Chapter XVI: Appendix: (See page 308, Vol. II.) (1)

_SCIPIO'S DREAM._

Scipio the younger had gone, when in Africa, to meet Massinissa, and had there discussed with the African king the character of his nominal grandfather, for he was in fact the son of Paulus AEmilius and had been adopted by the son of the great conqueror at Zama. He had then retired to rest, and had dreamed a dream, and is thus made to tell it. Africanus the elder had shown himself to him greater than life, and had spoken to him in the following words: "Approach," said the ghost; "approach in spirit, and cease to fear, and write down on the tablets of your memory this that I shall tell you.

"Look down upon that city. I compelled it to obey Rome. It now seeks to renew its former strife, and you, but yet new to arms, have come to conquer it." Then from his starry heights he points to the once illustrious Carthage. "In twice twelve months that city you shall conquer, and shall have earned for yourself that name which by descent has become yours. Destroyer of Carthage, triumphant Censor, ambassador from Rome to Egypt, Syria, Asia, and Greece, you shall be chosen Consul a second time, though absent and, having besieged Numantia, shall bring a great war to an end. Then will the whole State turn to you and to your name. The Senate, the citizens, the allies will expect you. In one word, it will be to you as Dictator that the Republic will look to be saved from the crimes of your relatives.

"But that you may be always alive to protect the Republic, know this. There is in heaven a special place of bliss for those who have served their country. To that God who looks down upon the earth there is nothing dearer than men bound to each other by reverence for the laws."

"Then, frightened, I asked him whether he were still living, and my father Paulus, and others whom we believed to have departed. 'In truth,' he said, 'they live who have escaped from the bondage of the flesh. This which you call life is death. But behold Paulus your father.' Beholding him, I poured forth a world of tears, but he, embracing me, forbade me to weep.

"'Since this of yours is life, as my grandsire tells me,' I said, as soon as my tears allowed me to speak, 'why, O father most revered, do I delay here on earth, rather than haste to meet you?' 'It cannot be so,' he answered. 'Unless that God whose temple is around you everywhere shall have liberated you from the chains of the body, you cannot come to us. Men are begotten subject to his law, and inhabit the globe which is called the earth; and to them is given a soul from among the stars, perfect in their form and alive with heavenly instincts, which complete with wondrous speed their rapid courses. Wherefore, my son, by you and by all just men that soul must be retained within its body's confines, nor can it be allowed to flit without command of him by whom it has been given to you. You may not escape the duty which God has trusted to you. Live, my Scipio, and shine with piety and justice, as your grandfather did and I have done. It is your duty to your parents and to your relatives, but especially your duty to your country. There lies the road to heaven. By following that course shall you find your way to those who crowd with disembodied spirits the realm beneath your eyes.'

"Then did I behold that splendid circle of fire which you, after the Greeks, call the Milky-way, and looking out from thence could see that all things were beautiful and all wonderful. There were stars which we cannot see from hence, and others of tremendous, unsuspected size; and then those smaller ones nearest to us, which shine with a reflected light. But every star among them all loomed larger than our earth. That seemed so mean, that I was sorry to belong to so small an empire.

* * * * *

"As I gazed a sound struck my ears. 'What music is that,' said I, 'swelling so loudly and yet so sweet?'

"'It is that harmony of the stars,' he said, 'which the world creates by its own movement. Low and loud, base and treble, they clang together with unequal intervals, but each in time and tune. They could not work in silence, and nature demands that from one end of heaven to the other they shall be sonorous with a deep diapason. The far off give a loud treble twang. Those nearest to the moon sound low and base. The earth, the ninth in order, immovable upon its lowest seat, occupies the centre of the system. From the eight there come seven sounds, distinct among themselves, Venus and Mercury joining in one effort. In that number is the secret of all human affairs. Learned men have made their way to heaven by imitating this music; as have others also by the excellence of their studies. Filled with this sound the sense of hearing has failed among men. What sense is duller? It is as when the Nile falls down to her cataracts, and the nations around, astonished by the tumult, become deaf.'

* * * * *

"'Then,' said Africanus, 'look and see how small are the habitations of men, how grand are those of the angels of light. What fame can you expect from men, or what glory? You see how they live in mean places--in small spots, lonely amid vast solitudes, and that they who inhabit them dwell so isolated that nothing can pass between them. Can you expect glory from them?

"'You behold this earth surrounded by zones. You see two of them, frozen from their poles, have been made solid with everlasting ice; and how the centre realm between them has been scorched by the sun's rays. Two, however, are fit for life. They who inhabit the southern, whose footsteps are opposed to ours, are a race of whom we know nothing. But see how small a part of this little earth is inhabited by us who are turned toward the north. For all the earth which you inhabit, wide and narrow, is but a small island surrounded by that sea which you call the great Atlantic Ocean--which, however large as you deem it, how small it is! Has your name or has mine been able, over this small morsel of the earth's surface, to ascend Mount Caucasus or to cross the Ganges? Who in the regions of the rising or setting sun has heard of our fame? Cut off these regions, distant but a hand's breadth, and see within what narrow borders will your reputation be spread! They who speak of you--for how short a time will their voices be heard?

"'Grant that man, unenvious, shall wish to hand down your fame to future ages, still there will come those storms of nature. The earth will be immersed in water and scorched with fire; a doom which in the course of ages must happen, and will deny to you any lasting glory. Will you be content that they who are to come only shall hear of you, when to those crowds of better men who have passed away your name shall be as nothing?

"'And remember too that no man's renown shall reach the duration of a year. Men call that space a year which they measure by the return of a single star to its old place. But when all the stars shall have come back, and shall have made their course across the heavens, then, then shall that truly be called a year. In this year how many are there of our ages contained. For as when Romulus died, and made his way here to these temples of the gods, the sun was seen by man to fade away, so will the sun again depart from the heavens, when the stars, having accomplished their spaces, shall have returned to their old abodes. Of this, the true year, not a twentieth part has been as yet consumed. If, then, you despair of reaching this abode, which all of true excellence strive to approach, what glory is there to be gained? When gained, it will not last the space of one year. Look then aloft, my son, and fix your eyes upon this eternal home. Despise all vulgar fame, nor place your hopes on human rewards. Let Virtue by her own charms lead you on to true glory. Let men talk of you--for talk they will. Man's talk of man is small in its space, and short-lived in its time. It dies with a generation and is forgotten by posterity.'

"When he had spoken I thus answered him: 'Africanus,' I said, 'I indeed have hitherto endeavored to find a road to heaven, following your example and my father's; but now, for so great a reward, will I struggle on more bravely.' 'Struggle on,' he replied, 'and know this--not that thou art mortal but only this thy body. This frail form is not thyself. It is the mind, invisible, and not a shape at which a man may point with his fingers. Know thyself to be a god. To be strong in purpose and in mind; to remember to provide and to rule; to restrain and to move the body it is placed over, as the great God does the world--that is to be a god. And as the God who moves this mortal world is eternal, so does an eternal soul govern this frail body.'"

FOOTNOTES:

[1] As I shall explain a few pages farther on, four of these
speeches are supposed by late critics to be spurious.

[2] See Mr. Long's introduction to these orations. "All this
I admit," says Mr. Long, speaking of some possible
disputant; "but he will never convince any man of sense that
the first of Roman writers, a man of good understanding, and
a master of eloquence, put together such tasteless, feeble,
and extravagant compositions."

[3] Pro Cn. Plancio, ca. xxx.: "Nonne etiam illa testis est
oratio quae est a me prima habita in Senatu. * * * Recitetur
oratio, quae propter rei magnitudinem dicta de scripto est."

[4] Quintilian, lib. xi., ca. 1, who as a critic worshipped
Cicero, has nevertheless told us very plainly what had been
up to his time the feeling of the Roman world as to Cicero's
self-praise: "Reprehensus est in hac parte non mediocriter
Cicero."

[5] Ad Att., lib. iv., 2. He recommends that the speech
should be put into the hands of all young men, and thus
gives further proof that we still here have his own words.
When so much has come to us, we cannot but think that an
oration so prepared would remain extant.

[6] I had better, perhaps, refer my readers to book v.,
chap. viii., of Mommsen's History.

[7] "Politique des Romains dans la religion;" a treatise
which was read by its author to certain students at
Bordeaux. It was intended as a preface to a longer work.

[8] Ad Div., lib. i., 2.

[9] Ad Div., lib. i., 5: "Nosti hominis tarditatem, et
taciturnitatem."

[10] Ad Quintum Fratrem, lib. ii., 3.

[11] Ibid., lib. ii., 6.

[12] Ad Att., lib. iv., 5.

[13] Ad Div., lib. v., 12.

[14] Very early in the history of Rome it was found
expedient to steal an Etruscan soothsayer for the reading of
these riddles, which was gallantly done by a young soldier,
who ran off with an old prophet in his arms (Livy, v., 15).
We are naively told by the historian that the more the
prodigies came the more they were believed. On a certain
occasion a crowd of them was brought together: Crows built
in the temple of Juno. A green tree took fire. The waters of
Mantua became bloody. In one place it rained chalk in
another fire. Lightning was very destructive, sinking the
temple of a god or a nut-tree by the roadside indifferently.
An ox spoke in Sicily. A precocious baby cried out "Io
triumphe" before it was born. At Spoletum a woman became a
man. An altar was seen in the heavens. A ghostly band of
armed men appeared in the Janiculum (Livy, xxiv., 10). On
such occasions the "aruspices" always ordered a vast
slaughter of victims, and no doubt feasted as did the wicked
sons of Eli.

Even Horace wrote as though he believed in the anger of the
gods--certainly as though he thought that public morals
would be improved by renewed attention to them:

Delicta majorum immeritus lues,
Romane, donec templa refeceris.--Od., lib. iii., 6.

[15] See the Preface by M. Guerault to his translation of
this oration, De Aruspium Responsis.

[16] Ca. ix.: "Who is there so mad that when he looks up to
the heavens he does not acknowledge that there are gods, or
dares to think that the things which he sees have sprung
from chance--things so wonderful that the most intelligent
among us do not understand their motions?"

[17] Ca. xxviii.: "Quae in tempestate saeva quieta est, et
lucet in tenebris, et pulsa loco manet tamen, atque haeret in
patria, splendetque per se semper, neque alienis unquam
sordibus obsolescit." I regard this as a perfect allocution
of words in regard to the arrangement both for the ear and
for the intellect.

[18] Ca. xliv.: "There have always been two kinds of men who
have busied themselves in the State, and have struggled to
be each the most prominent. Of these, one set have
endeavored to be regarded as 'populares,' friends of the
people; the other to be and to be considered as 'optimates,'
the most trustworthy. They who did and said what could
please the people were 'populares,' but they who so carried
themselves as to satisfy every best citizen, they were
'optimates.'" Cicero, in his definition, no doubt begs the
question; but to do so was his object.

[19] Mommsen, lib. v., chap. viii., in one of his notes,
says that this oration as to the provinces was the very
"palinodia" respecting which Cicero wrote to Atticus. The
subject discussed was no doubt the same. What authority the
historian has found for his statement I do not know; but no
writer is generally more correct.

[20] De Prov. Cons., ca. viii.

[21] Ca. xiii.

[22] Ca. xiv.

[23] Ca. xviii.

[24] Pro C. Balbo, ca. vii.

[25] Ibid., ca. xiii.

[26] Gibbon, Decline and Fall, ca. vii.

[27] There was no covenant, no bond of service, no master's
authority, probably no discipline; but the eager pupil was
taught to look upon the anxious tutor with love, respect,
and faith.

[28] In Pisonem, xxvii. Even in Cicero's words as used here
there is a touch of irony, though we cannot but imagine that
at this time he was anxious to stand well with Pompey.
"There are coming on the games, the most costly and the most
magnificent ever known in the memory of man; such as there
never were before, and, as far as I can see, never will be
again." "Show yourself there if you dare!"--he goes on to
say, addressing the wretched Piso.

[29] Plutarch's Life of Pompey: "Crassus upon the expiration
of his Consulship repaired to his province. Pompey,
remaining in Rome, opened his theatre." But Plutarch, no
doubt, was wrong.

[30] We may imagine what was the standing of the family from
the address which Horace made to certain members of it in
the time of Augustus. "Credite Pisones," De Arte Poetica.
The Pisones so addressed were the grandsons of Cicero's
victim.

[31] Quin., ix., 4: "Pro dii immortales, quis hic illuxit
dies!" The critic quotes it as being vicious in sound, and
running into metre, which was considered a great fault in
Roman prose, as it is also in English. Our ears, however,
are hardly fine enough to catch the iambic twang of which
Quintilian complains.

[32] Ca. xviii., xx., xxii.

[33] "Quae potest homini esse polito delectatio," Ad Div.,
vii., 1. These words have in subsequent years been employed
as an argument against all out-of-door sports, with
disregard of the fact that they were used by Cicero as to an
amusement in which the spectators were merely looking on,
taking no active part in deeds either of danger or of
skill.--_Fortnightly Review_, October, 1869, The Morality of
Field Sports.

[34] Ad Att., lib. iv., 16.

[35] Ad Div., ii., 8.

[36] See the letter, Ad Quin. Frat., lib. iii., 2: "Homo
undique actus, et quam a me maxime vulneraretur, non tulit,
et me trementi voce exulem appellavit." The whole scene is
described.

[37] Ad Fam., v., 8.

[38] Ad Quin. Frat., ii., 12.

[39] Ad Att., iv., 15.

[40] Val. Max., lib. iv., ca. ii., 4.

[41] Horace, Sat., lib. ii., 1:

HOR. "Trebati,
Quid faciam praescribe."--TREB. "Quiescas."--HOR.
"Ne faciam, inquis, Omnino versus?"--TREB. "Aio."--HOR.
"Peream male si non Optimum erat."

Trebatius became a noted jurisconsult in the time of
Augustus, and wrote treatises.

[42] Ca. iv.: "Male judicavit populus. At judicavit. Non
debuit, at potuit."

[43] Ca. vi.: "Servare necesse est gradus. Cedat consulari
generi praetorium, nec contendat cum praetorio equester
locus."

[44] Ca. xix.

[45] Ad Fam., i., 9.

[46] Ca. xi.

[47] Ad Fam., lib. ii., 6: "Dux nobis et auctor opus est et
eorum ventorum quos proposui moderator quidem et quasi
gubernator."

[48] Mommsen, book v., chap. viii. According to the
historian, Clodius was the Achilles, and Milo the Hector. In
this quarrel Hector killed Achilles.

[49] Ad Att., lib. iv., 16.

[50] Ad Fam., lib. vii., 7.

[51] Vell. Pat., ii., 47.

[52] We remember the scorn with which Horace has treated the
Roman soldier whom he supposes to have consented to accept
both his life and a spouse from the Parthian conqueror:

Milesne Crassi conjuge barbara
Turpis maritus vixit?--Ode iii., 5.

It has been calculated that of 40,000 legionaries half were
killed, 10,000 returned to Syria, and that 10,000 settled
themselves in the country we now know as Merv.

[53] Ad Quin. Frat., lib. ii., 4, and Ad Att., lib. iv., 5.

[54] "Interrogatio de aere alieno Milonis."

[55] Livy, Epitome, 107: "Absens et solus quod nulli alii
umquam contigit."

[56] The Curia Hostilia, in which the Senate sat frequently,
though by no means always.

[57] Ca. ii.

[58] Ca. v.

[59] Ca. xx., xxi.

[60] Ca. xxix.

[61] Ca. xxxvii.: "O me miserum! O me infelicem! revocare tu
me in patriam, Milo, potuisti per hos. Ego te in patria per
eosdem retinere non potero!" "By the aid of such citizens as
these," he says, pointing to the judges' bench, "you were
able to restore me to my country. Shall I not by the same
aid restore you to yours?"

[62] Ad Fam., lib. xiii., 75.

[63] Ad Fam., lib. vii., 2: "In primisque me delectavit
tantum studium bonorum in me exstitisse contra incredibilem
contentionem clarissimi et potentissimi viri."

[64] Caesar, a Sketch, p. 336.

[65] Ibid., p. 341.

[66] He reached Laodicea, an inland town, on July 31st, B.C.
51, and embarked, as far as we can tell, at Sida on August
3d, B.C. 50. It may be doubted whether any Roman governor
got to the end of his year's government with greater
despatch.

[67] No exemption was made for Caesar in Pompey's law as it
originally stood; and after the law had been inscribed as
usual on a bronze tablet it was altered at Pompey's order,
so as to give Caesar the privilege. Pompey pleaded
forgetfulness, but the change was probably forced upon him
by Caesar's influence.--Suetonius, J. Caesar, xxviii.

[68] Ad Div., lib. iii., 2.

[69] Ad Att., lib. v., 1.

[70] Abeken points out to us, in dealing with the year in
which Cicero's government came to an end, B.C. 50, that
Cato's letters to Cicero (Ad Fam., lib. xv., 5) bear
irrefutable testimony as to the real greatness of Cicero.
See the translation edited by Merivale, p. 235. This applies
to his conduct in Cilicia, and may thus be taken as evidence
outside his own, though addressed to himself.

[71] The Roman Triumvirate, p. 107.

[72] Caesar, a Sketch, pp. 170, 341.

[73] Professor Mommsen says no word of Cicero's government
in Cilicia.

[74] I cannot but refer to Mommsen's account of this
transaction, book v., chap. viii.: "Golden fetters were also
laid upon him," Cicero. "Amid the serious embarrassments of
his finances the loans of Caesar free of interest * * * were in
a high degree welcome to him; and many an immortal oration
for the Senate was nipped in the bud by the thought that the
agent of Caesar might present a bill to him after the close
of the sitting." There are many assertions here for which I
have looked in vain for the authority. I do not know that
Cicero's finances were seriously embarrassed at the time.
The evidence goes rather to show that they were not so. Had
he ever taken more than one loan from Caesar? I find nothing
as to any question of interest; but I imagine that Caesar
treated Cicero as Cicero afterward treated Pompey when he
lent him money. We do not know whether even Crassus charged
Caesar interest. We may presume that a loan is always made
welcome, or the money would not be borrowed, but the "high
degree of welcome," as applied to this especial loan, ought
to have some special justification. As to Cicero's anxiety
in borrowing the money I know nothing, but he was very
anxious to pay it. The borrowing and the lending of money
between Roman noblemen was very common. No one had ever
borrowed so freely as Caesar had done. Cicero was a lender
and a borrower, but I think that he was never seriously
embarrassed. What oration was nipped in the bud by fear of
his creditor? He had lately spoken twice for Saufeius, once
against S. Clodius, and against Plancus--in each case
opposing the view of Caesar, as far as Caesar had views on the
matter. The sum borrowed on this occasion was 800,000
sesterces--between L6000 and L7000. A small additional sum
of L100 is mentioned in one of the letters to Atticus, lib.
v., 5., which is, however, spoken of by Cicero as forming
one whole with the other. I can hardly think that Mommsen
had this in view when he spoke of loans in the plural
number.

[75] M. C. Marcellus was Consul B.C. 51; his brother, C.
Claudius Marcellus, was Consul B.C. 50, another C. Claudius
Marcellus, a cousin, in B.C. 49.

[76] Mommsen calls him a "respected Senator." M. De Guerle,
in his preface to the oration Pro Marcello, claims for him
the position of a delegate. He was probably both--though we
may doubt whether he was "respected" after his flogging.

[77] Ad Att., lib. v., 11: "Marcellus foede in Comensi;" and
he goes on to say that even if the man had been no
magistrate, and therefore not entitled to full Roman
treatment, yet he was a Transalpine, and therefore not
subject to the scourge. See Mr. Watson's note in his Select
Letters.

[78] Ad Div., lib. ii., 8.

[79] Ad Att., lib. v., 13.

[80] Ibid.: "Quaeso ut simus annui; ne intercaletur quidem."
It might be that an intercalary month should be added, and
cause delay.

[81] Ad Div., lib. viii., 2: "Ut tibi curae sit quod ad
pantheras attinet."

[82] Ad Att., lib. v., 14.

[83] Ad Div., lib. iii., 5.

[84] Ad Att., lib. v., 15.

[85] Ibid., 16.

[86] Ad Att., lib. v., 17.

[87] Ad Div., lib. iii., 6.

[88] Ad Div., lib. xv., 1.

[89] Ibid., iii., 8.

[90] Ad Div., lib. viii., 8.

[91] Ad Div., lib. viii., 10.

[92] Ibid., ii., 10.

[93] This mode of greeting a victorious general had no doubt
become absurd in the time of Cicero, when any body of
soldiers would be only too willing to curry favor with the
officer over them by this acclamation. Cicero ridicules
this; but is at the same time open to the seduction--as a
man with us will laugh at the Sir Johns and Sir Thomases who
are seated around him, but still, when his time comes, will
be pleased that his wife shall be called "My Lady" like the
rest of them.

[94] Ad Div., lib. ii., 7.

[95] Ad Att., lib. v., 2.

[96] Ad Div., lib. xv., 4.

[97] Ibid., xv., 10, and lib. xv., 13: "Ut quam
honorificentissimum senatus consultum de meis rebus gestis
faciendum cures."

[98] Ad Div., lib. viii., 6.

[99] Ibid., 7.

[100] Ibid., iii., 7.

[101] Ibid., 9.

[102] The amount seems so incredible that I cannot but
suspect an error in the MS. The sum named is two hundred
Attic talents. The Attic talent, according to Smith's
dictionary, was worth L243 13_s._ It may be that this large
amount had been collected over a series of years.

[103] Ad Att., lib. v., 21.

[104] Ibid., vi., 1. This is the second letter to Atticus on
the transaction, and in this he asserts, as though
apologizing for his conduct to Brutus, that he had not
before known that the money belonged to Brutus himself:
"Nunquam enim ex illo audivi illam pecuniam esse suam."

[105] In the letter last quoted, "Flens mihi meam famam
commendasti." "Believe," he says, "that I cling to the
doctrines which you yourself have taught me. They are fixed
in my very heartstrings."

[106] See the former of the two letters, Ad. Att., lib. v.,
21: "Quod enim praetori dare consuessent, quoniam ego non
acceperam, se a me quodam modo dare."

[107] Ad Att., vi., 1: "Tricesimo quoque die talenta Attica
xxxiii., et hoc ex tributis." On every thirteenth day he
gets thirty three talents from the taxes, the talent being
about L243. Of the poverty of Ariobarzanes we have heard
much, and of the number of slaves which reached Rome from
his country. It was thus, probably, that the king paid
Pompey his interest.

Mancipiis locuples eget aeris Cappadonum rex.--Hor. Epis.,
lib. i., vi.

Persius tells us how the Roman slave-dealer was wont to slap
the fat Cappadocian on the thigh to show how sound he was as
he was selling him, Sat. vi., 77. "Cappadocis eques
catastis" is a phrase used by Martial, lib. x., 76, to
describe from how low an origin a Roman knight might
descend, telling us also that there were platforms erected
for the express purpose of selling slaves from Cappadocia.
Juvenal speaks also of "Equites Cappadoces" in the same
strain, Sat. vii., 15. The descendant even of a slave from
Cappadocia might rise to be a knight. From all this we may
learn what was the source of the L8000 a month which Pompey
condescended to take, and which Cicero describes as being
"ex tributis."

[108] Ad Att., lib. vi., 2.

[109] Ad Att., lib. vi., 3.

[110] Ad Div., lib. viii., 11.

[111] Ad Att., lib. vi., 4, 5.

[112] Ad Div., lib. ii., 15: "Scito me sperare ea quae
sequuntur."

[113] Ibid.

[114] Ad Att., lib. vii., 1.

[115] Ad Att., lib. vi., 8.

[116] Ad Att., lib. xi., 1.

[117] Appius and Piso were the last two Censors elected by
the Republic.

[118] Ad Div., lib. ii., 15.

[119] Appian, De Bell. Civ., lib. ii., 26. The historian
tells us that the Consul built a temple with the money, but
that Curio had paid his debts.

[120] Mommsen, book v., ca. ix.

[121] Ad Att., lib. vii., 1: "Video cum altero vinci satius
esse quam cum altero vincere."

[122] Ad Att., lib. vii., 2: "Adolescentem, ut nosti, et
adde, si quid vis, probum."

[123] Ad Att., lib. vii., 20-23.

[124] Ibid., lib. viii., 4.

[125] Ibid., lib. viii., 7.

[126] Copy of letter D, enclosed in letter to Atticus, lib.
viii., 11.

[127] Ad Att., lib. ix., 10.

[128] Ibid., lib. ix., 12.

[129] Ad Att., lib. x., 4.

[130] Ad Att., lib. xi., 5.

[131] Horace, Sat., lib. i., sat. 5.

[132] Ad Att., lib. xi., 7.

[133] Ad Div., xiv., 16.

[134] Ad Att., lib. xi., 24.

[135] Ad Att., lib. xi., 24.

[136] Ibid., lib. xi., 20-22.

[137] Ad Div., xiv., 22, 20. The numbers going the wrong way
is only an indication that the letters were wrongly placed
by Graevius.

[138] Ad Att., lib. xi., 22.

[139] Oratoriae Partitiones, xvii., xxiii.

[140] De Officiis, lib. i., ca. xxxi.: "Catoni cum
incredibilem tribuisset natura gravitatem, eamque ipse
perpetua constantia roborasset, semperque in proposito
susceptoque consilio permansisset, moriendum potius quam
tyranni vultum aspiciendum fuit."

[141] This was Lucius Volcatius Tullus.

[142] But it is now, I believe, the opinion of scholars that
Wolf has been proved to be wrong, and the words to have been
the very words of Cicero, by the publication of certain
fragments of ancient scholia on the Pro Marcello which have
been discovered by Cardinal Mai since the time of the
dispute.

[143] Ad Div., iv., 11.

[144] Pro Marcello, ii.

[145] Pro Ligario, i.

[146] Pro Ligario, iii.

[147] Ad Fam., lib. iv., 14.

[148] Ad Div., lib. ix., 16.

[149] Ad Att., lib. xii., 7.

[150] Ibid., 32.

[151] Ad Div., lib. xvi., 21.

[152] Pliny, Hist. Nat., lib. xiv., 28.

[153] Ad Div., lib. vi., 18.

[154] Ad Att., lib. xii., 12.

[155] Ibid., 18, 28.

[156] Ad Att., lib. xii., 14.

[157] Ibid., 18, 28.

[158] Ad Att., lib. xiii., 28.

[159] Suetonius, Julius Caesar, ca. xxxvii.

[160] Ad Att., lib. xiii., 44.

[161] Ad Att., lib xiii., 42.

[162] Pro Rege Deiotaro, ii.

[163] Ibid., ca. xii.: "Solus, inquam, es, C. Caesar, cujus
in victoria cecide it nemo nisi armatus."

[164] Caesar, De Bello Gallico, lib. iii., 16: "Itaque, omni
Senatu necato, reliquos sub corona vendidit," he says, and
passes on in his serene, majestic manner.

[165] Quint., lib. x., vii.: "Nam Ciceronis ad praesens modo
tempus aptatos libertus Tiro contraxit."

[166] Horace, Epis., lib. i., 1: "Nullus in orbe sinus Baiis
praelucet amaenis."

[167] Ad Att., lib. xiii., 52.

[168] Ad Div., lib. vii., 30.

[169] Mommsen, book v., xi.

[170] He left Brundisium on the last day of the year.

[171] Shakspeare, Julius Caesar, act i., sc. 2.

[172] Ad Att., lib. xiv., 9, 15.

[173] Quintilian, lib. vii., 4.

[174] These words will be found in M. Du Rozoir's summary to
the Philippics.

[175] Ad Att., lib. xiv., 1.

[176] Ibid., 14: "Quam oculis cepi justo interitu tyranni."

[177] Morabin, liv. vi., chap. iii., sec. 6.

[178] Velleius Paterculus, lib. ii., ca. lviii.

[179] Mommsen, book v., xi.

[180] Ad Att., lib. xiv., 4.

[181] Ibid., lib. xiv., 6.

[182] Ibid., lib. xiv., 7.

[183] Ad Att., lib. xiv., 9.

[184] Ibid., lib. xiv., 11.

[185] Ad Att., lib. xiv., 13.

[186] Ad Div., lib. xvi., 23.

[187] Ad Div., lib. ix., 11.

[188] Ad Att., lib. xiv., 21.

[189] Ad Att., lib. xv., 21.

[190] Ibid., lib. xv., 26.

[191] Ad Att., lib. xv., 27.

[192] Ibid., lib. xvi., 1.

[193] Ibid., lib. xvi., 5.

[194] Ibid., lib. xvi., 2.

[195] Ad Att., lib. xvi., 7.

[196] Phil., i., 5: "Nimis iracunde hoc quidem, et valde
intemperanter." "Who," he goes on to say, "has sinned so
heavily against the Republic that here, in the Senate, they
shall dare to threaten his house by sending the State
workmen?"

[197] Brutus, Ciceroni, lib. ii., 5: "Jam concedo ut vel
Philippici vocentur quod tu quadam epistola jocans
scripsisti." I fear, however, that we must acknowledge that
this letter cannot be taken as an authority for the early
use of the name.

[198] Phil., i., ca. vii.

[199] Ibid., i., ca. viii.

[200] Ibid., i., ca. x.

[201] The year of his birth is uncertain. He had been Consul
three years back, and must have spoken often.

[202] Ad Div., lib. xii., 2.

[203] It may here be worth our while to quote the
impassioned language which Velleius Paterculus uses when he
chronicles the death of Cicero, lib. ii., 66: "Nihil tamen
egisti, M. Antoni (cogit enim excedere propositi formam
operis, erumpens animo ac pectore indignatio), nihil,
inquam, egisti, mercedem caelestissimi oris et clarissimi
capitis abscissi numerando, auctoramentoque funebri ad
conservatoris quondam reipublicae tantique consulis irritando
necem. Rapuisti tu M. Ciceroni lucem solicitam, et aetatem
senilem, et vitam miseriorem, te principe, quam sub te
triumviro mortem. Famam vero gloriamque factorum atque
dictorum adeo non abstulisti, ut auxeris. Vivit, vivetque
per omnium saeculorum memoriam; dumque hoc vel forte, vel
providentia, vel utcumque constitutum, rerum naturae corpus,
quod ille paene solus Romanorum animo vidit, ingenio
complexus est, eloquentia illuminavit, manebit incolume,
comitem aevi sui laudem Ciceronis trahet, omnisque posteritas
illius in te scripta mirabitur, tuum in eum factum
execrabitur; citiusque in mundo genus hominum, quam ea,
cadet." This was the popular idea of Cicero in the time of
Tiberius.

[204] Ad Div., lib. xii., 23.

[205] Ad Att., lib. xvi., 11.

[206] On referring to the Milo, ca. xv., the reader will see
the very different tone in which Cicero spoke of this
incident when Antony was in favor with him.

[207] It was a sign of an excellent character in Rome to
have been chosen often as heir in part to a man's property.

[208] Horace, Odes, lib. iii., 30.

[209] Ad Att., lib. xvi., 14.

[210] Philippics, lib. vi., 1.

[211] "Populum Romanum servire fas non est, quem dii
immortales omnibus gentibus imperare voluerunt."

[212] Ad Div., lib. xi., 8.

[213] Ad Div., lib. x., 3.

[214] Ad Brutum, lib. ii., 6.

[215] Appian. De Bell. Civ., lib. iii., ca. 26.

[216] Vell. Pat., lib. ii., 62: "Quae omnia senatus decretis
comprensa et comprobata sunt."

[217] Ad Div., lib. xii., 7. This is in a letter to Cassius,
in which he says, "Promisi enim et prope confirmavi, te non
expectasse nec expectaturum decreta nostra, sed te ipsum tuo
more rempublicam defensurum."

[218] Appian, lib. iii., ca. 50. The historian of the civil
wars declares that Piso spoke up for Antony, saying that he
should not be damnified by loose statements, but should be
openly accused. Feelings ran very high, but Cicero seems to
have held his own.

[219] Ad Div., lib. x., 27.

[220] Suetonius, Augustus, lib. xi.

[221] Tacitus, Ann., lib. i., x.: "Caesis Hirtio et Pansa,
sive hostis illos, seu Pansam venenum vulneri affusum, sui
milites Hirtium et, machinator doli, Caesar abstulerat."

[222] Philip., xiv., 3: "Omnibus, quanquam ruit ipse suis
cladibus, pestem, vastitatem, cruciatum, tormenta
denuntiat."

[223] Philip., xiv., 12: "O fortunata mors, quae naturae
debita, pro patria est potissimum reddita."

[224] Ad Div., lib. xi., 9.

[225] Ibid., lib. xi., 10.

[226] Ibid., lib. xi., 11.

[227] Ibid., lib. xi., 18.

[228] Ad Div., lib. x., 34.

[229] Ad Brutum, lib. i., 4.

[230] Ad Div., lib. xi., 20: "Ipsum Caesarem nihil sane de te
questum, nisi quod diceret, te dixisse, laudandum
adolescentem, ornandum, tollendum."

[231] Ad Div., lib. xii., 10.

[232] Appian, lib. iii., 92.

[233] Dio Cassius, lib. xlvi., 46.

[234] Vell. Paterculus, lib. ii., 65.

[235] Vell. Paterculus, lib. ii., 66: "Repugnante Caesare, sed
frustra adversus duos, instauratum Sullani exempli malum,
proscriptio."

[236] Vell. Paterculus, lib. ii., 66: "Nihil tam indignum
illo tempore fuit, quam quod aut Caesar aliquem proscribere
coactus est, aut ab ullo Cicero proscriptus est."

[237] Suetonius, Augustus, 27: "In quo restitit quidem
aliquamdiu collegis, ne qua fieret proscriptio, sed inceptam
utroque acerbius exercuit."

[238] Phil., iv., ca. xviii.

[239] In the following list I have divided the latter,
making the Moral Essays separate from the Philosophy.

[240] I have given here those treatises which are always
printed among the works of Cicero.

[241] De Inventione, lib. ii., 4.

[242] Quintilian, in his Proaemium or Preface: "Oratorem
autem instituimus illum perfectum, qui esse nisi vir bonus
non potest." It seems as though there had almost been the
question whether the perfect orator could exist, although
there was no question he had never done so as yet.

[243] Quint., lib. iii., 1: "Praecipuum vero lumen sicut
eloquentiae, ita praeceptis quoque ejus, dedit unicum apud nos
specimen orandi, docendique oratorias artes, M. Tullius."
And in Tacitus, De Oratoribus, xxx.: "Ita ex multa
eruditione, ex pluribus artibus," he says, speaking of
Cicero, "et omnium rerum scientia exundat, et exuberat illa
admirabilis eloquentia; neque oratoris vis et facultas,
sicut ceterarum rerum, angustis et brevibus terminis
cluditur; sed is est orator, qui de omni quaestione pulchre,
et ornate, et ad persuadendum apte dicere, pro dignitate
rerum, ad utilitatem temporum, cum voluptate audientium
possit." This has not the ring of Tacitus, but it shows
equally well the opinion of the day.

[244] De Oratore, lib. i., ca. xi.

[245] Ibid., lib. i., ca. xxv.

[246] Ibid., lib. i., ca. xliv.

[247] Ibid., lib. i., ca. lii.

[248] Ibid., lib. i., ca. lx.

[249] De Oratore, lib. ii., ca. i.

[250] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. vii.

[251] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. xv.

[252] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. xxiv.

[253] De Oratore, lib. ii., ca. xxvii.: "Ut probemus vera
esse ea, quae defendimus; ut conciliemus nobis eos, qui
audiunt; ut animos eorum, ad quemcumque causa postulabit
motum, vocemus."

[254] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. xliv.

[255] De Oratore, lib. ii., ca. lxviii.

[256] De Oratore, lib. iii., ca. liv.

[257] Ibid., lib. iii., ca. lv.

[258] Brutus, ca. xii.

[259] Ibid., ca. xvii.

[260] Ibid., ca. xxxviii.

[261] Ibid., ca. l.

[262] Ibid., ca. lvii.

[263] Ibid., ca. lxxv.

[264] Brutus, ca. xciii.

[265] De Divinatione, lib. ii., 1.

[266] Orator, ca. ii.

[267] Orator, ca. xxvi.

[268] Ibid., ca. xxviii.

[269] Ibid., ca. xxxvi. Here his language becomes very fine.

[270] Ad. Att., lib. xiv., 20.

[271] Topica, ca. 1: "Itaque haec quum mecum libros non
haberem, memoria repetita, in ipsa navigatione conscripsi,
tibique ex itinere misi."

[272] Quint., lib. xi., 3. The translations of these
epithets are "open, obscure, full, thin, light, rough,
shortened, lengthened, harsh, pliable, clear, clouded."

[273] Brutus, ca. xxxviii.

[274] De Oratore, lib. i., ca. liii.

[275] Academica, ii., lib. i., ca. iii.

[276] Ibid., i., lib. ii., ca. vii.

[277] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. xii.

[278] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. xxix.

[279] Academica, i., lib. ii., ca. xxxvii.

[280] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. xxxix.

[281] Pro Murena, ca. xxix.

[282] De Finibus, lib. i., ca. iii.

[283] Ibid., lib. i., ca. v.

[284] De Finibus, lib. ii., ca. xxx.

[285] De Finibus, lib. iii., ca. xxii.

[286] De Finibus, lib. iv., ca. 1.

[287] De Finibus, lib. v., ca. ii.

[288] Ibid., lib. v., ca. xix.

[289] Ibid., lib. v., ca. xxiii.

[290] Epis., lib. i., 1, 14.

[291] Tus. Disp., lib. v., ca. xi.

[292] Tus. Disp., lib. i., ca. xxx.

[293] De Natura Deo., lib. i., ca. iv.

[294] Ibid., lib. i., ca. ix.

[295] Ibid., lib. i., ca. xiv.

[296] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. xxix.

[297] De Nat. Deo., lib. ii., ca. liv., lv.

[298] De Nat. Deo., lib. iii., ca. xxvii.

[299] De Divinatione, lib. ii., ca. xxxiii.

[300] De Divinatione, lib. i., ca. xviii.

[301] Ibid., lib. i., ca. xlvii.

[302] De Divinatione, lib. ii., ca. i.

[303] Horace, Ep., lib. ii., ca. i.:

"Greece, conquered Greece, her conqueror subdued.
And Rome grew polished who till then was rude."

CONINGTON'S Translation.

[304] De Divinatione, lib. ii., ca. ii.

[305] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. li.

[306] The story of Simon Du Bos and his MS. has been first
told to me by Mr. Tyrell in his first volume of the
Correspondence of Cicero, p. 88. That a man should have been
such a scholar, and yet such a liar, and should have gone to
his long account content with the feeling that he had
cheated the world by a fictitious MS., when his erudition,
if declared, would have given him a scholar's fame, is
marvellous. Perhaps he intended to be discovered. I, for
one, should not have heard of Bosius but for his lie.

[307] De Republica, lib. iii. It is useless to give the
references here. It is all fragmentary, and has been divided
differently as new information has been obtained.

[308] De Legibus, lib. i., ca. vii.

[309] De Legibus, lib. i., ca. x.

[310] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. xviii.

[311] De Legibus, lib. iii., ca. ix., x.

[312] Ibid., lib. iii., xvii.

[313] De Senectute, ca. ix.

[314] Ibid., ca. x.

[315] Ibid., ca. xi.

[316] Ibid., ca. xviii.

[317] Ibid., ca. xxi.

[318] De Amicitia, ca. xix.

[319] De Officiis, lib. ii., ca. v.

[320] Ibid., lib. i., ca. xvii.

[321] De Officiis, lib. i., ca. xxix: "Suppeditant autem et
campus noster et studia venandi, honesta exempla ludendi."
The passage is quoted here as an antidote to that extracted
some time since from one of his letters, which has been used
to show that hunting was no occupation for a "polite
man"--as he, Cicero, had disapproved of Pompey's slaughter
of animals on his new stage.

[322] Ibid., lib. i., ca. xxxi.

[323] De Officiis, lib. i., ca. xxxvi. It is impossible not
to be reminded by this passage of Lord Chesterfield's
letters to his son, written with the same object; but we can
see at once that the Roman desired in his son a much higher
type of bearing than the Englishman. The following is the
advice given by the Englishman: "A thousand little things,
not separately to be defined, conspire to form these
graces--this 'je ne sais quoi' that always pleases. A pretty
person; genteel motions; a proper degree of dress; an
harmonious voice, something open and cheerful in the
countenance, but without laughing; a distinct and properly
raised manner of speaking--all these things and many others
are necessary ingredients in the composition of the pleasing
'je ne sais quoi' which everybody feels, though nobody can
describe. Observe carefully, then, what displeases or
pleases you in others, and be persuaded that, in general,
the same thing will please or displease them in you. Having
mentioned laughing, I must particularly warn you against it;
and I could wish that you may often be seen to smile, but
never heard to laugh, while you live." I feel sure that
Cicero would laugh, and was heard to laugh, and yet that he
was always true to the manners of a gentleman.

[324] De Officiis, lib. i., ca. xlii.

[325] De Officiis, lib. ii., l.

[326] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. xiii.

[327] Ibid., lib. ii., ca. xiv.

[328] De Officiis, lib. ii., ca. xxiv.

[329] Ibid., lib. iii., ca. i.

[330] De Republica, lib. vi. It is useless to give the
chapters, as the treatise, being fragmentary, is differently
divided in different editions.

[331] Ad Archiam, ca. xii.

[332] De Republica, lib. vi.

[333] Academica, 2, lib. i., ca. vii.

[334] Academica, 1, lib. ii., ca. xxxviii.

[335] De Officiis, lib. i., ca. xliv.

[336] Tusc. Disputationes, lib. i., ca. xxx.

[337] De Finibus, lib. v., ca. xxiii.

INDEX.

A.

Abeken, German, biographer of Cicero, ii., 39.

"Abiit, excessit, evasit, erupit," i., 228.

Academica, The, i., 33; ii., 251, 281.

Actio Prima, contra Verrem, i., 139.

Actio Secunda, contra Verrem, i., 138.

Aculeo, Cicero's uncle, i., 42.

Adjournments, on account of games in the trial of Verres, i., 138.

Advocate, duty in Rome, i., 85, 165;
his duties, ii., 319.

AEdile, Cicero as, i., 162.

"AEstimatum," tax on corn in Sicily, i., 152.

Agrarian law, two speeches, i., 190;
two supplementary speeches, 191.

[Greek:Aideomai Troas], i., 288.

Allobroges, their ambassadors, i., 230;
alluded to by Horace, 231;
rewarded, 233.

AEmilius, the Consul, bribed by Caesar, ii., 116.

Amanus, Cicero's campaign at the mountain range, ii., 90.

Amicitia, De, ii., 252;
Laelius tells its praises, 313.

Amnesty, granted after Caesar's death, ii., 181;
Cicero's opinion respecting it, 214.

Anatomical researches, ii., 296.

Antiochus of Comagene, Cicero pleads against, ii., 48.

Antiphon, an actor, criticism on, ii., 48.

Antonius Caius, Cicero's colleague in the Consulship, i., 185;
not trusted, 186;
was worth nothing, 229;
Cicero expects money from, 251.

Antonius Marcus, the orator, i., 43.

Antony, abuse of, i., 151;
silenced by Cicero, 204;
Cassius had desired his death, ii., 178;
forges Caesar's writing, 181;
writes to Cicero, 184;
Cicero desires to make him leave Italy, 190;
desires Cicero to assist in the Senate, 191;
desires that Cicero's house shall be attacked, 192;
determines to answer the first Philippic, 195;
left no friend to speak for him, 196;
his character by Paterculus, 197;
the same from Virgil, _ibid._;
how he sought favor with Caesar, 201;
how he quarrelled with Dolabella, 202;
his letter to Hirtius, 222;
wages war against four Consuls, 224;
one of the Triumvirate, 238.

Appius Claudius, letter to, ii., 79;
runs away from Cicero, 87;
takes away three cohorts, 87;
sends ambassadors to Rome to praise him, 88;
his dishonesty, 113;
twice tried, _ibid._;
Censor, 114.

Apronius, who he was, and his character, i., 153.

Arabarches, nickname for Pompey, i., 291.

Aratus, the Phaenomena translated, i., 46;
the Prognostics translated, 277; ii., 296.

Arbuscula, the actress, ii., 48.

Archias, Cicero's tutor, i., 47;
Cicero's speech, 252.

Ariobarzanes, in debt to Pompey and Brutus, ii., 100.

Army, Cicero joins it, i., 48.

Arpinum, Cicero's birthplace, i., 40.

Asconius Pedianus, commentator of Cicero, i., 180;
declares that Cicero had accused Crassus of joining Catiline, 218;
tells the story of Milo's trial, ii., 61.

Asia, Cicero travels in, i., 56.

Asians, the character given them by Cicero, i., 296.

"Assectatores," who they were, i., 112.

Athens, Cicero is afraid to live there, i., 322;
Cicero's description of, ii., 289.

Atticus, letters, private, i., 10, 12, 13, 16;
Cicero's faith in, 19;
general letters, 58;
his character, 58, 166, 182;
Cicero informs him as to Clodius, 255;
and of his speech in Pompey's favor, 258;
did not quarrel with Cicero, 302;
Cicero complains of his conduct, and then apologizes, 318;
leads money to Cicero, 323;
no letter of his extant, ii., 139;
receives a commission to see Cicero's debts paid, 188;
Cicero's last letter to, 206.

Augurs, College of, ii., 58.

Augustine has produced a fragment of the De Republica, ii., 307.

Augustus, devoid of scruple, i., 77;
born in the Consulship of Cicero, i., 239.

Aulus Gellius, tells a story of Cicero's house, i., 249.

Aurelia, Via, Catiline had left the city by that route, i., 228.

Autronius, selected Consul, i., 214, 252.

B.

Bacon, compared to Cicero, ii., 100.

Balbus, messenger from Caesar to Cicero, i., 270;
his citizenship defended, ii., 34;
his descendant Emperor, 34.

Battle of the eagle and the serpent, i., 46.

Beesley, Mr., as to Catiline, i., 205.

Bibulus as Consul, i., 282.

Birria stabs Clodius, ii., 62.

Boasting, habit of the Romans, i., 151.

Boissier, Gaston, his book on Cicero, ii., 34.

Bona Dea, her mysteries violated, i., 255.

Bovilla, at, Milo meets Clodius, ii., 62.

Brennus, when at Rome, i., 75.

Brougham, Lord, as to "Memnon," a tale, i., 46.

Brundisium, Cicero lands at on his return from exile, ii., 129;
Cicero's misery at, 142.

Brutus, proposes to make a speech in behalf of Milo, ii., 66;
his usury, 96;
the story of his debt in Cilicia, 97;
Cicero's opinion, 103;
letters from, 140;
how he should be judged for the murder of Caesar, 174;
his character, 180;
no aptitude for ruling, _ibid._;
Cicero meets him at Velia, 189;
his manners to Cicero, 190;
praised, 216;
correspondence with, doubted, 216;
an honest patriot, 227;
will not assist Cicero, 235;
Cicero's respect for, 267.

Brutus, The, ii., 251;
Brutus, or De Claris Oratoribus, 265.

Brutus, Decimus, letters from, ii., 140;
preparing to fight, 206;
deficient as a general, 228;
is slain, 235.

Buthrotum, Atticus, writes to Cicero respecting, ii., 185.

C.

Caecilia Metella, her tomb, ii., 160.

Caecilius, put up to plead against Verres, i., 132;
ridiculed as to his insufficiency, 136.

Caecina, Cicero's speech for, i., 163.

Caelius, one of the young bloods of Rome, i., 36;
his character, ii., 35;
one of Clodia's lovers, _ibid._;
defended by Cicero, 36;
harangues the people for Milo, 64;
scolded for the folly of his letters, 84;
asks for panthers, 85;
style of his letters, 89;
attached to Cicero, 90;
letters from, 140.

Caelius, C., left in charge of Cilicia, ii., 106.

Caeparius, one of Catiline's conspirators, i., 232.

Caerellia, her name mentioned, ii., 186.

Caesar, devoid of scruple, i., 77;
his debts, 103;
his cruelty, 104;
Cicero's treatment of, 152;
passing the Rubicon, 176;
did he join the conspiracy of Catiline, 215;
in debt, 216;
his prospects, _ibid._;
no ground for accusing him as second conspiracy, 219;
his opinion of Cicero, _ibid._;
attempt to murder as he left the Senate, _ibid._;
present at the first Catiline oration, 225;
speech as to Catiline, 236;
his career commenced, 241;
did not think of overthrowing the Republic, 242;
had not thought of ruling Rome, 260;
money nothing to him, 266;
his general character, _ibid._;
his first Consulship, 282;
illegality of his actions, 283;
has the two Gauls allotted to him, 284;
endeavors to screen Cicero, 292;
naturally a conspirator, ii., 20;
defence of his Proconsular power, 29, 30, 31;
his doings in Gaul, 31;
Cicero's conduct in reference to, 32;
why Cicero flattered him, 33;
intends to rule the Empire, 39;
crosses into Britain, 56;
money due to him by Cicero, 82;
returns the two legions, 116;
sits down at the Rubicon, 117;
tramples on all the laws, 118;
Cicero excuses his letter to, 122;
his clemency to Romans, 137;
absence of revenge, _ibid._;
does not allow Cicero to sell his property, 138;
is magnificent, 139;
sits as judge, 153;
returns to Spain, 156;
returns from Spain, 161;
is likened to Romulus, 162;
his five triumphs, _ibid._;
is flattered by Cicero, 165;
sups with Cicero, 168;
his death, 172;
his assassination esteemed a glorious deed, 175;
Cicero present, 177;
an altar put up to, 185;
his laws to be sanctioned, 193.

Calenus, talks of peace, ii., 214;
attacked by Cicero, 215.

Caninius, Consul for a few hours, ii., 272.

Capitol, description of, ii., 179;
Brutus returns to, _ibid._

Cappadocian slaves, ii., 101.

Cassius, Cicero says that he would not obey the Senate, ii., 219;
will not assist Cicero, 235.

Castor, the temple of, in the trial of Verres, i., 143.

Castor, accuses his grandfather, Deiotarus, ii., 164.

Catiline, one of Sulla's murderers, i., 78;
Cicero opposed to for Consulship, 110, 183;
Cicero does not defend him, 183;
the Catiline speeches described by Cicero, 191;
a popular hero, 205;
a step between the Gracchi and Caesar, 207;
Mr. Beesley's opinion as to his high birth, 211;
and courage, _ibid._;
his real character, 212;
not elected Consul, 214;
second conspiracy, 218;
accused by Lepidus, 222;
he leaves the city, 228;
third speech against, 230;
fourth speech against, 235;
he dies, 239.

Cato, accuses Murena, i., 193;
his stoicism laughed at, _ibid._;
speech as to Catiline, 238;
opposed Clodius, 256;
keeping gladiators, ii., 23;
opposes Cicero's request for a "supplication," 105;
his death, 147;
Cicero praises him, 148;
a glutton with books, 287;
his suicide defended, 317.

Cato the elder, praise of, ii., 307.

Catullus, his epigram on Caesar and Mamurra, ii., 169.

Caudine Forks, i., 76.

"Cedant arma togae," an impotent scream, i., 65.

Cethegus, one of Catiline's conspirators, i., 232.

Chesterfield, Lord, his advice to his son, ii., 318.

Christian, Cicero almost one, ii., 325.

Christina, Queen, on Cicero, i., 19.

Chrysogonus, creature of Sulla's, i., 85, 86, 91, 92.

Churches, rules complied with for the sake of example, ii., 298.

Cicero, young Marcus, wishes to serve under Caesar, ii., 156;
money allowed for living at Athens, 157;
does not do well, 158.

Cilicia, governed for a year, ii., 8;
Cicero's mode of government, 77;
why undertaken, _ibid._;
Cicero's government had cost no man a shilling, 85.

"Cincia Lex De Muneribus," i., 100.

Cispius, defended, ii., 46.

"Civis Romanus," his privileges, i., 158.

Claterna, taken by Hirtius, ii., 214.

Claudian family, desecrated by Clodius, i., 275.

Clodia, her character, i., 317.

Clodius, Cicero's language to, i., 186;
accuses Catiline, 213;
intrudes on the mysteries of the Bona Dea, 255;
acquitted, 257;
quarrels with Cicero, _ibid._;
Cicero's speech against, 262;
his Tribunate, 272;
favored by Caesar and Pompey, _ibid._;
is made a Plebeian, 273;
prepares to attack Cicero, 311;
had put up a statue of a Greek prostitute
as a figure of liberty, ii., 21;
slaughtered, 62;
his mode of travelling about, 72.

Cluentius Aulus, speech on his behalf, i., 179;
work in defending immense, 189.

Cluvius, leaves Cicero a property, ii., 182.

"Cohors," Cicero, in anger, so calls his suite, ii., 107.

College of priests, oration spoken before, ii., 20.

Commentarium of Caelius, ii., 105.

Conduct, Cicero's, as governor, ii., 22.

Conservative, Cicero was one, i., 308.

Consolation, Cicero complains that nothing is of use, ii., 160.

Consular speeches, twelve, i., 190.

Consulatu de suo, Cicero quotes his own poem, i., 271.

Consulatus de Petitione, i., 108.

Consuls and other officers reconformed by Sulla, i., 78;
the manner in which they were selected, 184;
their duties, 187;
never two bad Consuls together, ii., 14;
Cicero asks them to praise him, 92;
are they to be sent out of Italy? 218.

Cornelius, a Knight employed to kill Cicero, i., 223.

Cornelius Caius, speech on his behalf, i., 180.

Cornelius Nepos, on Cicero, i., 14;
his sayings as to Cicero's letters, 166.

Cotta, Lucius Aurelius, elected Consul, i., 214.

Cotta, the orator, Cicero knew him in his youth, i., 43.

Courage, as to the nature of, i., 299;
shown in the Philippics, ii., 199.

Cowardice, Cicero accused of, ii., 220;
the charge repelled, 246.