beinge of suche sorte & nature, my lords grace said, the quene shuld do lyke neyther wyse ne vartuouse lady to adhere partinacely to the contrarie.

To the seconde his grace replied, saying that if she shuld refuse and decline the judgment of those parsons unto whome the pope's holiness had delegated the examination of this cause, she shuld not do well, butt so doing rather incurr the indignacyon of the see apostolique, deserve the obloque & hatred of all good chossin people & ingenerate in there hartes a perpetuall hate & enmitie against her. For sythe the popes holines proceadythe in thys commyssyon at the intercession or motion of no partie, but onely _ex mero motu pastorali officio_, & sith that his holines notwithstanding he being notoriously certyfied that they be the kings subjects, & benefyced within his realme hathe approved there parsons as moost mete and worthie to have the hole decision of this cawse commytted unto them: with that also theire parsons be qualyfyed with so hyghe preemynence & dignitie, as by the common lawe cannot be refused as suspect. Fynallie sythe the same parsons being straitly commanded by the king's hyghnes, all affection of mede or drede set apart, onely to attend, waye, regard & consyder the justyce of the cawse as they shall therunto answere on perell of there owne sowles & his dreadfull indignacion, have no cawse which thei shuld varye or deflect their sentence otherwyse than justyce shall require, specially in a cawse of suche wayght & importance, & wherin they for unrighteouse judgement shuld acquire nothing els but theire owne dampnation, eternall ignominie & indignation of theire prince: yf she shuld refuse suche parsons as suspect, it might well be saide that she geveth tytles honour to the auctoritie of the churche, & that this realme were marvelouslie destytute of men of sincere learnyng & conscience, to the great slaunder of the same.

And fynally his grace said, that yf this exception shuld be admytted as suffycyent cawse of recusation, for that they be benefyced by the kings hyghnes, than this cawse of matrymonie myght nowhere be ventylated or dyscussed within Christindone, for that there are no parsons of auctorite & lernyng in any regyon out of this realme, againe whome the king's highnes might not alleadge, in lyke manner, lyke cawse of recusation & suspicion. The pope's holines & the holle clargie of Ytallie, Flaunders, Spaine, Denmarke & Scotlande, being now eyther confederate or in thraldome & captivitie of the emperor's tyranny.

To the third, concerning counsaillors to be retained on her behalf, my lords grace saide, that although he was ryght well assured of the kings singuler propencyon & inclination to justyce, & that above all things his pleasour was justyce shuld be equally mynistred to eyther parte in this cawse, being also never wylling or in mynde at any tyme, but that she shuld have aide and assistance of so well lerned men, so wyse, and of so good conscience, as might any be founde within this realme: yet his grace thought that consydering the nature of this cawse to be of suche sorte, as necessarily impliethe the hole tytle of succession of this realme, lyke as yt were not expedyent, ne myght in any wyse be suffred withowt great dangier & perell which might therby ensue, to maike any aliene or straunger previe herunto, specially the Spaniards having now intelligence with the King of Scotts; So his grace thought that the quene wold not insyst in so fryvolous petition, which might never be graunted unto her, but be content to admytt and adhybyt suche lerned men as be here in this region her counsaillors, namely suche as by theire othes solempnly maide & vowed, & by expresse commandement _et optima gratia_ of the king's highnes, shuld withowt frawde or corruption shew unto her theire sentence and openions: and desyring the contrarie hereof his grace said she shuld doe nothing but declare her owne sensuall affection to sett forthe that whiche, all due prouf, bothe by Gods lawe & mans law hath justly condemned. And thus ended my lords graces talke with M^r Almoner.

⁂ Robert Shorton S. T. P. then master of Pembroke Hall and canon of Windsor was almoner to the queen, preferr'd by her to the deanery of Stoke Suffolk, the same that was internuncius cardinali de evocandis viris doctis Cantabrigia Oxoniam, and sometime dean of the cardinal's chapel.

_Itinerary of Cardinal Wolseys last Journey Northward, 1530._

He set out from Richmond at the beginning of Passion Week, but we know not on what precise day. The first days journey was to Hendon in Middlesex, where he lodged for the night at the house of the abbot of Westminster.

The next day he removed to a place called the Rye, the abode of the Lady Parry.

The third day to Royston, where he lodged in the monastery.

The fourth day to Huntingdon, where he sojourned for the night in the abbey.

On Palm Sunday he reached the Abbey of Peterborough, which he made his abode until the Thursday in Easter week, his train for the most part being at board wages in the town. Here he celebrated Palm Sunday, going with the monks in procession, and bearing his palm with great humility. He kept his Maunday on the Thursday so named, with the accustomed ceremonies and bounties to the poor. On Easter Sunday he also went in procession in his cardinal's habit, and performed the service of high mass very devoutly.

From Peterborough he went to visit his old friend Sir William Fitzwilliams, about four miles from thence, who received him with great joy and hospitality. He went there on Thursday in Easter week and remained until the Monday following, on which day he went to Stamford and lay there that night.

On Tuesday he went to Grantham, where he lodged in the house of a gentleman named Hall.

On Wednesday he removed to Newark, where he rested in the castle.

On Thursday to Southwell, where was a palace belonging to his see of York, but this being out of repair he was lodged in the house of one of the prebends. At Whitsuntide he removed into the palace, keeping a noble table, where he was visited by the chief persons of the country.

At the latter end of _grease time_ he removed to Scroby, another house belonging to his see of York, being as much regretted at Southwell as he was greeted at Scroby. In his way to Scroby he took Welbeck or Newsted Abbey, from thence to Rufford Abbey to dinner, and slept at Blythe Abbey, reaching Scroby on the following day, where he remained until Michaelmas.

About Michaelmas day he removed to his seat of Cawood Castle, twelve miles (said by Cavendish to be only seven) from York, and in his way thither he lay two nights and a day at St. Oswald's Abbey, where he held a confirmation. He lay at Cawood long after, says Cavendish, with much honour.

His clergy here waited upon him to take order for his inthronization, which he seems to have desired should be conducted with as little pomp as possible. The ceremony was fixed to take place on the Monday after All Hallown Tide, but he was arrested on the Friday before (fourth of November) at Cawood, by the Earl of Northumberland and Mr. Welsh.

They left Cawood with him in custody on Sunday the sixth. The first night he was lodged in the Abbey of Pomfret.

The next day [7^{th}] they removed to Doncaster.

The third day [8^{th}] to Sheffield Park, a seat of the Earl of Shrewsbury (afterwards appointed by Queen Elizabeth for the meeting of her and Mary Queen of Scots, which never took place), where he continued eighteen days, being there seized with the flux. Here Sir William Kingston the Constable of the Tower came to take charge of his person, and on Thursday the twenty-fourth of November they set forward, the cardinal hardly able to sit upright on his mule. They passed the night at Hardwicke upon Line in Nottinghamshire. (_See note on the Life_, p. 379.)

On Friday the twenty-fifth they rode to Nottingham, and lodged there that night.

On Saturday the twenty-sixth at night, they reached Leicester Abbey; he had many times like to have fallen from his mule by the way; telling the abbot as he entered he had come to lay his bones among them. He gradually became worse, and died at eight o'clock in the morning of Tuesday November the twenty-ninth.

_Beside the solemn mass performed by Cardinal Wolsey upon the ratification of peace between the French and English kings, which is described at p. 190 of the Life, he officiated at another great ceremony of thanksgiving upon occasion of the Pope's deliverance from captivity. The particulars of which are preserved in the archives of the Herald's College in an ancient book written by Thomas Walle, Windsor Herald, and published by Dr. Fiddes at p. 179 of his Collections. For the convenience of the reader who may not possess Dr. Fiddes's Life of Wolsey, I have thought it desirable to place this curious relation in my Appendix._

_The Comming and Reseyving of the Lord Cardinall into Powles for the Escaping of Pope Clement_ VII. A. D. 1527. A^o Regni Henrici VIII. XIX^{th}.