Chapter L: Tyerman (8)

On the 10th of July, he went to Ebenezer, the place where the Saltzburghers were settled, and wrote concerning them: "They are blessed with two such pious ministers as I have not often seen.[135] They have no courts of judicature, but all little differences are immediately decided by their ministers, whom they look upon and love as their fathers. They have likewise an Orphan House, in which are seventeen children, and one widow, and I was much delighted to see the regularity wherewith it was managed. I gave Mr. Boltzius, one of their ministers, some of my poor's store for his orphans. He called them all before him; catechised and exhorted them to give God thanks for His good providence towards them; then prayed with them, and made them pray after him; then sung a psalm; and, afterwards, the little lambs came and shook me by the hand one by one. So we parted, and I scarce was ever better pleased in my life."

[135] One of these was John Martin Boltzius, whom Wesley, in the
exercise of his high-churchmanship, had refused to admit to the
Lord's Table at Savannah, because he had not been baptized,--that
is, baptized by an episcopally ordained clergyman. The Saltzburghers
were deplorably poor. In a letter to Dr. Isaac Watts, dated
"Kensington, Nov. 30, 1737," the Rev. F. M. Ziegenhagen, Court
Chaplain to the Queen Consort of George II., says concerning
them,--"In every respect they are suffering great poverty and
hardships. Their pious and indefatigable minister, the Rev. Mr.
Boltzius, acquaints me that any old rag thrown away in Europe is
of service to them: for instance, old shoes, stockings, shirts,
or anything of wearing apparel for men or women, grown people or
children." (Milner's "Life of Watts," p. 572.)

Wherever he went, Whitefield was beloved. Even the mongrel population of Savannah treated him with affectionate respect. He writes: "They seem to have a sincere affection for me, and flock (especially every evening) to hear the word of God. They everywhere receive me with the utmost civility, and are not angry when I reprove them. I have endeavoured to let my gentleness be known amongst them, because they consist of different nations and opinions; and I have striven to draw them by the cords of love, because the obedience resulting from that principle I take to be the most genuine and lasting."

In the month of August, Whitefield visited Frederica,[136] a town above a hundred miles from Savannah, "and consisting of about a hundred and twenty inhabitants." Two years ago, the ill-natured inhabitants of Frederica had worried Charles Wesley almost into madness; but Whitefield says: "The people received me most gladly, having had a famine of the word for a long season." Though timber was being sawn for the purpose, as yet no church had been built; and Whitefield's first service was under a large tree, where he read prayers and expounded the Second Lesson.[137] "Poor creatures!" said he, "my heart ached for them, because I saw them and their children scattered abroad as sheep having no shepherd."

[136] In reality Whitefield was appointed to be the minister, not of
Savannah, but, of Frederica. The reason why he settled at Savannah
was because, since Wesley's departure, the town had been without a
minister; and the reason why he deferred his residence at Frederica
was because there, there was not a church. (See Whitefield's Letter
to Rev. Thomas Church, in 1744.)

[137] During the whole of his residence in Georgia, it was
Whitefield's custom, after reading the Second Lesson, to expound
it, and, to make time for this, he omitted the First Lesson and the
Psalms for the day. (Stephens's "Journal of Proceedings in Georgia,"
vol. i.)

During his five days' stay at Frederica, he paid a flying visit to Darien, about twenty miles distant, where the Highlanders were settled, his object being to hold Christian fellowship with Mr. McLeod, whom he describes as "a worthy minister of the Scotch Church."

On the 16th of August, he again arrived at Savannah, where he spent the next twelve days; at the end of which he set sail for England. During this brief interval, two events occurred which must be noticed.

The first was his refusal to read the Burial Service over a dead infidel.[138] Whitefield had frequently visited the man during his lingering illness, and had offered to pray with him, which he would not permit. Two days before his death, Whitefield asked him, "Do you believe Jesus Christ to be God, the one Mediator between God and man?" The answer was, "I believe Christ was a good man." "Do you believe the Holy Scriptures?" "I believe," replied he, "something of the Old Testament--the New I do not believe at all." "Do you believe a judgment to come?" "I know not what to say to that," answered the dying sceptic. Whitefield writes: "The day after his decease, he was carried to the ground, and I refused to read the office over him, but went to the grave and told the people what had passed between him and me; warned them against infidelity; and asked them whether I could safely say, 'As our hope is this our brother doth.' Upon which I believe they were thoroughly satisfied that I had done right."[139]

[138] This man's name was William Aglionby--in all respects a
disreputable fellow. (Stephens's "Journal of the Proceedings in
Georgia," vol. i.) He had been "a thorn in the flesh" to Wesley.
(See "Life and Times of Wesley," vol. i., p. 157.)

[139] This was not the only instance in which Whitefield took
ecclesiastical law into his own hands. A few weeks before, he had
informed a man at Savannah, that, for the future, he should refuse
to "give him the cup at the sacrament," because the man "denied the
eternity of hell-torments."

The other event was of a more pleasing kind, namely, the opening of a newly built school-house at Highgate. Only three months had passed since Whitefield's first visit there. In the interval, one of the settlers had given him a site for the erection; the rest had given labour; and now the building was completed. Whitefield consecrated the edifice by reading the Liturgy, preaching, baptizing an infant, and catechising the children. "After the service," says the happy minister, "we refreshed ourselves together, thanked our good God, and ate our bread with gladness of heart."

Whitefield's departure from Savannah, which took place on August 28, was widely different from that of his friend Wesley eight months before. He writes:--

"1738, August 28. This being the day of my departure, it was
mostly spent in taking leave of my flock, who expressed their
affection now more than ever.[140] They came to me, from the
morning to the time I left them, with tears in their eyes,
wishing me a prosperous voyage and safe return. They also
brought me wine, ale, cake, coffee, tea, and other things
proper for my passage, and their love seemed to be without
dissimulation. My heart was full, and I took the first
opportunity of venting it by prayers and tears. I think I never
parted from a place with more regret. I have great hope some
good will come out of Savannah; because, the longer I continued
there, the larger the congregations grew. I scarce know a night,
though we had divine service twice a day, when the church-house
has not been nearly full."

[140] Stephens, the Secretary of the Trustees of Georgia, says: "The
congregation was so crowded that a great many stood without the
doors and under the windows to hear him, pleased with nothing more
than the assurances he gave of his intention to return to them as
soon as possible." He adds, that, when Whitefield left Savannah, he
appointed Habersham, the Savannah schoolmaster, to read the Church
Service to the people during his absence. Habersham did this for two
months, when the Rev. Mr. Norris came and took Whitefield's place.
("Journal of Proceedings in Georgia," vol. i.)

It will naturally be asked, if Whitefield was so happy in his work in Georgia, why did he so soon leave it? An answer to this will be found in the following extract from a paper written some years afterwards. It will be seen, 1. That there were certain things in the government of the country which Whitefield wished to have altered. 2. That he felt it a duty to collect funds for the erection of an orphan house. 3. That it was necessary he should return to England to be ordained a priest. As an explanation of what follows, it may be added here, that the Trustees of Georgia, from the best of motives, had, 1. Prohibited the introduction of ardent spirits,--a prohibition which it was difficult to enforce, and which led to clandestine traffic. 2. They had granted lands to none but _male_ emigrants, and had issued a regulation to the effect that _female_ descendants should not inherit the estates of their ancestors. In families of daughters, this was a grievance that soon created a just discontent. 3. The Trustees also interdicted the introduction of slaves. "Slavery," said Oglethorpe, "is against the Gospel as well as against the fundamental law of England." Besides, he adds, the colony is "an asylum for the distressed, and it is necessary, therefore, not to permit slaves in such a country, for slaves starve the poor labourer." Such were some of the reasons for this interdict; but it is a curious fact, that as early as the year 1736, several "of the better sort of people in Savannah" had sent a petition to the Trustees "for the use of negroes."[141] Not only in one, but in all these respects, Whitefield, oddly enough, sympathised with the malcontent inhabitants of Georgia. Hear what he says:--

"The people were denied the use both of rum and slaves. The
lands were allotted them according to a particular plan,
whether good or bad; and the female heirs were prohibited from
inheriting. So that in reality to place people there, on such a
footing, was little better than to tie their legs and bid them
walk. The scheme was well meant at home; but was absolutely
impracticable in so hot a country abroad. However, that rendered
what I had brought over from my friends more acceptable to the
poor inhabitants, and gave me an ocular demonstration of the
great necessity of an orphan house, which I now determined to
set about in earnest. The Saltzburghers at Ebenezer had one; and
having heard and read of what Professor Francke had done in that
way, in Germany, I confidently hoped that something of the like
nature might succeed in Georgia. Many poor orphans were there
already, and the number was likely soon to be increased.

[141] Bancroft's "History of the United States."

"The settlers were chiefly broken and decayed tradesmen from
London and other parts of England; several Scotch adventurers;
some Highlanders, who had a worthy minister named McLeod; a
few Moravians; and the Saltzburghers, who were by far the most
industrious of the whole.

"With the worthy ministers of Ebenezer, Messrs. Grenaw and
Boltzius, I contracted an intimacy. Many praying people were
in the congregation, which, with the consideration that such
faithful labourers as Messrs. Wesleys and Ingham had been
sent, gave me great hope that, unpromising as the aspect at
present might be, the colony might emerge in time out of its
infant state. Mr. Ingham had made some small advances towards
converting the Indians, who were at a small settlement about
four miles from Savannah. He went and lived among them for a few
months, and began to compose an Indian Grammar; but he was soon
called away to England. Mr. Charles Wesley had chiefly acted
as secretary to General Oglethorpe; but he also soon went to
England to engage more labourers. Mr. John Wesley, having met
with unworthy treatment, both at Frederica and Savannah, soon
followed. Through Divine mercy, I met with respectable treatment
from magistrates, officers, and people. The first I visited now
and then; the others, besides preaching twice a day and four
times a Lord's day, I visited from house to house. I was in
general most cordially received; but, from time to time, found
that '_Cælum non animum mutant qui trans mare currunt._' Though
lowered in their circumstances, a sense of what they formerly
were in their native country remained. It was plain to be seen
that coming over was not so much out of choice as constraint.
Among some of these, however, the word took effectual root.
I was really happy in my little foreign cure, and could have
cheerfully remained among them, had I not been obliged to return
to England to receive priest's orders and to make a beginning
towards laying a foundation to the orphan house."[142]

[142] Gillies' "Life of Whitefield."

Here then are Whitefield's reasons why, after so short a residence, he left Savannah, and set sail for England.

First of all, in a boat provided by Thomas Causton, Wesley's foe, he made his way to Charleston, the capital of Carolina, where, says he, "I was received in a most Christian manner by the Bishop of London's Commissary, the Rev. Mr. Garden, a good soldier of Jesus Christ;"[143] and was treated with great kindness by several others. Here he remained about ten days, and then, on September 9, embarked on board the _Mary_, Captain Coc, commander, bound from Charleston to England.

[143] Such is Whitefield's description of Mr. Garden; who, however,
in 1740, instituted proceedings against him in the ecclesiastical
court, and suspended him from his ministerial office. But more of
this anon.

With the exception of two or three days, the first month of the passage home was a continual storm. During the first week, Whitefield never undressed, and lay upon deck, or on a chest, every night. On October 3, when they had sailed about 150 miles, they encountered a tempest which slit nearly all their sails to strips. The captain's hammock, in the great cabin, was half filled with water. Whitefield, in his berth, was drenched. Most of the fresh provisions were washed overboard; and the tackling of the ship was seriously injured. In the midst of all, however, Whitefield was kept in peace. "God," says he, "was exceeding gracious unto me, and enabled me greatly to rejoice. My sphere of action was now contracted into a very narrow compass; for there are but few souls on board, and all that I can do is to read public prayers, and add a word of exhortation, twice every day. The captain and all are very civil."

Whitefield did not forget his friends. On the 2nd of October, he wrote a long letter "to the Inhabitants of Savannah,"--a sort of pastoral epistle--in which he strongly insists upon that which had so often been the subject of his sermons--"the new birth in Christ Jesus--that ineffable change which must pass upon our hearts before we can see God." "The author of this blessed change," says he, "is the Holy Ghost; and the means to attain this Holy Spirit, you know, and the way you know." It is a remarkable fact, however, that, whilst specifying the _means_, as 1. Self-denial; 2. Public Worship; 3. Reading the Scriptures; 4. Secret Prayer; 5. Self-examination; and 6. Receiving the blessed Sacrament,--there is not a word about faith in Christ; and, further, it is equally remarkable that, until after this, the doctrine of salvation by faith in Christ only, is never even mentioned in any of Whitefield's published sermons, nor in any of his private letters to his friends. The fact is, whilst he himself fully trusted in the infinite sacrifice of Christ as the alone _procuring_ cause of a sinner's salvation, he had yet to learn that the doctrine of justification by faith alone, is not only a doctrine of _paramount importance_ in the great scheme of Christian truth, but one which stands pre-eminent throughout the whole of the New Testament Scriptures. The Wesley brothers, in this very year, 1738, to their own great amazement, had been brought to the knowledge of this unspeakably important dogma of revealed religion, and had begun to preach it. A few months later, Whitefield was led to embrace the same doctrine, and had the same divine conviction; and henceforward, to the end of life, was second to none in expounding and enforcing the text of the inspired Apostle, "To him that worketh not, but believeth on Him that justifieth the ungodly, his faith is counted for righteousness."

But leaving this, and returning to Whitefield's pastoral epistle, while defective in the momentous point just mentioned, it is in all other respects most admirable.

"I must defer," says he, "dwelling further on this subject till
I see you in person, and am qualified to administer unto you
the sacred symbols of Christ's blessed body and blood. In the
meanwhile, think not that I shall forget you in my prayers. No,
I remember my promise, and, whilst the winds and storms are
blowing over me, I make supplication to God on your behalf.
Remember, my dear friends, that, for the space of near four
months, I ceased not, day and night, warning every one of you
to repent and turn to God, and bring forth fruits meet for
repentance. Repent you, therefore, and walk in all things as
becometh the Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ, and then, and
then only, shall your sins be blotted out.[144] Let there be
no divisions among you; for a kingdom divided against itself
cannot stand. Be over-careful for nothing, but, in everything,
with supplications and thanksgiving, make your wants known unto
God. Speak not evil one of another, but live at peace among
yourselves; and the God of peace shall in all things direct and
rule your hearts. Brethren, pray that God would prosper the work
of His hands upon me, and restore me to you as soon as possible.
In about eight months, God willing, I hope to see you. In the
meanwhile, you shall not be forgotten by your affectionate,
though unworthy, minister in Christ Jesus,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

[144] Language like this fully confirms what has just been said
respecting justification by faith only.

Such was Whitefield's letter, written in the midst of ocean-storms. A fortnight later he wrote as follows:--

"October 14. Sailed this week about 600 miles; but yesterday God
was pleased to send us a contrary wind, which still continues.
A few days ago, I flattered myself we should soon be at our
desired port, but God is pleased to defer the accomplishment
of my hopes. However, blessed be His name! He enables me to
give thanks. Most of this week has been spent in searching the
Scriptures, and in retirements for direction and assistance in
the work before me. My fresh provisions are gone, and the people
are put to the allowance of a quart of water each man for a
day. I hope now the spiritual man will grow, having so little
for the natural man to feed upon. Amen, Lord Jesus! Blessed be
God! By His grace, I rejoice in necessities, and in everything
give thanks. Had this sentence out of Matthew Henry much pressed
upon my heart, 'The mower loses no time while he is whetting his
scythe.'"

On November 4, Whitefield remarked:--

"Our allowance of water now is but a pint a day, so that we dare
not eat much salt beef. Our sails are exceeding thin; some more
of them were split last night, and no one knows where we are;
but God does, and that is sufficient. Last night, He lifted up
the light of His blessed countenance upon me; and to-day, He
fills me with joy unspeakable and full of glory; so that, though
I have little to eat, I inwardly possess all things. This is
now the eighth week I have been on board. If my friends ask me
why I arrived no sooner, I may truly answer, Satan hindered us;
for I believe it is he who is permitted to do this."

A week later he wrote again:--

"Still we are floating about, not knowing where we are; but our
people seem yet to have hopes of seeing Ireland. The weather now
begins to be cold, so that I can say with the Apostle, 'I am in
hungerings and thirstings, cold and fastings often.' My outward
man sensibly decayeth, but the spiritual man, I trust, is
renewed day by day. Our ship is much out of repair, and our food
by no means enough to support nature; an ounce or two of salt
beef, a pint of water, and a cake made of flour and skimmings of
the pot; but I often think of Him who preserved Moses in the ark
of bulrushes, and so long as I look upwards, my faith will not
fail."

The next day, land appeared. Their plight was pitiable. They had but half a pint of water left. A boat was sent on shore. Provisions and water were obtained; and Mr. McMahon, "a great country gentleman," sent an invitation to Whitefield to visit him, and to stay in his house as long as he liked. "As soon as the provisions came," says Whitefield, "we kneeled down and returned hearty thanks to our good God, who has heard our prayers, and sent His angel before us to prepare our way." On November 14, the ship anchored near the west coast of Ireland, and Whitefield landed. He writes:--

"The voyage has been greatly for my good; for I have had a
glorious opportunity of searching the Scriptures, composing
discourses, writing letters, and communing with my own heart.
We have been on board just nine weeks and three days,--a long
and perilous, but profitable voyage to my soul; for, I hope, it
has taught me, in some measure, to endure hardships as becometh
a minister of Christ. My clothes have not been off (except to
change me) all the passage. Part of the time I lay on open deck;
part on a chest; and the remainder on a bedstead covered with my
buffalo's skin. These things, though little in themselves, are
great in their consequences; and, whosoever despiseth small acts
of bodily discipline, it is to be feared, will insensibly lose
his spiritual life by little and little. As for the success of
my ministry whilst on board, I shall only say, much sin has been
prevented, and one I hope effectually converted, who is to be my
fellow-traveller to England."

Mr. McMahon treated Whitefield with the genuine hospitality of an Irish gentleman, and furnished him with three horses to convey him, his servant, and the new convert just mentioned, from one side of Ireland to the other.

Their first day's journey brought them to Kilrush, where they met Captain Coc and a number of his crew, who, the night before, had been almost wrecked. Whitefield writes: "On entering our inn, we kneeled down and prayed; and again, at night, sung psalms, and prayed with the captain and several of my shipmates; the first time, I believe, the room was ever put to such a use by a ship's crew and their chaplain."

Whilst here, undaunted by his recent privations and dangers, Whitefield wrote to a friend in England:--

"KILRUSH, _Nov. 16, 1738_.

"I send you this to inform you of my safe arrival here. I know
you will rejoice and give thanks, and pray that my coming to
London may be in the fulness of the blessing of the gospel of
peace. God has done for me more abundantly than I could dare
to ask or think. The seed of the glorious gospel has taken
root in the American ground, and, I hope, will grow up into a
great tree. America--infant Georgia--is an excellent soil for
Christianity; you cannot live there without taking up a daily
cross; therefore, I shall hasten back as soon as possible after
Christmas."

Whitefield's second day's Irish journey was from Kilrush to Fourthfargus,[145] a distance of about thirty miles. Everywhere he was struck with the poverty of the people, and thought the huts in Georgia were palaces when compared with the Irish turf and mud-built cabins. In this the cold and wet month of November, he saw many of the people walking barefoot, some because they were destitute of shoes, and others carrying in their hands their "clouted brogues" to save them from wearing out. Nearly all were papists, and "seemed," says Whitefield, "so very ignorant that they may well be termed the _wild Irish_."

[145] So Whitefield spells the word; but I have failed to find such
a place in Lewis's elaborate "Topographical Dictionary of Ireland."
The same also may be said of _Karrigholt_.

On Saturday, November 19, he came to Limerick, where he spent the Sunday. Dr. Burscough, Bishop of Limerick, received him "with the utmost candour and civility;" and, at his lordship's request, he preached in the cathedral "to a very numerous audience, who seemed universally affected." After sermon, the mayor sent twice to invite him to dinner; but he "was pre-engaged to the bishop," who offered him "the free use of his palace." "As I was eating at dinner," says Whitefield, "I was meditating on the Divine goodness in spreading such a table for me, when last Sunday I was in danger of perishing with hunger. But I thought, at the same time, if this was so great a blessing, what an infinitely greater one will it be, after the troubles of this life, to sit down and eat bread in the kingdom of God." The next day, when taking leave of his lordship, "the good bishop kissed him, and said, 'Mr. Whitefield, God bless you! I wish you success abroad. Had you stayed in town, this house should have been your home.'"

Three days afterwards, the weather-beaten hero arrived at Dublin, and thus completed his journey of about 200 miles across the "sister island," remarking that there were two things for which Ireland deserved credit,--the roads were good, and provisions cheap.

During the five days that Whitefield spent in Dublin, he visited the celebrated Dr. Delany, who received him with the greatest kindness. Through Delany, he was introduced to Dr. Rundle, Bishop of Londonderry, and to Dr. Boulter,[146] the Archbishop of Armagh, both of whom invited him to dinner. He also preached in two of the Dublin churches--St. Werburgh's and St. Andrew's--and says, "God enabled me to speak with power."

[146] Dr. Boulter was a remarkable man. In 1719, at the age of
forty-eight, he went to Hanover with George I., in the capacity of
chaplain, and was employed to teach Prince Frederick the English
language. During the same year, he was made Bishop of Bristol.
Five years later, he became Archbishop of Armagh, and Primate of
Ireland. He expended £30,000--an enormous sum in those days--in
the augmentation of small livings; erected and endowed hospitals,
at Drogheda and Armagh, for the reception of clergymen's widows;
supported the sons of many poor divines at the University;
contributed greatly to the establishment of the Protestant charter
schools; and, during a scarcity of food, in 1740, provided, at
his own expense, two meals a day for upwards of two thousand five
hundred distressed persons. He died four years after his courteous
kindness to Whitefield.

On November 30, he landed at Parkgate, and hurried to Nantwich, hoping to meet with his old friend, Mr. Matthew Salmon, an Oxford Methodist, who, three years before, had arranged to go with the Wesleys to Georgia, but, at the last moment, was prevented by his family.

From Nantwich, Whitefield went to Manchester, to visit another of the Oxford Methodists, the Rev. John Clayton, by whose "judicious Christian conversation," says he, "I was much edified." Here he spent Sunday, December 3, and preached twice in Clayton's church, to thronged and attentive congregations, and assisted six more clergymen in administering the sacrament to three hundred communicants. Five days afterwards, he arrived in London, "was received with much joy" by his Christian friends, "joined with them in psalms and thanksgiving," and, at night, went to a meeting of the Moravian Society, in Fetter Lane.

At the time of Whitefield's arrival, Wesley was at Oxford; but, hearing of his friend's return, he "hastened to London;" and says, "On December 12, God gave us once more to take sweet counsel together."

Strange things had happened during Whitefield's absence. The two Wesleys had been brought into close connection with the Moravians, and had both found peace with God through faith in Christ. Charles had formed an intimate acquaintance with the Rev. Henry Piers, of Bexley, and with the Delamotte family, at Blendon. For seven months, ever since the memorable "Day of Pentecost," in the month of May, he had sung, rejoiced, and given thanks. Wherever an opportunity occurred, he had preached, with all the earnestness of his impulsive nature, his newly discovered doctrine of a free salvation, attainable at once, by simple faith in Christ. He had prayed with half a score of condemned convicts in Newgate prison, had instructed them, and then gone with them to Tyburn gallows. Besides occupying the pulpits of other London churches, he had become a sort of curate of the Rev. Mr. Stonehouse, vicar of Islington; and, on September 3, had "preached salvation by faith" even in Westminster Abbey, where he also "gave the cup."

John Wesley's history had been equally eventful. He had met with Peter Bohler, and had been taught that true faith in Christ is inseparably connected with dominion over sin, and constant peace, arising from a sense of forgiveness--a doctrine which, at the first, Wesley regarded as a "new gospel." He had preached, before the University, in St. Mary's, Oxford, his memorable sermon, from the text, "By grace are ye saved, through faith." He had spent three months in visiting the Moravian brotherhoods in Germany. He and his brother had waited upon Dr. Gibson, Bishop of London, to answer the complaints his lordship had heard against them. He had drawn up a set of rules for the regulation of the Moravian band societies in London; and he had published his first "Collection of Psalms and Hymns."[147] Though he had preached in several of the London churches, his preaching, as yet, comparatively speaking, had not created much excitement; but he was being prepared for action, and, when the time arrived, he was ready for the battle.

[147] The following letter from Clayton to Wesley, has not before
been published:--"Salford, May 7, 1738. We feared much that you were
the author of the 'Oxford Methodists,' prefixed to Mr. Whitefield's
Sermons; but Mr. Kinchin has relieved us. It is the opinion of Dr.
Deacon, Dr. Byrom, and his brother Josiah, as well as myself, that
you had better forbear publishing, at least for a time, till your
difficulties are blown over. Dr. Byrom has the same fears about the
_poems_, as the '_Methodists_,' and doubts you are too hasty and
sanguine about them."

Whitefield arrived in London on December 8, and, on the day following, waited on the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of London, and says he "met with a favourable reception." All, however, was not smooth sailing. On December 10, he writes: "Five churches have been already denied me, and some of the clergy, if possible, would oblige me to depart out of these coasts." As yet, however, all the churches were not closed against him. On the same day, he preached in St. Helen's,[148] the church of Broughton, the Oxford Methodist; and in the parish church of Islington, where Mr. Stonehouse was vicar; and concluded the Sabbath by attending a Moravian love-feast, at Fetter Lane, and spending about two hours in prayer and singing. He found that many who had been awakened by his preaching, twelve months before, were now "grown strong men in Christ, by the ministrations of his dear friends and fellow-labourers, John and Charles Wesley;" and, in his journal, he significantly adds: "I found the old doctrine of justification by faith only much revived. Many letters had been sent to me concerning it, all of which I, providentially, missed receiving; for now I come unprejudiced, and can the more easily see who is right. And who dare assert that we are not justified in the sight of God merely by an act of faith in Jesus Christ, without any regard to works past, present, or to come?" So far as there is evidence to shew, this was a doctrine which, up to the present, Whitefield had never preached. Now, somewhat to his surprise, he found the Moravians and the Wesley brothers preaching it continually.

[148] Charles Wesley writes: "I heard George Whitefield preach to a
vast throng at St. Helen's."

With the exception of St. Helen's in Bishopsgate Street, Christ Church in Spitalfields, Wapping Chapel, and the parish church at Islington, Whitefield, on his return from Georgia, was excluded from all the London churches. A year ago, his popularity in London was enormous. Not only the pulpits of the churches just mentioned, but those of Cripplegate, St. Ann's (Foster Lane), the Tower, Ludgate, Newgate, Bow Church (in Cheapside), St. Andrew (Holborn), St. Antholin, St. Nicholas, and many others, were freely offered him. Now, nearly all were shut against him. Why was this? Perhaps it was partly occasioned by the imprudent publication of his two "Journals of a Voyage from London to Gibraltar, and from Gibraltar to Savannah"--journals full of devotion, faith, and godly zeal, but yet containing words, phrases, and sentences which it was unwise to print. There was nothing absolutely wrong, but occasionally there was a modicum of pious egotism, and there were rapturous expressions unfamiliar to Pharisaic ears, and which exposed the writer to the malignant shafts of inferior men, who were envious of the preacher's popularity and success. Another reason may, perhaps, be found in the fact that Whitefield and the Wesley brothers were known to be faithful and ardent friends. Though the Wesleys had not, as yet, encountered any serious opposition, their newly embraced doctrine of justification by faith only, and their intimate and open connection with the London Moravians, had been, to many of the members of the Church of England, an occasion of huge offence; and it is not improbable that Whitefield's exclusion from the London churches was partly on their account. And, further, though the terrible storm of persecution had yet to come and burst, there were already mutterings of its approach, and of its violence. As an antidote to Whitefield's doctrine of the new birth, the Rev. Tipping Silvester had published a sermon,[149] preached before the University of Oxford, the chief point of which was that men are born again in baptism. Further, in condemnation of Wesley's doctrine, that true faith in Christ is inseparably attended by an assurance of the forgiveness of sins, the Rev. Arthur Bedford, Chaplain to His Royal Highness Frederick Prince of Wales, had printed a discourse, delivered in the church of St. Lawrence Jewry, in which he strongly argued that, to profess to have received such an assurance, savours of spiritual pride, and cannot but produce bad results. It is a "grand enthusiasm;" "instead of bringing a man nearer to heaven, it sets him farther from it, for the whole tenor of the gospel is to teach us humility and lowliness of mind." "If," continues Mr. Bedford, "it pleased God, by His Holy Spirit, to give me such an assurance, I should think myself obliged heartily to bless His name for it in private, and humbly beg a continuance of it; but I should also think myself obliged, in conscience to conceal it, unless I was called forth to martyrdom."

[149] On the title-page of Mr. Silvester's sermon, there is the
following: "Recommended to the Religious Societies." Of course,
it was well known that Whitefield had recently been the favourite
preacher of these Societies, both in Bristol and in London.

It is more than probable that all these things contributed to Whitefield's being denied the use of those London pulpits from which, only twelve months before, he had preached, to admiring crowds, with such startling eloquence and power. But, perhaps, the chief cause of his exclusion was the publication of an 8vo. pamphlet, of thirty-two pages, with the following title: "Remarks on the Reverend Mr. Whitefield's Journal. Wherein his many Inconsistencies are pointed out, and his Tenets considered. The whole shewing the dangerous tendency of his Doctrine. Addressed to the Religious Societies. _Ex tuo ipsius ore te damnabo._" The pamphlet was a weak performance, but full of venom. The writer professes a great regard for truth and the general good of the Religious Societies, and confesses that Whitefield's "zeal to promote the glory of God in London had made him esteem and admire him;" but he adds that, finding "so many inconsistencies and false notions of religion in" Whitefield's Journal, "I could not help endeavouring to undeceive others, since I am so much deceived in him myself."

The "Remarks on the Journal" are scarcely worthy of quotation. Suffice it to say that, besides accusing Whitefield of "placing religion in perturbations of mind, possessions of God, ecstatic flights, and supernatural impulses;" of "insinuating that he was a peculiar favourite of heaven," and of "arriving at such a height of enthusiasm as to cause intervals of madness,"--the zealous reviewer of Whitefield and his religion addresses the Religious Societies as follows:--

"I am not a stranger to those causeless divisions among you,
occasioned by Mr. Whitefield's doctrine, and others of his
stamp, which have even drove some of you into despair, and
have caused others (really pious and well-meaning people) not
to be easy in themselves, but to think their eternal happiness
forfeited, through a want of those feelings which he prescribes
as the necessary ingredient for a good Christian. I shall
leave it to you to think whether any doctrine, attended with
such melancholic and frightful consequences, can be a means of
promoting the glory of God and benefiting mankind. I doubt not
but you will think in the negative. If so, let me exhort each
of you, according to his power, to endeavour to suppress it.
The only means that I can recommend to you is to work on those
who are falling from you by gentle means; to remove from their
minds all vain expectations of these new tokens of the Spirit,
_pangs_, _feelings_, and the like; and to inform them that the
only _fruit_ of the Spirit is righteousness; and always to keep
up in them a sense that their services, being according to
their best endeavours (though imperfect), will be acceptable
with God, through the merits of Christ. This will preserve them
from despair, and be the only means to prevent those frightful
thoughts affecting the mind. But if they should at any time
afterwards present themselves, let them always keep in memory
our blessed Saviour's description of the particulars by which
every man is to be judged at the last day, where there is no
mention made of inward feelings, possessions, and the like; but
_if he was hungry, ye gave him meat_," etc. (Matt. xxv 34-40).

This was odd theology; but let it pass. There can be no doubt that the circulation of this well-printed, if not well-written, pamphlet created a prejudice against the young preacher; and that this, in connection with the other circumstances already mentioned, is quite sufficient to account for the surprising fact, that whereas, at the end of the year 1737, Whitefield, of all the preachers in the London churches, was the most popular, he was, notwithstanding this, almost universally tabooed at the end of 1738, and, with few exceptions, found all the churches closed against him.

To an aspiring, ardent spirit, like that of Whitefield, this was a serious trial; but while it pained, it failed to paralyse the man. To gag him was impossible. If not allowed to preach in churches, he was determined to preach elsewhere. On Christmas Eve, besides preaching twice in places not named, he attended a meeting of the Crooked Lane Society, and "withstood several persons, who cavilled against the doctrine of the new birth;" thence he "went and expounded to a company at Mr. B----'s, in Little Britain;" and thence proceeded to a Moravian love-feast at Fetter Lane, where he "continued, with many truly Christian brethren, in prayer, psalms, and thanksgiving," till nearly four o'clock on Christmas Day morning. But even now his work was not ended. Instead of seeking rest in bed, he went direct from Fetter Lane to Redcross Street, and, at four o'clock, "expounded to another Society consisting of two or three hundred people;"[150] at six, he expounded again "as well as he could" to Crutched Friar's Society; and then, during the same day, "without going to sleep," "preached thrice, and assisted in administering the Christian Sacrament." Thus, in something like six-and-thirty hours, he preached five sermons, expounded to four Societies, and attended the exhaustingly prolonged love-feast in Fetter Lane.

[150] Whitefield says, this was the _first_ time he "ever prayed _ex
tempore_ before such a number in public." (Whitefield's Life and
Journals, 1756, p. 114.)

How did he spend the ensuing week,--the last in the memorable year 1738? Many a man, after such exertions, would have deemed it his duty to have had a Christmas holiday; but if any one could truthfully sing the lines of his friend Wesley, Whitefield could:--

"Labour is rest, and pain is sweet,
If Thou, my God, art here."

The question just propounded shall be answered partly by Charles Wesley, and partly by Whitefield himself. The former writes:--

"1738, Tuesday, December 26. George Whitefield preached. We had
the sacrament this and the four following days. On Thursday, my
brother preached; on Friday, George Whitefield; and on Saturday,
Mr. Robson. The whole week was a festival indeed; a joyful
season, holy unto the Lord."[151]

[151] C. Wesley's Journal.

Whitefield says:--

"1738, Saturday, December 30. Preached nine times this week, and
expounded near eighteen times, with great power and enlargement.
Blessed be God! I am every moment employed from morning till
midnight. There is no end of the people's coming and sending to
me. They seem more and more desirous, like new-born babes, to
be fed with the sincere milk of the word. What a great work has
been wrought in the hearts of many within this twelvemonth!

"Sunday, December 31. Preached twice to large congregations,
especially in the afternoon, at Spitalfields. I had a great
hoarseness upon me;" (no wonder!) "but God strengthened me to
speak, so as to be heard by all. After I left Spitalfields, I
expounded to two companies in Southwark, and was never more
enlarged in prayer in my life. Many were pricked to the heart,
and _felt_ themselves to be sinners. Oh that all the world knew
and felt that!"

Thus, with Whitefield, ended the year 1738.

_COMMENCEMENT OF OUTDOOR PREACHING._

JANUARY TO AUGUST, 1739.

Whitefield began the new year as gloriously as he ended that which had just expired. He received the sacrament, preached twice, expounded twice, attended a Moravian love-feast in Fetter Lane, where he "spent the _whole_ night in prayer, psalms, and thanksgivings;" and then pronounced "this to be the happiest New Year's Day he had ever seen."

The love-feast at Fetter Lane was a memorable one. Besides about sixty Moravians, there were present not fewer than seven of the Oxford Methodists, namely, John and Charles Wesley, George Whitefield, Westley Hall, Benjamin Ingham, Charles Kinchin, and Richard Hutchins,--all of them ordained clergymen of the Church of England. Wesley writes: "About three in the morning, as we were continuing instant in prayer, the power of God came mightily upon us, insomuch that many cried out for exceeding joy, and many fell to the ground. As soon as we were recovered a little from that awe and amazement at the presence of His majesty, we broke out with one voice, 'We praise Thee, O God; we acknowledge Thee to be the Lord.'" This Pentecost on New Year's Day could never be forgotten. It was a glorious preparation for the herculean work on which Whitefield and the Wesleys were about to enter. No wonder that the year thus begun should be the most remarkable in Methodistic history.

Only four hours after this overwhelming visitation in Fetter Lane, Whitefield was employed in another kind of work. He writes: "January 2. From seven in the morning till three in the afternoon, people came, some telling me what God had done for their souls, and others crying out, 'What shall we do to be saved?'"

Three days afterwards, the seven Oxford Methodists, just mentioned, "held a Conference at Islington, concerning several things of great importance." Whitefield says: "What we were in doubt about, after prayer, we determined by lot, and everything else was carried on with great love, meekness, and devotion. We continued in fasting and prayer till three o'clock, and then parted with a full conviction that God was going to do great things among us."

With the exception of the question whether Charles Wesley ought "to settle at Oxford,"[152] the matters, which were discussed at this the _first_ Methodist Conference, are utterly unknown; but that the members of it were intensely earnest, and that their conviction that something marvellous was about to happen was not the whim of presumptuous fanatics, no one can seriously doubt.

[152] C. Wesley's Journal, vol. i., p. 139.

During this momentous week--the first in the year 1739--Whitefield preached six times, and expounded twice or thrice every night. On the first Sunday of the year, January 7, he preached twice, expounded to three Societies, and spent the _whole_ night in prayer and thanksgiving at Fetter Lane. The next day he writes:--

"Monday, January 8. Though I sat up all night, yet God carried
me through the work of the day with about an hour's sleep.
Expounded in the evening, and confuted a virulent opposer of
the doctrine of the new birth, and justification by faith only.
Spent the remainder of the evening with our Bands, which are
little combinations of six or more Christians meeting together
to compare their experiences."

From such extracts, the reader may learn, 1. That Whitefield's labours were gigantic. 2. That he had now fully embraced the doctrine of justification by faith only. 3. That he was in close communion with the Religious Societies, and especially with the Moravian brotherhood.

Though most of the London churches were closed against him, he was enormously popular, and his preaching more powerful than ever. On January 10, after his sermon at Great St. Helen's, £33 were collected towards erecting a church for the Saltzburghers in Georgia; and he himself testifies, concerning his ministry in general, "The Holy Ghost so powerfully worked upon my hearers, pricking their hearts, and melting them into floods of tears, that a spiritual man said, 'He never saw the like before.'"

The time had now arrived for Whitefield to be ordained a priest. Soon after his arrival from Georgia, he wrote as follows, to his friend Harris at Gloucester:--

"LONDON, _December 30, 1738_.

"I am appointed by the Trustees to be minister of Savannah. The
Bishop of London (Doctor Gibson) accepts the title, and has
given me letters demissory to any other bishop. I have waited
also on Doctor Secker, Bishop of Oxford, who acquaints me
that our worthy diocesan, good Bishop Benson, ordains for him
to-morrow fortnight at Oxford, and that he will give me letters
demissory to him. God be praised! I was praying night and day,
whilst on ship-board, that good Bishop Benson, who laid hands on
me as a deacon, might now make me a priest. And now my prayer is
answered."

In accordance with this arrangement, Whitefield, on January the 10th, set out for Oxford, where he spent the next four days. His Journal of this brief interval is too racy to be omitted. He writes:--

"Friday, January 12. Breakfasted with sixteen or seventeen
Christian brethren; expounded and read prayers at the Castle
to many devout souls. Afterwards, I waited on the Bishop of
Gloucester, who received me very kindly. Waited on the Master
of Pembroke; afterwards on the archdeacon. Went to public
worship at Pembroke. Supped, prayed, and sung psalms, with a
room full of brethren at Mr. F----'s;[153] then adjourned to
Corpus Christi College, where God assisted me to talk clearly of
the new birth, and justification by faith alone, with one that
opposed it.

[153] Doubtless Mr. Fox, late a prisoner in the city prison;
but now a vendor of "fowls, pigs, and cheese." (See "The Oxford
Methodists," pp. 364, 370.)

"Saturday, January 13. Received the holy sacrament at St.
Mary's; expounded at F----'s; went with the other candidates for
holy orders to subscribe to the Articles, and secretly prayed
that we all might have our names written in the book of life.
Drank tea with a well-disposed gentleman commoner, and had close
conversation with many others at Corpus Christi College.

Sunday, January 14. This, blessed be God, has been a day of fat
things. Rose in the morning, and prayed and sung psalms lustily,
and with a good courage; and afterwards was ordained priest
at Christ's Church. _Before_, I was a little dissipated, but,
_at_ imposition of hands, my mind was in an humble frame, and I
received grace in the holy sacrament. That I might begin to make
proof of my ministry, I preached and administered the sacrament
at the Castle; and preached in the afternoon at St. Alban's, to
a crowded congregation. The church was surrounded by gownsmen
of all degrees, who stood attentive at the windows during my
sermon. God enabled me to preach with the demonstration of the
Spirit, and with power, and quite took away my hoarseness, so
that I could lift up my voice like a trumpet. After sermon, I
joined in giving thanks to our good God for all the mercies He
had conferred upon me. Then I read prayers at Carfax; expounded
to a large and devout company at a private house; and spent the
remainder of the evening with thirteen more, where God gave me
great cheerfulness of spirit."

Whitefield was ordained a priest. It is more than possible, if he had waited until the next Ember-days, he would never have been ordained a priest at all. Bishop Benson, from the first, had been a friend to him. Though he had publicly declared he would not ordain any one a deacon under the age of three-and-twenty, he, without solicitation, ordained Whitefield when he was only twenty-one years and a half. He gave him five guineas to assist him in defraying the expenses of taking his B.A. degree at Oxford, and twenty pounds for the poor of Georgia. He ordained him a priest when, with few exceptions, the clergy of the land were beginning to indulge in clamorous complaints against him; and, three weeks after his ordination, gave him another "liberal benefaction for Georgia."[154] And yet, even "the _good bishop_," as Whitefield so often calls him, was not absolutely contented with him. Hence the following extract from a letter addressed to the Earl of Huntingdon. After giving an account of Whitefield's ordination, the bishop proceeds to say:--

"I hope this will give some satisfaction to my lady, and that
she will not have occasion to find fault with your lordship's
old tutor. _Though mistaken on some points_, I think Mr.
Whitefield a very pious, well-meaning young man, with good
abilities and great zeal. I find his Grace of Canterbury[155]
thinks highly of him. I pray God to grant him great success in
all his undertakings for the good of mankind, and the revival of
true religion and holiness among us in these degenerate days; in
which prayer, I am sure, your lordship and my kind good Lady
Huntington will most heartily join."[156]

[154] Whitefield's Journal.

[155] Archbishop Potter.

[156] "Life and Times of Countess of Huntingdon," vol. i., p. 196.

For a season, Whitefield's irregularities somewhat tried the patience of Bishop Benson; and it is related that, in an excited conversation with the Countess of Huntingdon, he "bitterly lamented" that he had ordained his youthful protégé. The countess replied, "Mark my words: when you come upon your dying bed, that will be one of the few ordinations you will reflect upon with complacence." It deserves remark, that Bishop Benson, on his dying bed, sent ten guineas to Whitefield, as a token of his favour and approbation, and begged to be remembered by him in his prayers.

This letter introduces a name which will occupy a prominent place throughout the whole of Whitefield's remaining history. When and where the Countess of Huntingdon first became acquainted with Whitefield we are not informed; but it is evident that already she was interested in the man, and desirous of his ordination. Her well-informed biographer, in his "Life and Times of Selina, Countess of Huntingdon," has crowded his pages with facts, racy, rich, and important; but he sorely tries the patience of his readers by his neglect of dates, and by his consequent chronological confusion. He states, however, that, among the nobility, Lady Townshend, the eccentric mother of George, the first Marquis Townshend, "was the first who extolled the preaching of Whitefield, whom she alternately liked and disliked."[157]

[157] "Life and Times of Countess of Huntingdon," vol. i., p. 23.