Chapter XIX: Preface (2)

This law of circumcision continued in force till the death of Christ: hence our Saviour being born under the law, it _became him_, who came to teach mankind obedience to the laws of God; to _fulfil all justice_, and to submit to it. Therefore, he was _made under the law_, that is, was circumcised, that he might redeem them that were under the law, by freeing them from the servitude of it; and that those, who were in the condition of servants before, might be set at liberty, and _receive the adoption of sons_ in baptism; which by Christ's institution, succeeded to circumcision. On the {060} day he was circumcised he received the name of JESUS, the same which had been appointed him by the angel before he was conceived.[4] The reason of his being called JESUS is mentioned in the gospel:[5] _For he shall save his people from their sins_. This he effected by the greatest sufferings and humiliations; _having humbled himself_, as St. Paul says,[6] not only unto death, but even _to the death of the cross; for which cause God hath exalted him, and hath given him a name which is above all names; that at the name of JESUS every knee should bow_: agreeably to what Christ says of himself,[7] _All power is given unto me in heaven and in earth_.[8]

Christ being not only innocent, but incapable of sin, could stand in no need of circumcision, as an expedient then in use for the remission of sin. He was pleased, however, to subject himself to this humbling and painful rite of the Mosaic dispensation for several reasons: as, First, to put an end in an honorable manner to a divine, but temporary, institution, by taking it upon his own person. Secondly, to prove the reality of his human body; which, however evident from this and so many other actions and sufferings of his life, was denied by several ancient heretics. Thirdly, to prove himself not only the son of man, but of that man in particular of whose seed the Messiah was promised to come: thus precluding any future objection that might be raised by the Jews against his divine mission in quality of Messiah, under the pretence of his being an alien; and hereby qualifying himself for free conversation with them for their own spiritual advantage: setting us all a pattern of undergoing voluntarily several hardships and restraints, which, though not necessary on our own account, may be of great use to promote the good of others. Christ not being like other Jewish children, who could not know or fear the pain of circumcision, when they were going to suffer the operation, was perfectly sensible of it beforehand, and with calmness and intrepidity offered himself willingly to suffer the knife, and shed the first-fruits of his sacred blood in this painful manner. Under the smart this divine infant shed tears, but not as other children; for by them, with the most tender love and compassion, he bewailed chiefly our spiritual miseries, and at the same time presented with joy his blood as the price of our redemption to his Father. Fourthly, by thus humbling himself under this painful operation, he would give us an early pledge and earnest of his love for us, of his compassion for our miseries, and of his utter detestation of sin. The charity and zeal which glowed in his divine breast, impatient, as it were, of delay, delighted themselves in these first-fruits of humiliation and suffering for our sakes, till they could fully satiate their thirst by that superabundance of both, in his passion and death. With infinite zeal for his Father's honor, and charity for us sinners, with invincible patience, and the most profound humility, he now offered himself most cheerfully to his Father to undergo whatever he was pleased to enjoin him. Fifthly, he teaches us by the example of voluntary obedience to a law that could not oblige him, to submit with great punctuality and exactness to laws of divine appointment; and how very far we ought to be from sheltering our {061} disobedience under lame excuses and frivolous pretexts. Sixthly, by this ceremony, he humbled himself to satisfy for our pride, and to teach us the sincere spirit of humility. What greater humiliation can be imagined than for Him who is the eternal Son of God, in all things equal to his Father, to conceal these glorious titles under the appearance of a sinner? What a subject of confusion to us, who, being abominable criminals, are ashamed to pass for what we are, and desire to appear and be esteemed what we are not! Shall we not learn from this example of Christ to love humiliations, especially as we cannot but acknowledge that we deserve every reproach and all manner of contempt from all creatures? Seventhly, by beginning the great work of our salvation in the manner he was one day to finish it; suffering in his own person the punishment of sin, to deliver us from both sin and its punishment, he confounds the impenitence of sinners who will suffer nothing for their own sins; and inculcates the necessity of a spiritual circumcision, whereof the external was but the type and figure, as the apostle puts us in mind.[9]

It is manifest, beyond all contradiction, from several texts of the Old Testament,[10] that men under that dispensation ought not to have rested in the external act alone, but should have aspired from the letter to the spirit, from the carnal to a spiritual circumcision. These texts, at the same time that they set forth its necessity, describe it as consisting in a readiness and willing disposition to conform to the will of God, and submit to it when known, in every particular. They in consequence require a retrenchment of all inordinate and superfluous desires of the soul, the keeping a strict guard and government over ourselves, a total abstinence from criminal, and a prudent reserve even in the lawful gratifications of sense and appetite. If such instances of spiritual circumcision were required of those under the Old Law, to qualify them for acceptance with God, can any thing less than the same entitle us Christians to the claim of spiritual kindred with faithful Abraham, and to share of that redemption which Christ began this day to purchase for us at the expense of his blood? We must cut off whatever inordinate or superfluous desires of riches, honors, or pleasures reign in our hearts, and renounce whatever holds us wedded to our senses or the world. Though this sacrifice required the last drop of our blood, we ought cheerfully to make it. The example of Christ powerfully excites us not to spare ourselves. A thousand irregular affections reign in our souls, and self-love is master there. This enemy is only to be expelled by compunction, watchfulness over ourselves, perfect obedience, humble submission to correction, voluntary self-denials, and patience under crosses. To these endeavors we must join earnest prayer for the necessary grace to discover, and courageously crucify whatever opposes the reign of the pure love of God in our affections. If we are conscious to ourselves of having taken a contrary course, and are of the unhappy number of the _uncircumcised to heart_; what more proper time to set about a thorough reformation, by cutting off whatever is inconsistent with or prejudicial to the true Christian spirit, than this very day, the first of the new year? that so it may be a _new_ year to us in the most Christian and beneficial sense of the word.[11]

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Wherefore, after having consecrated its first-fruits to God, by the most sincere and fervent homage of praise and adoration; after having paid him the just tribute of thanksgiving for all his benefits, and in particular for the mercy by which he vouchsafes us still time to appease his anger, and serve him; it becomes us to allot some part of this day to tears of compunction for our past offences, and to the diving into the source of our spiritual sloth and other irregularities, with a view to the amendment of our lives, and the preventing of relapses: not contenting ourselves with general purposes, which cost self-love so little, the insufficiency of which our own experience has convinced us of; we must lay the axe to the root, and seriously resolve to decline, to the best of our power, the particular occasions which have betrayed us into sin, and embrace the most effectual means of reformation of life and improvement in virtue. Every year ought to find us more fervent in charity; every day ought our soul to augment in strength, and be decked with new flowers of virtue and good works. If the plant ceases to grow, or the fruit to ripen, they decay of course, and are in danger of perishing. By a rule far more sacred, the soul, which makes not a daily progress in virtue loses ground: a dreadful symptom in the spiritual life.

The more intense ought our fervor to be, as we draw the nearer to the end of our course: _So much the more_, says the apostle, _as you perceive the day to approach_,[12] the day of _retribution_ to each according to his works, which will be that of our death, which may be much nearer than we are willing to imagine. Perhaps we may not live to the end of this very year: it will be the case of thousands, who at this time are as regardless of it as we can be. What security can we have against a surprise, the consequences whereof are infinite and irretrievable, except that of a sincere and speedy conversion, of being upon our guard against temptations, of dedicating effectually this ensuing year and the remainder of our short lives to God, our last end and only good, and frequently imploring his grace and mercy. It is our blessed Saviour's advice and injunction: _Watch ye therefore; praying at all times {063} ... that you may be accounted worthy ... to stand before the Son of man_.[13]

The Christian's devotion on this day ought to consist, first, in the solemn consecration of the first-fruits of the year to God; and secondly, in honoring the mystery of the Incarnation of the Son of God, particularly his birth and circumcision. The church invites us on this day to unite our homage with the seraphic ardors and transports of devotion with which the glorious Mother of God assisted at these wonderful mysteries which we commemorate, but in which she acted herself so great a part. With what sentiments did Mary bear in her womb, bring forth, and serve her adorable son, who was also her God? with what love and awe did she fix her eyes upon him particularly at his circumcision, who can express in what manner she was affected when she saw him subjected to this painful and humbling ceremony? Filled with astonishment, and teeming affections of love and gratitude, by profound adorations and praise she endeavored to make him all the amends in her power, and the best return and acknowledgment she was able. In amorous complaints that he would begin, in the excess of his love, to suffer for us in so tender an age, and to give this earnest of our redemption, she might say to him: _Truly than art to me a spouse of blood._[14] With the early sacrifice Christ here made of himself to his Father, she joined her own offering her divine son, and with and through him herself, to be an eternal victim to his honor and love, with the most ardent desire to suffer all things, even to blood, for the accomplishment of his will. Under her mediation we ought to make him the tender of our homages, and with and through this holy Redeemer, consecrate ourselves to God without reserve.

Footnotes:
1. In the ancient sacramentary of the Roman church, published by
cardinal Thomasius, (the finishing of which some ascribe to Pope
Gelasius I., others more probably to Leo I., though the ground was
doubtless the work of their predecessors,) this festival is called
the Octave of our Lord's Nativity. The same title is given to it in
the Latin calendar (or rather collection of the gospels read at Mass
throughout the year) written above 900 years ago, presented to the
public by F. John Fronteau, regular canon of saint Genevieve's at
Paris, and by Leo Allatius. The inference which Baillet draws from
thence that the mystery of our Lord's circumcision was not then
commemorated in the office of this day, is a notorious mistake. For
Thomassin takes notice from Ivo of Chartres, that the word Octave
here implies the circumcision of our Lord, which was performed on
the eighth day after his birth; and in the above mentioned
Sacramentary express mention is made of the circumcision in the
Secret of the Mass. In F. Froubeau's calendar the gospel read on
this day is the history of the circumcision given, by St. Luke. An
old Vatican MS. copy of St. Gregory's Sacramentary and that of
Usuard's Martyrology kept at St. Germain des-Pres, express both the
titles of the Octave day and of the circumcision.

Durandus in the 13th century, (Ration. offic. l. 6, c. 15,) John
Beleth, a theologian of Paris, (c. 71,) and several missals of the
middle ages prescribe two masses to be said on this day, one on the
circumcision, the other on the B. Virgin Mary. Micrologus (c. 39)
assigns this reason, that as the B. Virgin, who had so great a share
in the birth of Christ, could not be mentioned in that solemn
office, therefore a commemoration of her is deferred to the Octave
day. The second Mass is now abolished: but in a great part of the
office a regard is had to the B. Virgin. In F. Fronteau's Roman
calendar, after the title of the Octave is added, _Natale S. Mariae_
for which Dom Martenne would have us read _S. Martinae_; but without
grounds. For, as Pope Benedict XIV. observes, (Comment. de Festis
Domini, c. 1,) the original unquestionably means a festival of the
B. Virgin Mary. The word _Natale_, which was used originally for the
birth-day of the emperors, was afterwards taken for any annual
feast.
2. Gen. xvii.
3. Grounding their opinion on Gen. xvii. 14, &c.
4. Luke i. 31.
5. Matt. i. 21.
6. Phil. ii. 8, 9, 10.
7. Matt. xxviii. 18.
8. The Jews generally named their children on the day of their
circumcision, but this was not of precept. There are several
instances of children named on the day of their birth, (Gen. xxx.)
which could not be that of their circumcision by an express law
requiring the interval of eight days from their birth; the child
being presumed too weak and delicate to undergo the operation
sooner, without danger of its life. It seems to have been the
practice among the Jews for children to be circumcised at home; nor
was a priest the necessary or ordinary minister, but the father,
mother, or any other person could perform the ceremony, as we see in
the time of Abraham, (Gen. xvii.; Acts vii.) and of the Maccabees,
(1 Mac. 1.) St. Epiphanius, (Haer. 20.) Whence F. Avala, in his
curious work entitled _Pietor Christianus_, printed at Madrid in
1730, shows that it is a vulgar error of painters who represent
Christ circumcised by a priest in the temple. The instrument was
sometimes a sharp stone, (Exod. iv. Jos. v.,) but doubtless most
frequently of iron or steel.
9. Rom. ii. 29.
10. Deut. x. 16; xxx. 6; Jer. iv. 4.
11. The pagan Romans celebrated the _Saturnalia_, or feast of Saturn,
from the 17th of December during seven days: at which time slaves
dined with their masters, and were allowed an entire liberty of
speech, in the superstitious remembrance of the golden age of the
world, in which no distinction of ranks was yet known among men.
(Macrob {}, 10. Horat. &c.) The calends also of January were
solemnized with licentious shows in honor of Janus and the goddess
Strenia: and it is from those infamous diversions that among
Christians, are derived the profane riots of new year's day,
twelfthtide, and shrovetide, by which many pervert these times into
days of sin and intemperance. Several councils severely condemn
these abuses; and the better to prevent them, some churches formerly
kept the 1st of January a fast-day, as it is mentioned by St.
Isidore of Seville (lib. 2 offic c. 40) Alcuin (lib. de div offic)
&c. Dom Martenne observes, (lib. de antiquis ritibus in celebr. div.
offic. c. 13,) that on this account the second council of Tours in
567 ordered that on the calends of the circumcision the litany be
sung, and high mass begun only at the eighth hour, that is, two in
the afternoon, that it might be finished by three, the hour at which
it was allowed to eat on the fasts of the stations. We have among
the works of the fathers many severe invectives against the
superstitions and excesses of this time. See St. Austin, (serm. 198,
in hunc diem,) St. Peter Chrysologus, (serm. in calendas,) St.
Maximus of Turin, (Hom. 5, apud Mabill. in Musaeo Italico,) Faustinus
the Bishop, (apud Bolland. hac die. p. 3,) &c. The French name
Etrennes is pagan, from _strenae_, or new-year gifts, in honor of the
goddess Strenia. The same in Poitou and Perche, anciently the
country of the Druids, is derived from their rites. For the
Poitevins for Etrennes use the word Auguislanneuf, and the
Percherons, Equilans, from the ancient cry of the Druids, _Au guy
l'an neuf_, i.e. _Ad Viscum, annul novus_, or to the mistletoe the
new-year, when on new-year's day the Pagans went into the forests to
seek the mistletoe on the oaks. See Chatelain, notes on the Martyr.
Jan. 1, p. 7.

The ancients began the year, some from the autumnal, others from the
vernal equinox. The primitive patriarchs from that of autumn, that
is, from the month called by the Hebrews Tisri, which coincides with
part of our September and October. Hence it seems probable, that the
world was created about that season; the earth, as appears from Gen.
iii. 2, being then covered with trees, plants, fruits, seeds, and
all other things in the state of their natural maturity and
perfection. The Jews retained this commencement of the year, as a
date for contracts and other civil purposes; as also for their
sabbatical year and jubilee. But God commanded them to begin their
ecclesiastical year, or that by which their religious festivals were
regulated, from the spring equinox, or the Hebrew month Nisan, the
same with part of our March and April, Exod. xii. 2. Christian
nations commenced the year, some from the 25th of March, the feast
of the Annunciation, and bordering upon the spring equinox; others
from Christmas; others from its octave day, the first of January, in
which our ancestors have often varied their practice. Europe is now
agreed in fixing the first of January for this epoch.

The Julian year, so called from Julius Caesar, from whom the Roman
calendar received its last reformation, consisted of 365 days and 6
hours, which exceed the true solar year by 11 minutes, for
astronomers compute the yearly revolution of the sun not to exceed
365 days, 5 hours, 48 minutes, and 37 seconds, according to Cassini,
but according to Keil 57 seconds, or almost 49 minutes. This error,
becoming daily more sensible, would have occasioned the autumnal
equinox to have at length fallen on the day reckoned the solstice,
and in process of time, on that held for the vernal equinox. The
Golden number, or Grecian cycle of the lunar years, was likewise
defective. The remedy both which, pope Gregory XIII., in 1585,
established the new style. Scaliger, Tachet, and Cassini have
demonstrated that cycles might be chosen still more exact by some
few seconds: however, this adopted by pope Gregory, besides being
the easiest in the execution, admits of no material error, or
sensible inconveniency. This correction of the style was received by
act of Parliament, in Great Britain, in 1752; for the promoting of
which, great praise is due to the two illustrious ornaments of the
republic of letters, the earls of Chesterfield and Macclesfield.
12. Heb. x. 25.
13. Luke xxi. 36.
14. Exod. v. 25.

THE LIFE OF S. FULGENTIUS, B.C.

Extracted from his works, and from his life, accurately written by a disciple of great abilities, the companion of his exile: and dedicated to Felician, his successor in the see of Ruspa. The author declares himself a monk: consequently was not the deacon Ferrandus, as some critics imagine.

A.D. 533.

FABIUS CLAUDIUS GORDIANUS FULGENTIUS was the descendant of a noble senatorian family of Carthage: but much decayed in its splendor by the invasion of the Vandals. His father Claudius, being unjustly deprived of his house in Carthage, which was made over to the Arian priests, settled at an estate belonging to him at Telepte, the capital city of the province of Byzacena. Our saint was born in 468, about thirty years after the Barbarians had dismembered Africa from the Roman empire. He was educated in sentiments of piety with his younger brother, under the care of his mother Mariana, who was left a young widow. Being, by her particular direction, taught the Greek very young, he spoke it with as proper and exact an accent as if it had been his native language. He also applied himself to Latin, and all the useful parts of human literature, under masters distinguished for consummate abilities: yet he knew how to mingle business with study; for he took upon himself the regulation of the family concerns, in order to ease his mother of the burden. His prudent circumspection in all the affairs he transacted, his virtuous conduct, his mild carriage to all, and more especially his deference for his mother, without whose express orders or approbation he never did any thing, caused him to be beloved and admired wherever his name was known. He was chosen procurator, that is, lieutenant-governor, and general receiver of the taxes of Byzacena. But it was not long before {064} he grew disgusted with the world; and being justly alarmed at its dangers he armed himself against them by pious reading, assiduous prayer, and rigorous fasting. His visits to monasteries were frequent; and happening among other books of spiritual entertainment, to read a sermon of St. Austin on the thirty-sixth psalm, in which that father treats of the world and the short duration of human life, he felt within him strong desires of embracing the monastic state.

Huneric, the Arian king, had driven most of the orthodox bishops from their sees. One of these, named Faustus, had erected a monastery in Byzacena. It was to him that the young nobleman addressed himself for admittance; but Faustus immediately objecting the tenderness of his constitution, discouraged his desires with words of some harshness; "Go," said he, "and first learn to live in the world abstracted from its pleasures. Who can well suppose, that you on a sudden, relinquishing a life of softness and ease, can take up with our coarse diet and clothing and can inure yourself to our watchings and fastings?" The saint, with downcast eyes, modestly replied: "He, who hath inspired me with the will to serve him, can also furnish me with courage and strength." This humble, yet resolute answer, induced Faustus to admit him on trial. The saint was then in the twenty-second year of his age. The news of so unthought of an event both surprised and edified the whole country; many even imitated the example of the governor. But Mariana his mother, in transports of grief, ran to the monastery, crying out at the gates: "Faustus! restore to me my son; to the people, their governor: the church always protects widows; why then rob you me, a desolate widow, of my son?" She persisted several days in the same tears and cries. Nothing that Faustus could urge was sufficient to calm her, or prevail with her to depart without her son. This was certainly as great a trial of Fulgentius's resolution as it could well be put to; but the love of God, having the ascendant in his breast, gave him a complete victory over all the suggestions of nature: Faustus approved his vocation, and accordingly recommended him to the brethren. The saint having now obtained all he wished for in this world, made over his estate to his mother, to be discretionally disposed of by her in favor of his brother, as soon as he should be arrived at a proper age. He totally abstained from oil and every thing savory; from wine also, drinking only water. His mortifications brought on him a dangerous illness; yet after recovery he abated nothing in them. The persecution breaking out anew, Faustus was obliged to withdraw; and our saint, with his consent, repaired to a neighboring monastery, of which Felix, the abbot, would fain resign to him the government. Fulgentius was much startled at the proposal, but at length was prevailed upon to consent that they should jointly execute the functions. It was admirable to observe with what harmony these two holy abbots for six years governed the house. No contradiction ever took place between them; each always contended to comply with the will of his colleague. Felix undertook the management of the temporal concerns; Fulgentius's province was to preach and instruct.

In the year 499, the country being ravaged by an irruption of the Numidians, the two abbots were necessitated to fly to Sicca Veneria, a city of the proconsular province of Africa. Here it was, that an Arian priest ordered them to be apprehended and scourged on account of their preaching the consubstantiality of the Son of God. Felix, seeing the executioners seize first on Fulgentius, cried out: "Spare that poor brother of mine, whose delicate complexion cannot bear torments; let them rather be my portion who am strong of body." They accordingly, at the instigation of this wicked priest, fell on Felix first, and the old man endured their stripes {065} with the greatest alacrity. When it was Fulgentius's turn to experience the same rigorous treatment, he bore the lashes with great patience; but feeling the pain excessive, that he might gain a little respite and recruit his spirits, he requested his judge to give ear to something he had to impart to him. The executioners thereupon being commanded to desist, he began to entertain him with an account of his travels. This savage monster expected nothing more than some overtures to be proposed to him of an intention to yield; but finding himself disappointed, in the utmost rage, ordered his torments to be redoubled. At length having glutted his barbarity, the confessors were dismissed, their clothes rent, their bodies inhumanly torn, and their beards and hair plucked off. The very Arians were ashamed of such cruelty, and their bishop offered to punish the priest, if Fulgentius would but undertake his prosecution. His answer was, that a Christian is never allowed to seek revenge; and for their parts it was incumbent on them not to lose the advantage of patience, and the blessings accruing from the forgiving of injuries. The two abbots, to avoid an additional effort of the fury of these heretics, travelled to Ididi, on the confines of Mauritania. Here Fulgentius went aboard a ship for Alexandria, being desirous, for the sake of greater perfection, to visit the deserts of Egypt, renowned for the sanctity of the solitaries who dwelt there. But the vessel touching at Sicily, St. Eulalius, abbot at Syracuse, diverted him from his intended voyage, on assuring him, that "a perfidious dissension had severed this country from the communion of Peter,"[1] meaning that Egypt was full of heretics, with whom those that dwelt there were obliged either to join in communion, or be deprived of the sacraments. The liberality and hospitality of Fulgentius to the poor, out of the small pittance he received for his particular subsistence, made Eulalius condemn himself of remissness in those virtues, and for the future imitate so laudable an example.

Our saint having laid aside the thoughts of pursuing his voyage to Alexandria, embarked for Rome, to offer up his prayers at the tombs of the apostles. One day passing through a square called Palma Aurea, he saw Theodoric, the king of Italy, seated on an exalted throne, adorned with pompous state, surrounded by the senate, and his court, with all the grandeur of the city displayed in the greatest magnificence: "Ah!" said Fulgentius, "how beautiful must the heavenly Jerusalem be, if earthly Rome be so glorious! What honor, glory, and joy will God bestow on the saints in heaven, since here in this perishable life he clothes with such splendor the lovers and admirers of vanity!" This happened towards the latter part of the year 500, when that king made his first entry into Rome. Fulgentius returned home in a short time after, and was received with incredible joy. He built a spacious monastery in Byzacena, but retired to a cell himself, which was situate on the sea-shore. Here his time was employed in writing, reading, prayer, mortification, and the manual labor of making mats and umbrellas of palm-tree leaves. Faustus, who was his bishop, obliged him to resume the government of his monastery; and many places at the same time sought him for their bishop. King Thrasimund having prohibited by edict the ordination of orthodox bishops, several sees by this means had been long vacant and destitute of pastors. The orthodox prelates resolved to remedy this inconveniency, as they effectually did; but the king receiving intelligence of the matter, caused Victor, the primate of Carthage, to be apprehended. All this time our saint lay concealed, though sought after eagerly by many citizens for their bishop. Thinking the danger over, he appeared again: but Ruspa, now a little town called {066} Alfaques, in the district of Tunis, still remained without a pastor; and by the consent of the primate, while detained in the custody of the king's messengers, Fulgentius was forcibly taken out of his cell, and consecrated bishop in 508.

His new dignity made no alteration in his manners. He never wore the _orarium_, a kind of stole then used by bishops, nor other clothes than his usual coarse garb, which was the same in winter and summer. He went sometimes barefoot: he never undressed to take rest, and always rose to prayer before the midnight office. His diet chiefly consisted of pulse and herbs, with which he contented himself, without consulting the palate's gratification by borrowed tastes: but in more advanced years, finding his sight impaired by such a regimen, he admitted the use of a little oil. It was only in very considerable bodily indispositions, that he suffered a drop or two of wine to be mingled with the water which he drank; and he never could be prevailed upon in any seeming necessity to use the least quantity of flesh-meat, from the time of his monastic profession till his death. His modesty, meekness, and humility, gained him the affection of all, even of the ambitious deacon Felix, who had opposed his election, and whom the saint received and treated with the most cordial charity. His great love for a recluse life induced him to build a monastery near his own house at Ruspa, which he designed to put under the direction of his ancient friend Felix; but before the building could be completed, or he acquit himself to his wish of his episcopal duties, orders were issued from King Thrasimund, for his banishment to Sardinia, with others to the number of sixty orthodox bishops. Fulgentius, though the youngest of this venerable body, who were transported from Carthage to Sardinia, was notwithstanding their sole oracle in all doubts, and their tongue and pen upon all occasions; and not only of them, but even of the whole church of Africa. What spread a brighter lustre on these amiable qualities, were the humility and modesty with which he always declared his sentiments: he never preferred his counsel to that of another, his opinion he never intruded. Pope Symmachus, out of his pastoral care and charity, sent every year provisions in money and clothes to these champions of Christ.[2] A letter of this pope to them is still extant,[3] in which he encourages and comforts them; and it was at the same time that he sent them certain relics of SS. Nazarius and Romanus, "that the example and _patronage_,"[4] as he expresses it, "of those generous soldiers of Christ, might animate the confessors to fight valiantly the battles of the Lord." Saint Fulgentius, with some companions, converted his house at Cagliari into a monastery; which immediately became the comfort of all in affliction, the refuge of the poor, and the oracle to which the whole country resorted for deciding their controversies without appeal. In this retirement the saint composed many learned treatises for confirming and instructing the faithful in Africa. King Thrasimund, hearing that he was their principal support, and their invincible advocate, was desirous of seeing him; and having accordingly sent for him, appointed him lodgings in Carthage. The king then drew up a set of objections, to which he required his immediate answer: the saint without hesitation complied with, and discharged the injunction; and this is supposed to be his book, entitled, An Answer to Ten Objections. The king equally admired his humility and learning, and the orthodox triumphed exceedingly in the advantage their cause gained by this piece. To prevent a second time the same effect, the king, when he sent him new objections, ordered them to be only read to him. Fulgentius refused to give an answer in writing, unless he was allowed {067} to take a copy of them. He addressed, however, to the king an ample and modest confutation of Arianism, which we have under the title of his Three Books to King Thrasimund. The prince was pleased with the work, and granted him permission to reside at Carthage; till upon repeated complaints from the Arian bishops of the success of his preaching, which threatened they said, a total extinction of their sect in Carthage, he was sent back to Sardinia in 520. Being ready to go aboard the ship, he said to a catholic, whom he saw weeping: "Grieve not, Juliatus!" for that was his name, "I shall shortly return, and we shall see the true faith of Christ flourish again in this kingdom, with full liberty to profess it; but divulge not this secret to any." The event confirmed the truth of the prediction. His humility concealed the multiplicity of miracles which he wrought, and he was wont to say: "A person may be endowed with the gift of miracles, and yet may lose his soul: miracles ensure not salvation; they may indeed procure esteem and applause; but what will it avail a man to be esteemed on earth, and afterwards be delivered up to hell torments?" If the sick, for whom he prayed, recovered, to avoid being puffed up with vain-glory, he ascribed it wholly to the divine mercy. Being returned to Cagliari, he erected a new monastery near that city, and was exceedingly careful to supply his monks with all necessaries, especially in sickness; but would not suffer them to ask for any thing, alleging, "That we ought to receive all things as from the hand of God, with resignation and gratitude." Thus he was sensible how conducive the unreserved denial of the will is for perfecting ourselves in the paths of virtue.

King Thrasimund died in 523, having nominated Hilderic his successor. Knowing him inclined to favor the orthodox, he exacted from him an oath, that he would never restore their profession. To evade this, Hilderic, before the death of his predecessor, signed an order for the liberty of the orthodox churches, but never had the courage to declare himself of the same belief; his lenity having quite degenerated into softness and indolence. However, the professors of the true faith called home their pastors. The ship which brought them back, was received at Carthage with the greatest demonstrations of joy: the shore echoed far and near with repeated acclamations, more particularly when Fulgentius appeared on the upper deck of the vessel. The confessors went straight to the church of St. Agileus, to return thanks to God, and were accompanied by thousands; but on their way, being surprised with a sudden storm, the people, to show their singular regard for Fulgentius, made a kind of umbrella over his head with their cloaks to defend him from the inclemency of the storm. The saint hastened to his own church, and immediately set about the reformation of the abuses that had crept in during the persecution, which had now continued seventy years; but this reformation was carried on with a sweetness that won, sooner or later, the hearts of the most vicious. In a council held at Junque, in 524, a certain bishop, named Quodvultdeus, disputed the precedency with our saint, who made no reply, though he would not oppose the council, which ordered him to take the first place. The other resented this as an injury offered to the dignity of his see; and St. Fulgentius, in another council soon after, publicly requested that Quodvultdeus might be allowed the precedency. His talents for preaching were singular; and Boniface, the archbishop of Carthage, never heard him without watering, all the time, the ground with his tears, thanking God for having given so great a pastor to his church.[5]

{068}

About a year before his death, he secretly retired from all business into a monastery on the little island, of rock, called Circinia, in order to prepare {069} himself for his passage to eternity, which he did with extraordinary fervor. The necessities and importunities of his flock recalled him to Ruspa a little before his exit. He bore the violent pains of his last illness for seventy days with admirable patience, having this prayer almost always in his mouth:[6] "Lord, grant me patience now, and hereafter mercy and pardon." The physicians advised him the use of baths; to whom he answered "Can baths make a mortal man escape death, when his life is arrived at its final period?" He would abate nothing of his usual austerities without an absolute necessity. In his agony, calling for his clergy and monks, who were all in tears, he begged pardon if he had ever offended any one of them; he comforted them, gave them some short, moving instructions, and calmly breathed forth his pious soul in the year 533, and of his age the 65th, on the 1st of January, on which day his name occurs in many calendars soon after his death, and in the Roman; but in some few on the 16th of May,--perhaps the day on which his relics were translated to Bourges, in France, about the year 714, where they still remain deposited.[7] His disciple relates, that Pontian, a neighboring bishop, was assured in a vision of his glorious immortality. The veneration for his virtues was such, that he was interred within the church, contrary to the law and custom of that age, as is remarked by the author of his life. St. Fulgentius proposed to himself St. Austin for a model; and, as a true disciple, imitated him in his conduct, faithfully expounding his doctrine, and imbibing his spirit.

Footnotes:
1. A comumnione Petri perfida dissentio separavit. Vit S. Fulg. c. 12.
2. Anastas. in Symmacho. Bar. ad ann. 504. Fleury, Liv. 31.
3. Inter opera Ennodii. t. 4. Conc. Labb. col. 1300.
4. Patrocinia.
5. S. Fulgentius, in his first letter, to a gentleman whose wife in a
violent sickness had made a vow of continency, proves that a vow of
chastity ought not to be made by a person engaged in a married
state, without the free consent of the husband. In his second, to
Galla, a most virtuous Roman lady, he comforts her upon the death of
her husband, who, he says, was only gone a little before her to
glory; and he sets before her the divine mercy, which by this means
calls her to a more heroic practice of all virtues in the state of
widowhood,--especially continence, plainness in dress, furniture,
and diet, profuse alms-deeds, and holy prayer, the exercise whereof
ought to be her most assiduous employment. Herein he warns her that
vanity and pride are our most dangerous enemies, against which we
must diligently watch and arm ourselves. In his third letter,
addressed to the holy lady Proba, sister to Galla, consecrated to
God by a vow of virginity, he shows the excellency of that virtue,
and recommends, at length, temperance, penance, and perfect
humility, as its essential attendants, without which it cannot
render a soul the spouse of Christ, who chose her poor, and bestowed
on her all she had. In his fourth letter, to the same lady, he again
puts her in mind of the extreme danger of pride and vain-glory, and
lays down excellent precepts concerning the necessity of assiduous
prayer and compunction; in which spirit we are bound to weep
continually before God, imploring his mercy and succor under the
weight of our miseries, and to pay him the constant tribute of
praise and thanksgiving for all his benefits and gratuitous favors.
His letter to the abbot Eugypius, is a commendation of fraternal
charity, a principal fruit of which is, to pray for one another. In
the sixth letter, he congratulates with Theodorus, a senator, upon
his conversion from the world, promising himself that such an
example would have great influence over many: for "those who are
raised above others by their rank in the world, either draw many
with themselves into eternal damnation, or are to many an occasion
of salvation." The saint strenuously exhorts him to the study of the
most profound humility, which is the only greatness of a Christian,
and is always attended with its sister virtue, meekness. The seventh
letter of this father is addressed to the illustrious and venerable
lady Venantia, and contains a strong exhortation to the spirit and
practice of penance, with advice against despair. The sermons and
homilies of S. Fulgentius are usually short: we have near one
hundred extant which bear his name, but some of these belong to S.
Austin. The danger and evil of presumption and pride, are points
which he takes every occasion to inculcate: he teaches that it is
impossible to know God, and his benefits and goodness, unless we
have a true knowledge of ourselves, and our own frailty and
miseries. (Hom. 14, p. 123. Bibl. Patr. Lugdun. T. 9, part 1.) In
his sermons and letters, he frequently enforces the obligation of
alms-deeds. His other works are chiefly polemical, against the
Arians, Pelagians, and Nestorians. In his books against the Sermon
of Fastidiosus, (an Arian priest,) to Felix the Notary; On the
Orthodox Faith, to Donatus, against Fabian; Three Books to King
Thrasimund; Ten Answers to Ten Objections of the Arians, &c., he
explains the trinity of persons in one divine nature, solidly
answers the objections of the Arians, and frequently shows that
prayers which are addressed to the Father, or to the Son, or to the
Holy Ghost, are addressed to the whole Blessed Trinity. (Lib. 9,
contra Fabium, p. 620, &c.) Showing that the Father, Son, and Holy
Ghost are equally to be adored, he distinguishes the worship of
_Latria_, or adoration, which is due to God alone, and that of
_Dulia_, which is given to creatures. (Ib. lib. 4, p. 592.) Pinta,
an Arian bishop, having published a treatise against our saint's
books to King Thrasimund, St. Fulgentius answered him by a work
which is lost. For that which we have among his writings, is the
performance of some other Catholic controvertist of the same age, as
the learned agree. This author's style falls short of St.
Fulgentius's: he quotes the Scripture according to the Old Italic
Version; our saint always makes use of the Vulgate. He understood
not the Greek tongue, in which St. Fulgentius was well skilled. And
the author of our saint's life mentions, that in his book against
Pinta he referred to his books to King Thrasimund, which is not
found in this work.

One of the most famous among the writings of St. Fulgentius, is that
entitled, On the Two-fold Predestination, to Monimus, in answer to
certain difficulties proposed to him by a friend of that name. In
the first book he shows, that though God foresees sin, he
predestinates no one to evil, but only to good, or to grace and
glory. In the second book he proves, that the sacrifice of Christ's
body and blood is offered not to the Father alone, as the Arians
pretended, but to the whole Blessed Trinity. In this and the third
book he answers certain other difficulties. In his two books, On the
Remission of Sins, to Euthymius, he proves that sins can never be
forgiven without sincere repentance, or out of the pale of the true
church. When Peter, a deacon, and three other deputies from the
Scythian monks in the East, arrived at Rome, to be informed of the
sentiments of the western churches concerning the late errors
advanced in the East, against the mystery of the Incarnation, and in
the West, by the Semipelagians against the necessity of divine
grace, they consulted the sixty African bishops who were at that
time in banishment, in Sardinia. St. Fulgentius was pitched upon to
send an answer in the name of this venerable company of Confessors.
This produced his book, On the Incarnation and Grace, in the first
part of which he confutes the Nestorians and Eutychians, and in the
second the Semipelagians. His three books, On the Truth of
Predestination and Grace, addressed to John the Archimandrite, and
Venerius, deacon of Constantinople, are another fruit of the leisure
which his exile gave him. In the first part he shows, that grace is
the pure effect of the divine goodness and mercy; in the second,
that it destroys not free-will; and in the third, that the Divine
election both to grace and glory is purely gratuitous. In another
treatise or letter, to the same John and Venerius, who had consulted
the Confessors in Sardinia about the doctrine of Faustus of Riez, he
confutes Semipelagianism. In the treatise, On the Incarnation, to
Scarilas, he explains that mystery, showing that the Son became
man,--not the Father, or the Holy Ghost; and that in God the trinity
destroys not the unity of the nature. Ferrand, the learned deacon of
Carthage, consulted St. Fulgentius about the baptism of a certain
Ethiopian, who had desired that sacrament, but was speechless and
senseless when it was administered to him. Our saint, in a short
treatise on this subject, demonstrates this baptism to have been
both necessary and valid. By another treatise, addressed to this
Ferrand, he answers five questions proposed by him, concerning the
Trinity and Incarnation. Count Reginus consulted him, whether the
body of Christ was corruptible, and begged certain rules for leading
a Christian life in a military state. St. Fulgentius answered the
first point, proving that Christ's mortal body was liable to hunger,
thirst, pain, and corruption. The second part of moral instructions,
which he lived not to finish, was added by Ferrand the deacon. St.
Fulgentius's book, On Faith, to Peter, is concise and most useful.
It was drawn up after the year 523, about the time of his return
from Sardinia. One Peter, designing to go to Jerusalem, requested
the saint to give him in writing a compendious rule of faith, by
studying which he might be put upon his guard against the heresies
of that age. St. Fulgentius executed this in forty articles, some
copies and forty-one. In these he explains, under anathemas, the
chief mysteries of our faith: especially the Trinity. Incarnation,
sacrifice of the altar, (cap. 19. p. 475,) absolute necessity of the
true faith, and of living in the true church, to steadfastness, in
which he strongly and pathetically exhorts all Christians in the
close of the work, (c. 44, 45.) For if we owe fidelity to our
temporal prince, much more to Christ who redeemed our souls, and
whose anger we are bound to fear above all things, nay, as the only
evil truly to be dreaded. The writings of this father discover a
deep penetration and clear conception, with an admirable perspicuity
in the diction; but seeming apprehensive of not having sufficiently
inculcated his matter, he is diffusive, end runs into repetitions.
His reasoning is just and close, corroborated by Scripture and
tradition. The accurate F. Sirmond published part of his writings,
but the most complete edition of them was given at Paris, in 4vo.,
1584.
6. Domine, da mihi modo patientiam, et postea indulgentiam.
7. See Gall. Christ. Nov. T. l, p. 121. and Baillet, p. 16. The written
relation of this translation is a production of the tenth century,
and deserves no regard; but the constant tradition of the church and
country proves the translation to have been made (See Hist. Liter.
de la France, T. 6, p. 265.) The hutch in which these relics are
venerated at Bourget, is called S. Fulgentius's. The saint's head is
in the church of the archbishop's seminary, which was anciently an
abbey, and named Monte-maven.

ST. ODILO, OR OLON, SIXTH ABBOT OF CLUNI

HIS family was that of the lords of Mercteur, one of the most illustrious of Auvergne. Divine grace inclined him from his infancy to devote himself to God with his whole heart. He was very young when he received the monastic habit at Cluni, from the hands of S. Mayeul, by whose appointment he was made his coadjutor in 991, though only twenty-nine years of age, and from the death of S. Mayeul in 994, our saint was charged with the entire government of that great abbey. He labored to subdue his carnal appetites by rigorous fasting, wearing hair-cloth next his skin, and studded iron chains. Notwithstanding those austerities practised on himself, his carriage to others was most mild and humane. It was usual with him to say, that of two extremes, he chose rather to offend by tenderness, than a too rigid severity. In a great famine in 1006, his liberality to the poor was by many censured as profuse; for he melted down the sacred vessels and ornaments, and sold the gold crown S. Henry made a present of to that abbey, to relieve their necessities. He accompanied that prince in his journey to Rome when he was crowned emperor, in 1014. This was his second journey thither; he made a third in 1017, and a fourth in 1022. Out of devotion to S. Bennet he paid a visit to Mount Cassino, where he begged leave, with the greatest earnestness, to kiss the feet of all the monks, which was granted him with great difficulty. Besides the journeys which the reformation he established in many monasteries obliged him to undertake, he made one to Orbe, to wait on the empress Alice. That pious princess burst into tears upon seeing him, and taking hold of his habit, kissed it, and applied it to her eyes, and declared to him she should die in a {070} very short time. This was in 999, and she died on the 16th of December the same year. Massacres and plunders were so common in that age, by the right which every petty lord pretended of revenging his own injuries and quarrels by private wars, that the treaty called the truce of God was set on foot. By this, among other articles, it was agreed, that churches should be sanctuaries to all sorts of persons, except those that violated this truce; and that from Wednesday till Monday morning no one should offer violence to any one, not even by way of satisfaction for any injustice he had received. This truce met with the greatest difficulties among the Neustrians, but was at length received and observed in most provinces of France, through the exhortations and endeavors of St. Odilo, and B. Richard, abbot of St. Vanne's, who were charged with this commission.[1] Prince Casimir, son of Miceslaw, king of Poland, retired to Cluni, where he professed the monastic state, and was ordained deacon. He was afterwards, by a solemn deputation of the nobility, called to the crown. St. Odilo referred the matter to pope Benedict IX., with whose dispensation Casimir mounted the throne in 1041, married, had several children, and reigned till his death in 1058.[2]