Chapter IV: Part 4

In the 20. yeere there fell such abundance of raine, that the Riuers did greatly ouerflow in all parts of the Realme. The springs also rising plentifully in diuers hils, so softned and decaied the foundations of them, that they fell downe, whereby some villages were ouerthrowne. By this distemperature of weather much cattel perished, much corne vpon the ground was either destroyed, or greatly empaired. Herehence ensued, first a famine, and afterwards a miserable mortalitie of men.

And that all the Elements might seeme to haue conspired the calamity of the Realme, the same yeere most of the principall Cities in _England_ were lamentably deformed with fire. At _London_ a fire began at the entry of the West gate, which apprehending certaine shops and Ware-houses, wherein was Merchandise apt to burne, it was at once begun and suddenly at the highest. Then being caried with a strong wind; and the Citie apt to maintaine the flame, as well by reason of the crooked and narrow streets, as for that the buildings at that time had open and wide windowes, and were couered with base matter fit to take fire, the mischiefe spread more swiftly then the remedies could follow. So it raged vntill it came to the East gate, prostrated houses and Churches all the way, being the most grieuous that euer as yet hath happened to that Citie. The Church of S. _Paul_ was at that time fired; Whereupon _Maurice_ then Bishop of _London_, began the foundation of the new Church of S. _Paul_. A worke so admirable, that many did iudge, it would neuer haue bene finished; yet all might easily esteeme thereby his magnanimitie, his high erected hopes, his generous loue and honour to Religion. The King gaue towards the building of the East end of this Church, the choise stones of his Castle at the West end of the Citie, vpon the bancke of the Riuer Thames; which Castle at the same time was also fired: in place whereof _Edward Killwarby_ Archbishop of _Canterburie_ did afterwards found a Monasterie of blacke Friers. The King also gaue the Castle of _Storford_, and all the lands which thereto belonged, to the same _Maurice_, and to his successours in that See. And doubtlesse nothing more then either parcimonious or prophane expending the Treasures of the Church, hath since those times much dried vp those fountaines which first did fill them.

After the death of _Maurice_, _Richard_ his next Successour, as well in vertue as in dignitie, bestowed all the Rents rising out of this Bishopricke, to aduance the building of this Church; maintaining himselfe by his Patrimonie and friendes: and yet all which hee could doe, made no great shewe: so that the finishing of this worke was left to many other succeeding Bishops. Hee purchased the ground about the Church whereupon many buildings did stand, and inclosed the same with a strong wall of stone for a place of buriall. It seemeth that this wall was afterwards either battered and torne in some ciuill warres, or else by negligence suffered to decay: for that a graunt was made by King _Edward_ the second, that the Church-yard of Saint _Pauls_ should bee enclosed with a wall, because of the robberies and murthers that were there committed. Many parts of this wall remaine at this time, on both sides of the Church, but couered for the most part with dwelling houses.

The same yeere in Whitsun-weeke, the King honoured his sonne _Henrie_ with the order of Knighthood. What Ceremonies the King then vsed it is not certainly knowen: but before his time the custome among the _Saxons_ was thus. First, hee who should receiue the order of Knighthood, confessed himselfe in the euening to a Priest. Then hee continued all that night in the Church, watching and applying himselfe to his priuate deuotions. The next morning he heard Masse, and offered his sword vpon the Altar. After the Gospel was read, the sword was hallowed, and with a benediction put about his necke. Lastly, he communicated the mysteries of the blessed body of Christ, and from that time remained a lawfull Souldier or Knight. This custome of Consecrating Knights the _Normans_ did not onely abrogate, but abhorre; not for any euill that was therein, but because it was not altogether their owne.

This yeere in a Prouince of _Wales_ called _Rosse_, the Sepulchre of _Wawyn_, otherwise called _Gawen_, was found vpon the Sea shore. Hee was sisters sonne to _Arthur_ the great King of the _Britaines_; a man famous in our _Britaine_ Histories, both for ciuill courtesie, and for courage in the field. I cannot but esteeme the report for fabulous, that his bodie was fourteene foote in length. I doe rather coniecture that one credulous writer did take that for the length of his body, which happily might bee the length of his tombe.

It is constantly affirmed that the ground whereon the _English_ and the _Normans_ did combate, doth shew after euery raine manifest markes of blood vpon the grasse: which if it was not a proprietie of the soyle before, it is hard now to assigne, either from what naturall cause it doth proceede, or what it should supernaturally portend.

K. WILLIAM

THE SECOND,

sirnamed RVFVS.

King WILLIAM the Victor when hee drew towards the end of his dayes, commended the Kingdome of _England_ to his second sonne _William_: with many blessings, with many admonitions, with many prayers for the prosperous successe of his succession. And because the presence of the next successour is of greatest moment to establish affaires, the King a little before his passage to death, dispatched him into _England_, with letters vnder his owne Seale to _Lanfranck_ then Archbishop of _Canterbury_: a man highly esteemed in forraine Countreys, but with the Cleargie and vulgare people of the Realme, his authoritie was absolute. In these letters the King expressed great affection and care towards his sonne _William_; commending him with many kind words, for his sufficiencies, for diuers vertues; especially for that hee did alwayes stand firmely by him, alwayes declare himselfe both a faithfull Subiect and dutifull sonne. It was also coniectured by some, that the King was guided in this choise, no lesse by his iudgement, then by his affection: for that he esteemed the fierce disposition of his sonne _William_ more fit to gouerne a people not well setled in subiection, then the flexible and milde nature of his eldest sonne _Robert_. So _William_ taking his last leaue of his father, who was then taking his last leaue of this world, iourneyed towards _England_; and in short time arriued at the port called _Whitesand_, where he receiued the first report of his fathers death. Hereupon with all speed hee posted to _Lanfranck_, deliuered his fathers letters, and foorthwith was declared King, vpon the 9. day of September, in the yere 1087. and vpon the first of October next ensuing was by the same _Lanfranck_, with al ceremonies and solemnities perteining to that action, crowned at _Westminster_.

_Robert_, either by negligence and want of foresight, or by the perpetuall malice of his destinie, or happily not without his fathers contriuance, was absent in _Germanie_, whilest his yonger brother _William_ did thus possesse himselfe, both of the Kingdome of his father, and of his treasure. Otherwise he wanted neither pretence, nor purpose, nor fauour of friends to haue empeached his brothers proceedings. For it was then doubted by many, and since hath bene by many debated; whether in any case, vpon any cause or consideration whatsoeuer, a King hath power to disinherite his eldest sonne, and to appoint another to succeed in his estate.

That a King may aduance any of his sonnes to bee his successour, without respect of prioritie in birth, there seemeth to want neither warrant of example, nor weight of authoritie. _Dauid_[29] a man greatly prooued and approoued by God, did preferre _Solomon_[30] to succeede him, before his eldest sonne _Adonia_. And in like sort _Rehoboam_ the sonne of _Solomon_, appointed the yongest of all his sonnes to succeed him in the Kingdome.[31] So some Lawyers affirme, That a King may determine in his life, which of his sonnes shall reigne after him.

But this must be vnderstood, either when a State is newly raised to the title of a kingdome, or else when by Conquest, Vsurpation, or some other meanes of change, the gouernment thereof is newly transferred from one stemme to another: For then because there is no certaine Law or Custome of succession in force, the right seemeth to depend vpon the disposition of the Prince. And yet euen in this case, the eldest or neerest cannot be excluded without iust cause. For so when _Iacob_[32] depriued his eldest sonne _Reuben_ of his priuiledge of birth, he expressed the cause, For that he had defiled his fathers bed; which fact of his _Hierome_ applieth to the case in question. So when _Ptolemie_[33] the first King of _Egypt_ commended the State to his yongest sonne, he yeelded a reason for that which he did. So _Henrie_ the fourth Emperour, crowned _Henrie_ his yonger sonne King, reiecting _Conrade_ his eldest sonne, for that hee had borne armes against him, and ioyned in league with his open enemies.

But when by expresse Lawe or long grounded Custome the Succession of a State is established to the eldest sonne, the best approoued interpreters of the Canon and Ciuill law doe conclude,[34] that the father hath no power to inuert or peruert that course of order. For parents may debarre their children of that which proceedeth from themselues, of that which dependeth vpon their appointment; but of that which is due by nature,[35] by the immutable law of the State, the parents can haue no power to dispose. When by a fundamentall Lawe or Custome of State, Succession is annexed to the dignity of a Crowne, according to prioritie in birth, it followeth, that so soone as the first borne commeth into light, the right of succession is fixed in him;[36] not in hope onely, but also in habite; whereof neither the father nor any other can dispossesse him.

And therefore when _Prusias_[37] intended to depriue his eldest sonne _Nicomedes_ of his prerogatiue of birth, and to preferre his yonger sonnes, which he had by another wife, in succession before him, he could not assure it by any meanes, but by determining the death of _Nicomedes_; which _Nicomedes_ to preuent, dispoiled his father both of kingdom and of life. _Ptolemie_ the first King of _Egypt_[38] of that name, who after the death of _Alexander_ the great possessed himselfe of _Egypt_, & part of _Arabia_, and of _Affrick_, left his kingdom to the yongest of his sons: but afterward when _Ptolemie_, surnamed _Phiscon_,[39] vpon the importunity of his wife _Cleopatra_, attempted the like, the kingdome being then setled in succession, the people opposed, & reuersed his order after his death. So _Pepine_[40] after hee had made seisure of the kingdome of _France_, & ordered all things which he thought necessary for the suerty therof, disposed the succession therein by his Testament; leauing the Realme of _Noion_ to his sonne _Charles_, and to _Carloman_ his other sonne the Realme of _Soissons_. The like was done by some other of the first Kings of his race. But since that time the custome hath been strongly stablished, that the kingdome passeth entirely to the eldest sonne, and possessions are assigned to the rest vnder the name of _Appanage_. And therefore the _French_[41] writers affirme, that the eldest sonne of _France_ cannot be depriued of succession, vpon any cause of ingratitude against his parents; and that if the King should institute his eldest sonne,[42] yet cannot hee take the kingdome by force of his fathers guift, but onely by the immutable law of the Realme. Yea, _Girard_ writeth of _Charles_ the simple, that hee was King of _France_[43] before hee was borne. And in this regard the _Glossographer_[44] vpon the Decrees noteth, that the sonne of a King may bee called King during the life of his father, as wanting nothing but administration. And the same also doth _Seruius_ note out of _Virgil_, where hee saith of _Ascanius_: _regemq; requirunt_, his father _Aeneas_ being then aliue.

Now then, for that the right of Succession to the Crowne of _England_ was not at that time so surely setled as it hath been since; but had waued in long vncertainetie: First, in the _Heptarchie_ of the _Saxons_ and _English_, afterward betweene the _English_ and the _Danes_, and was then newly possessed by the _Normane_, and that chiefly by the sword: For that also _Robert_ the Kings eldest sonne gaue iust cause of offence, by bearing armes against his father; it may seeme that the King might lawfully direct the succession to his second sonne. And yet, because as _Herodotus_[45] saith, _It is a generall custome amongst all men, that the first in birth is next in succession_; because as _Baldus_[46] affirmeth, _Semper fuit, & semper erit, &c. Alwayes it hath been, and alwayes it shall bee, that the first borne succeedeth in a kingdome_; because as S. _Hierome_[47] writeth, _A kingdome is due vnto the first borne_; and as S. _Chrysostome_[48] saith, _The first borne is to bee esteemed more honourable then the rest_; whereupon diuers Lawyers obserue, that the word _Senior_[49] is often times taken for a Lord. Lastly, because this precedencie both in honour, and in right seemeth to be the Law of all nations, deriued from the Law of Nature, and expresly either instituted or approoued by the voice of God: First, where he said to _Cain_[50] of his yonger brother _Abel_; _His desires shall be subiect to thee, and thou shalt haue dominion ouer him_: Secondly,[51] where he forbiddeth the father to disinherite the first sonne of his double portion, because by right of birth it is due vnto him: Lastly, where hee maketh choice of the first borne to be sanctified and consecrated to himselfe;[52] it hath almost neuer happened that this order hath been broken, that the neerest haue bene excluded from Succession in State, but it hath been followed with tragicall euents.

Yea, albeit the eldest sonne be vnfit to beare rule, albeit hee be vnable to gouerne either others or himselfe; as if hee be in a high degree furious, or foolish, or otherwise defectiue in body or in minde, (vnlesse he degenerate from humane condition) yet can he not therefore be excluded from succession:[53] because it is due vnto him, not in respect of abilitie, but by reason of his prioritie of birth. As for the kingdom, it shall better be preserued by the gouernment of a Protector (as in diuers like causes it is both vsual and fit) then by receiuing another Prince:[54] as well for other respects, as for that by cutting off continuance in the Royall descent, by interrupting the setled order of gouernment, by making a breach in so high a point of State, opportunitie is opened both for domesticall disturbances, and for inuasions from abroad: whereupon greater inconueniences do vsually ensue, then did euer fall by insufficiencie of a Prince. For if these pretenses may be allowed for good, what aspiring Subiect, what encroaching enemy, finding themselues furnished with meanes, will not be ready to rise into ambitious hopes? _Gabriel_ the yonger brother of the house of _Saluse_, kept his eldest brother in prison, vsurped his estate, giuing foorth to the people that he was mad. And seldome hath any vsurpation happened, but vpon pretence of insufficiencie in gouernment. Assuredly, if these principall points of Principalitie be not punctually obserued, the ioynts of a State are loosened, the foundation is shaken, the gates are opened for all disorders, to rise vp, to rush in, to prosper, to preuaile.

Hereupon _Medon_[55] the eldest sonne of _Codrus_, albeit he was lame and otherwise defectiue, was by sentence of the Oracle of _Apollo_ preferred to succeed his father in the kingdome of _Athens_, before _Neleus_ his yonger brother. So when _Alexandrides_[56] King of _Sparta_ left two sonnes, _Cleomenes_ the eldest, distracted in wits, and _Doricus_ the yongest, both able and enclined to all actions of honour; the _Spartans_ acknowledged _Cleomenes_ for their King. _Agisilaus_ the famous King of _Sparta_ was also lame, as _Plutarch_[57] and _Prob. Aemilius_ do report; _Orosius_ saith, that the _Spartans_ did rather choose to haue their King halt, then their Kingdome. And therefore when _Lisander_[58] moued them to decree, that the worthiest and not alwayes the next in blood of the line of _Hercules_ should reigne, he found no man to second his aduise. _Aristobulus_[59] and _Hircanus_ after a long and cruel contention for the Kingdome of _Iewrie_, committed their controuersie to the arbitrement of _Pompey_: _Hircanus_ alledged, that hee was the eldest brother; _Aristobulus_ obiected, that _Hircanus_ was insufficient to gouerne: but _Pompey_ gaue iudgement for _Hircanus_. The like iudgement did _Annibal_[60] giue for the kingdome of that Countrey which is now called _Sauoy_; restoring _Brancus_[61] to his State, from which he had bene expelled by his yonger brother. And although _Phirrus_[62] did appoint that sonne to succeed, whose sword had the best edge; yet was the eldest acknowledged, who bare the least reputation for valour.

_Ladislaus_[63] King of _Hungarie_ left by his brother _Geysa_ two Nephewes; _Colomannus_ the eldest, who was lame, bunch-backed, crab-faced, blunt-sighted, bleare-eyed, a dwarfe, a stammerer, and (which is more) a Priest; and _Almus_ the yongest, a man of comely presence, and furnished with many princely vertues: In regard of these natural prerogatiues _Ladislaus_ appointed _Almus_ to succeed; but in regard of the prerogatiue in blood, the _Hungarians_ receiued _Colomannus_ for their King. _Barbatius_[64] writeth, that _Galeace_ Duke of _Milane_ did oft times expresse his griefe, for that he could not preferre in succession _Philip Maria_ his yongest sonne, before _Iohn_ his eldest; for that he seemed the most sufficient to vndertake the manage of the State. _Girard_[65] affirmeth that it hath bene the custome of the _French_, to honour their Kings whatsoeuer they are; whether wise or foolish, valiant or weake; esteeming the name of King to be sacred by whomsoeuer it be borne. And therefore they obeyed not only _Charles_ the simple, but _Charles_ the sixt also; who reigned many yeres in plaine distraction of his mind. It was an ancient custome in _Scotland_, that the most sufficient of the blood of _Fergusus_[66] was receiued for King; but such warres, murthers, and other mischiefes did thereupon ensue, that a law was made vnder _Kenet_ the third, and afterwards confirmed by _Millcolumbus_, that the nighest in blood should alwayes succeede. And accordingly the Scots refused not for their King _Iohn_ the eldest sonne of _Robert_ the second, albeit he was borne out of marriage, and did halt, and was both in wit and in courage dull.

For what if he who is debarred for disabilitie shall afterward haue a sonne free from all defects?[67] It is without question that the right of the Kingdome should deuolue vnto him: for that the calamitie of parents doeth not preiudice their children, especially in their naturall rights, which they may claime from the person of former ancestors. But what if another be in possession of the Kingdome?[68] will he readily giue place to this right? will he readily abandon that honour, for which men will not spare, to climbe ouer all difficulties, to vndergoe all dangers; to put their goods, their liues, their soules in aduenture? If a man be once mounted into the chaire of Maiestie, it standeth not, I will not say with his dignitie, but with his safetie, to betake himselfe to a priuate State; as well for the eternall iealousie wherein he shall be held, as for the enuie which shall be borne against him vpon many of his actions: So as what some few would not doe for ambition, the same they must doe to preserue themselues. Hereupon it will follow, that the possession of the Kingdome being in one, and the right in another; disunions, factions, warres may easily ensue.

It is inconuenient (I grant) to be vnder a King who is defectiue in body or in mind; but it is a greater inconuenience, by disturbing a setled forme of gouernment, to open an entrance for all disorders; wherein ambition and insolencie (two riotous humours) may range at large. For as euill is generally of that nature, that it cannot stand, but by supportance of another euill; and so multiplieth in it selfe, vntill it doth ruine with the proper weight: so mindes hauing once exceeded the strict bounds of obedience, cease not to strengthen one bouldnesse by another, vntil they haue inuolued the whole State in confusion.

Bvt now to returne to the person and gouernment of this King _William_. He was a man of meane stature, thicke and square bodied, his belly swelling somewhat round; his face was red, his haire deepely yealow, by reason whereof he was called _Rufus_; his forehead foure square like a window, his eyes spotted and not one like the other; his speech vnpleasant and not easily vttered, especially when he was mooued with anger. He was of great abilitie in body, as well for naturall strength, as for hardinesse to endure all ordinary extremities both of trauaile and of want. In Armes he was both expert and aduenturous; full of inward brauerie and fiercenesse; neuer dismayed, alwayes forward, and for the most part fortunate; in counsaile sudden, in performance a man; not doubting to vndertake any thing which inuincible valour durst promise to atchieue. Hee had bene bred with the sword; alwayes in action, alwayes on the fauourable hand of Fortune: so as, albeit he was but yong, yet was he in experience well grounded; for inuention subtill, in counsaile quicke, in execution resolute; wise to foresee a danger, and expedite to auoid it. In a word, the generall reputation of his valour and celeritie, made him esteemed one of the best Chiefetaines in his time.

His behauiour was variable and inconstant; earnest in euery present passion, and for the most part accompanying the disposition of his mind, with outward demonstrations. Of nature he was rough, haughtie, obstinate, inuincible, which was much enlarged both by his soueraigntie and youth: so singular in his owne conceit, that he did interprete it to his dishonour, that the world should deeme, that he did not gouerne by his owne iudgement. In publicke he composed his countenance to a stately terrour; his face sowerly swelling, his eyes truculent, his voyce violent and fierce, scarce thinking himselfe Maiesticall in the glasse of his vnderstanding, but when he flashed feare from his presence. And yet in priuate he was so affable and pleasant, that he approched neere the degree of leuitie: much giuen to scoffing, and passing ouer many of his euill actions with a ieast. In all the other carriages of his life, he maintained no stable and constant course; but declared himselfe for euery present, as well in vertue as in vice, strong, violent, extreeme.

In the beginning of his reigne he was esteemed a most accomplished Prince; and seemed not so much of power to bridle himselfe from vice, as naturally disposed to abhorre it. Afterwards, either with variation of times, or yeelding to the pleasures which prosperity vseth to ingender euen in moderate minds, or perhaps his nature beginning to disclose that which hee had cunningly concealed before, corruptions crept vp, and he waued vncertainely betweene vertue and vice. Lastly, being imboldned by euill teachers, and by continuance both of prosperitie and rule, he is said to haue made his height a priuiledge of loosenesse, and to haue abandoned himselfe to all licentious demeanour; wherein he seemed little to regard God, and nothing man.

Assuredly, there is no greater enemie to great men, then too great prosperitie in their affaires; which taketh from them all iudgement and rule of themselues; which maketh them ful of libertie, and bould to doe euill. And yet I cannot conceiue that this King was so bould, so carelesse, so shamelesse in vices, as many writers doe report. It is certaine that hee doubted of some points of Religion, at that time without any great contradiction professed; and namely, of praying to Saints, worshipping of Reliques, & such like. It is certain also, that out of policie in State, he endeuoured to abate the tumorous greatnes of the Clergie at that time; as well in riches, as in authority and power with the people: and that he attributed not so much to the Sea of _Rome_, as diuers Kings before him had done. Insomuch as he restrained his subiects from going to _Rome_, and withheld the annuall paiment of _Peter_ pence, and was oftentimes heard to giue foorth, that _they follow not the trace of S. Peter, they greedily gape after gifts and rewards, they retein not his power, whose pietie they do not imitate_. These were causes sufficient for the writers of his time (who were for the most part Clergie-men) to enlarge his vices beyond the trueth, to surmise many vices vntruely, to wrest his true vertues to be vices.

And this I doe the rather coniecture, for that I doe not find his particular actions of like nature, with the generall imputation which is cast vpon him; for that also I finde the chiefe of these generall imputations to bee these:[69] _That he was grieuous to the Church, of no deuotion to God, preferring respect of temporall state before the rules of the Gospel_. Verely, it is hard to doe that which will beare a cleere beauty in the eyes of all men; and if our actions haue not the fauour of time, and the opinion of those men who doe estimate and report them, they are much dimmed with disgrace.[70] Out of all doubt he was a magnanimous Prince, mercifull and liberall, and in martiall affaires most expert, diligent and prosperous; wise to contriue his best aduantage, and most couragious to atchieue it. But two things chiefly obscured his glory; one, the incomparable greatnesse of his father, to whom he did immediatly succeede; the other was the prowesse of those men, against whom he did contend in armes; especially of _Malcolme_ King of _Scots_, and of _Robert_ Duke of _Normandie_. To these I may adde, that hee died in the principall strength and flourish of his age, before his iudgement had full command ouer his courage.

Many doe attribute his excellent beginnings to _Lanfranck_ Archb. of _Canterburie_: who during the time of his life, partly by authoritie, and partly by aduise, supported the vnstable yeeres and disposition of the King: which after the death of _Lanfranck_ returned by degrees to their proper sway. But I do rather attribute many of his first vertues to the troubles which happened in the very entrance of his reigne; which partly by employment, and partly by feare, held his inclination in some restraint. For _Odo_ Bishop of _Baion_ and Earle of _Kent_, the Kings vncle by the mothers side, had drawen the greatest part of all the Prelates and Nobilitie that were _Normans_, into a dangerous confederacie against the King; to deiect him from his State, and to aduance _Robert_ his elder brother for their King.

The secret cause of this conspiracie was partly vpon a generall discontentment, at the great, though worthy estimation and authoritie (a most capitall offence in the eye of enuie) of _Lanfrank_ Archbishop of _Canterburie_; by means whereof many of the conspirators liued in farre meaner reputation, then their ambitious minds could easily breake: but chiefly it was vpon a more particular grudge, which _Odo_ did beare against the same _Lanfranck_; because by his perswasion, _Odo_ had been committed to prison by King _William_ the elder. For when the King complained to _Lanfranck_ of the intolerable both auarice and ambition of his brother _Odo_, the Archbishop gaue aduise, that hee should bee restrained of his libertie. And when the King doubted, how he being a Bishop, might be committed to prison, without impeaching the priuiledges of the Church; indeede answered _Lanfranck_, you may not imprison the Bishop of _Baion_, but you may doe what you please with the Earle of _Kent_.

The publike and open pretenses were these. _Robert_ Duke of _Normandie_ had the prerogatiue of birth; which being a benefit proceeding from nature, could not bee reuersed by his fathers acte. He had also wonne a most honorable reputation for his militarie vertues; and had by many trauels of warre wasted the wilde follies of youth. Hee was no lesse famous for courtesie and liberalitie, two most amiable ornaments of honour; being so desirous that no man should depart discontented from him, that he would oftentimes promise more then hee was able to performe, and yet performe more then his estate could expediently afford. As for K. _William_, besides that he was the yonger brother, his nature was held to be doubtfull and suspect, and the iudgement of most men enclined to the worst. And what are we then aduantaged, (said they) by the death of his father? if whom he hath fleeced, this shall flay; if this shall execute those whom he hath fettered and surely bound; If after his seuerities that are past, wee shall be freshly charged with those rigours, which tyrants in the height and pride of their Fortune are wont to vse? And as stronger combinations are alwayes made betweene men drawne together by one common feare, then betweene those that are ioyned by hope or desire; so vpon these iealousies and feares, accompanied also with vehement desires, the Confederats supposed that they had knit a most assured league.

Now it happened that at the time of the death of _William_ the elder, _Robert_ his eldest sonne was absent in _Almaine_; and at once heard both of the death of his father, and that his brother _William_ was acknowledged to be King. Hereupon in great hast, but greater heat both of anger and ambition, he returned into _Normandie_: and there whilest he was breathing foorth his discontentment and desire of reuenge, he receiued a message from the Confederats in _England_; that with all speed hee should come ouer vnto them, to accomplish the enterprise, to furnish their forces with a head: that they had no want of able bodies; they wanted no meanes to maintaine them together; they wanted onely his person both to countenance and conduct them. The Duke thought it no wisdome, to aduenture himselfe altogether; vpon the fauour and faith of discontented persons: and he had bene so loosely liberall before, that he was vnprouided of money, to appoint himselfe with any competent forces of his owne. Hereupon he pawned a part of _Normandie_ to his brother _Henry_, for waging Souldiers: many also flocked voluntarily vnto him; vpon inducement, that hee who of his owne nature was most liberall & full of humanitie, would not faile both of pay and reward, vnlesse by reason of disabilitie & want.

In the meane time the Confederats resolued to breake forth in Armes, in diuers parts of the Realme at once; vpon conceit, that if the King should endeuour to represse them in one place, they might more easily preuaile in the other. And so accordingly _Odo_ fortified and spoiled in _Kent_; _Geoffrey_ Bishop of _Exceter_, with his nephew _Robert Mowbray_ Earle of _Northumberland_, at _Bristow_; _Roger Montgomerie_ in _Northfolke_, _Suffolke_ and _Cambridgeshire_; _Hugh de Grandemenill_, in _Leicestershire_ and _Northamptonshire_; _William_ Bishop of _Durhame_, in the North parts of the Realme; diuers others of the Clergie and Nobilitie in _Herefordshire_, _Shropshire_, _Worcestershire_, and all the Countreys adioyning to _Wales_. And as in time of pestilence all diseases turne to the plague; so in this generall tumult, all discontentments sorted to Rebellion. Many who were oppressed with violence or with feare; many who were kept lower either by want or disgrace then they had set their mounting minds, adioyned daily to the side, and encreased both the number and the hope. And thus was all the Realme in a ruinous rage against K. _William_, who wanted neither courage to beare, nor wisdome to decline it.

And first hee endeuoured by all meanes to make the _English_ assured vnto him. And albeit few of them were at that time in any great place, either of credite or of charge, but were all wounded by his fathers wrongs; yet for that they were the greatest part, he made the greatest reckoning of them. For this cause hee released many _English_ Lords who had bene committed to custodie by his father. He composed himselfe to courtesie and affabilitie towards the people, and distributed much treasure among them. But especially hee wanne their inclination by promises of great assurance, to restore vnto them their ancient lawes, to ease them of tributes and taxations, and to permit them free libertie of hunting: which being their principall pleasure and exercise before, was either taken away, or much restrained from them by King _William_ the elder. Herewith he applied himselfe to appease the mutinous minds of his Nobilitie, to seuer the Confederats, to breake the faction; to diuide it first, and thereby to defeat it.

To this purpose he dealt with _Roger Montgomerie_, who next vnto _Odo_ was a principall both countenance and strength to the reuolt; he dealt also with diuers others, inferiour vnto him in authority and degree; that he could not coniecture for what cause they were so violent against him: did they want money? His fathers treasure was at their deuotion: desired they encrease of possessions? they should not be otherwise bounded then by their owne desires: that hee would willingly also giue ouer his estate, in case it should be iudged expedient by themselues, whom his father had put in trust to support him: that they should doe wel to foresee, whether by ouerthrowing his fathers iudgement in appointing the kingdome vnto him, they should not doe that which might be preiudiciall to themselues; for the same man who had appointed him to bee King, had also conferred vnto them those honours and possessions which they held. Thus sometimes dealing priuately with particulars, and sometimes with many together, and eftsoones filling them with promises and hopes, and that with such new vehemencie of words as they beleeued could not proceede from dissembled intents; he so preuailed in the end, that hereby, and by example of some inducing the rest, _Roger Montgomerie_ and diuers others were reconciled to the King; in whom was thought to rest no smal matter to hold vp the reputation of the enterprise.

And further, hee prepared a nauie to guard the seas, and to impeach the passage of his brother into _England_. Hee prepared great forces also by meanes of the treasure which his father had left, and disposed them in places conuenient, either to preuent or to represse these scattered tumults. But the successe of his affaires was by no meanes so much aduanced, as by _Lanfranck_ Archbishop of _Canterbury_, and by _Woolstane_ Bishop of _Worcester_: the authority of which two men, the one for his learning, wisedome, and mild moderation, the other for his simple sanctitie and integritie of life, was greatly regarded by all sorts of people. By encouragement of _Woolstane_ not onely the citie of _Worcester_ was maintained in firme condition for the King, but his enemies receiued there a famous foyle; the greatest part being slaine, and the residue dispersed. This was the first sad blow which the confederates tooke; afterward they declined mainely, and the King as mainly did increase.

The King in person led his chiefe forces into _Kent_, against _Odo_ his vncle, the principall firebrand of all this flame. Hee tooke there the castle of _Tunbridge_ and of _Pemsey_, which _Odo_ had fortified; and lastly hee besieged _Odo_ himselfe in the castle of _Rochester_, and with much trauell tooke him prisoner, and compelled him to abiure the Realme. Vpon these euents, the Bishop of _Durham_, aduising onely with feare and despaire, fled out of the Realme; but after three yeeres he was againe restored to the dignitie of his Sea. The residue did submit themselues to the Kings discretion; and were by him receiued, all to pardon, some to gracious and deare account. For in offences of so high nature, pardon neuer sufficeth to assure offenders, vnlesse by further benefits their loyaltie bee bound.

_Robert_ Duke of _Normandy_ was busied all this time, in making preparation for his iourney into _England_: but his delayes much abated the affections of those who fauoured either his person or cause. At the length, hauing made vp a competent power, he committed to sea; where, his infelicities concurring with his negligence, diuers of his ships which he had sent somewhat before him, to assure the confederats of his approach, were set vpon and surprised by the nauie of King _William_. After this hee arriued in _England_, sent vnto many of his secret friends, and made his comming knowen vnto all: but no man resorted to him, he receiued no aduertisement from any man; but plainely found, that by the fortunate celeritie of King _William_, the heart of the conspiracie in all places was broken. So the Duke returned into _Normandie_, hauing then good leisure, to looke into the errour of his leisurely proceedings.

When the King had in this sort either wisely reconciled, or valiantly repressed his domesticall enemies; because an vnperfect victory is alwayes the seede of a new warre, he followed his brother with a mighty armie, and remoued the seate of the warre into _Normandie_. For he coniectured (as in trueth it fell out) that the Duke his brother vpon his returne, would presently disperse his companies, for want of money; and for the same cause would not easily be able to draw them together againe. So his valour and his power being much aduantaged by his sudden comming, ioyned to the want of foresight and preparation in the Duke; he tooke in short time the Castles of _Walerick_ and _Aubemarle_, with the whole Countrey of _Eu_; the Abbacie of _Mount S Michael_, _Fescampe_, _Chereburge_, and diuers other places; which he furnished with men of Armes, and Souldiers of assured trust.

The Duke feeling his owne weakenesse, dealt with _Philip_ King of _France_, and by liberall promises so preuailed with him, that he descended into _Normandie_ with a faire Armie, and bent his siege against one of those pieces which K. _William_ had taken. But he found it so knottie a piece of worke, that in short time wearied with hardnesse and hazards of the field, he fell to a capitulation with King _William_, and so departed out of _Normandie_; receiuing a certaine summe of money in regard of his charges, and conceiuing that he had won honour ynough, in that no honour had bene won against him.

The money that was payd to the King of _France_, was raised in _England_ by this deuise. King _William_ commanded that 20. Thousand men should be mustered in _England_, and transported into _Normandie_, to furnish his warres against the _French_. When they were conducted neere to _Hastings_, and almost ready to be embarked, it was signified to them from the King; that aswell for their particular safeties, as not to disfurnish the Realme of strength, whosoeuer would pay 10. shillings towards the waging of Souldiers in _Normandie_, he might be excused to stay at home. Among 20. Thousand scarce any was found, who was not ioyfull to embrace the condition; who was not ready to redeeme his aduenture with so small a summe: which being gathered together, was both a surer and easier meanes to finish the warres, then if the King had still struggeled by force of Armes. For when the _French_ King had abandoned the partie, Duke _Robert_, being prepared neither with money, nor constancie of mind to continue the warre, enclined to peace; which at the last, by diligence of friends, was concluded betweene the two brothers, vpon these conditions.

_That the Duke should yeeld to the King the Countie of Eu, the Abbey
of Fescampe, the Abbey of S. Michaels mount, Chereburge, and all
other Castles and fortifications which the King had taken._

_That the King should subdue to the vse of the Duke, all other
Castles and houldes, which had reuolted from him in Normandie._

_That the King should giue to the Duke certaine dignities and
possessions in England._

_That the King should restore all those to their dignities and lands
in England, who had taken part with the Duke against him._

_That if either of them should die without issue male, the suruiuour
should succeed in his estate._

These Articles were confirmed by twelue Barons on the Kings part, and as many on the part of the Duke; so long obserued, as either of them wanted either power or pretence to disanull them.

This peace being made, the Duke vsed the aide of King _William_, to recouer the fort of _Mount S. Michael_, which their brother _Henrie_ did forceably hold, for the money which hee had lent to the Duke of _Normandie_. Fourtie dayes they layed siege to this castle; hauing no hope to carrie it, but by the last necessity, which is hunger. Within the compasse of this time, as the King straggled alone vpon the shoare, certaine horsemen salied foorth and charged vpon him; of whom three strooke him together so violently with their lances, as because he could not be driuen out of his saddle, together with his saddle he was cast vpon the ground, and his horse slaine vpon the place, for which he had payed the same day 15. markes. Extremitie of danger (as it often happeneth) tooke from the King all feare of danger: wherefore taking vp his saddle with both his hands, he did therewith defend himselfe for a time. But because to stand vpon defence onely is alwayes vnsure, he drew his sword, and would not depart one foot from his saddle; but making shew of braue ioy, that he had nothing to trust vnto but his owne valour, he defended both his saddle and himselfe, till rescue came. Afterward when some of his Souldiers in blaming maner expostulated with him, wherefore he was so obstinate to saue his saddle: his answere was, that a King should loose nothing which he can possibly saue: _It would haue angred mee_, (said he) _at the very heart, that the knaues should haue bragged, that they had wonne the saddle from mee_. And this was one of his perpetuall felicities, to escape easily out of desperate dangers.

In the end _Henry_ grew to extreeme want of water, and other prouisions: by which meanes he was ready to fall into the hands of those, who desired to auoyd necessitie to hurt him. And first he sent to the Duke his brother, to request some libertie to take in fresh water. The Duke sent to him a tunne of wine, and granted a surcease of hostilitie for one day, to furnish him with water. At this the King seemed discontented, as being a meanes to prolong the warre. But the Duke told him, that it had bene hard to deny a brother a little water for his necessitie. Herewith likewise the King relenting, they sent for their brother _Henry_; and wisdome preuailing more then iniuries or hate, they fell to an agreement, That vpon a day appointed, _Henry_ should receiue his money at _Roan_; and that in the meane time, hee should hold the countrey of _Constantine_ in morgage. The King enterteined with pay many of his brother _Henries_ souldiers; especially he receiued those who ouerthrew him, to a very neere degree of fauour. And thus all parties ordered their ambition with great modestie; the custome of former warres running in a course of more humanitie, then since they haue done.

The King was the more desirous to perfect these agreements of Peace, for that _Malcolme_ King of _Scots_ (as Princes often times make vse of the contentions of their neighbours) tooke occasion vpon these confusions, to enterprise vpon the parts of _England_ which confined vpon him. So as he inuaded _Northumberland_, made great spoile, tooke much prey, caried away many prisoners; whose calamitie was the more miserable, for that they were to endure seruitude in a hard Countrey. For this cause the King with his accustomed celeritie returned into _England_, accompanied with the Duke of _Normandie_ his brother; and led a mighty armie against the _Scots_ by land, and sent also a nauie to infest them by sea. But by a sudden and stiffe storme, by a hideous confusion of all ill disposed weather, his ships were cruelly crushed; and hauing long wrought against the violence and rage of the tempest, were in the end dispersed, and diuers of them cast away. Many of his souldiers also perished, partly by penurie and want, and partly by the euill qualitied ayre.

Notwithstanding the _Scots_, knowing the King of _England_ to bee an enemie mighty and resolute, began to wauer in their assurance; framing fearefull opinions, of the number, valour and experience of his armie. Hereupon some ouertures of peace were made; the _Scots_ expecting that the King, by reason of his late losses, would be the more moderate in his demands. But hee then shewed himselfe most resolute and firme; following his naturall custome, not to yeelde to any difficulty. King _Malcolme_ coniecturing that such confidence could not be without good cause, consented at the last to these conditions.

_That King Malcolme should make a certaine satisfaction for the
spoyles which hee had done in England._

_That King William should restore to him certaine lands in England._

_That K. Malcolme should doe homage to King William._

Now the day was come wherein _Henrie_ was appointed to receiue his money at _Roan_, from the Duke of _Normandie_. But as affaires of Princes haue great variations, so they are not alwayes constant in their Counsels. And so the Duke, caried by his occasions, and ready to lay downe his faith and word more to the traine of times, then to the preseruation of his honour; instead of paying the money, committed his brother _Henry_ to prison: from whence he could not be released, vntill hee renounced the Countie of _Constantine_, and bound himselfe by oath neuer to claime any thing in _Normandie_.

_Henrie_ complained hereof to _Philip_ King of _France_; who gaue him a faire enterteinement in his Court, but was content rather to feede then finish the contention: either expecting thereby some opportunitie to himselfe, or els the opinion of his owne greatnesse not suffring him to feare, that others might grow to haue fortune against him. _Henry_ had not long remained in the Court of _France_, but a _Normane_ Knight named _Hacharde_ conueyed him disguised into _Normandie_; where the Castle of _Damfronc_ was deliuered vnto him; and in short time after hee gate all the Countrey of _Passays_, and a good part of _Constantine_; either without resistance, or without difficultie and perill.

Hereupon the Duke leuied his forces, and earnestly assayed to recouer _Damfronc_: but then hee found that his brother _Henrie_ was secretly, yet surely vnderset by the king of _England_. Hereupon, incensed with the furie of an iniuried minde, hee exclaimed against his brother of _England_, and almost proclaimed him a violator of his league. On the other side, the King of _England_ iustified his action, for that hee was both a meanes and a partie to the agreement: and therefore stood bound in honour, not onely to vrge, but to enforce performance. So the flame brake foorth more furious then it was before, and ouer went King _William_ with an able armie; where hee found the Duke also in good condition of strength commanding the field. And albeit in so neere approach of two mighty enemies, equall both in ambition and power, it is hard to conteine men of seruice; yet was nothing executed betweene them, but certaine light skirmishes, and surprizements of some places of defence. In the end, the King hearing of new troubles in _England_, and the Duke finding himselfe vnable either to preuaile with few souldiers, or to maintaine many, and both distrusting to put a speedie end to the warre; they were easily drawne to capitulations of peace. And thus ended the contention betweene these brethren; who vntill this time had continued like the waues of the Sea, alwayes in motion, and one beating against the other.

Besides these businesses which befell the King, against his Nobilitie, against the Duke of _Normandie_ his brother, and against the King and nation of the _Scots_; the _Welshmen_ also (who alwayes struggled for libertie and reuenge) perceiuing that the King was often absent, and much entangled with hostile affaires; enforced the fauour of that aduantage, to free themselues from subiection of the _English_, and happily to enlarge or enrich themselues vpon them. So hauing both desire and opportunitie, they wanted not meanes to assemble in armes, to expell the _English_ that were amongst them, and to cast downe the Castles erected in their Countrey, as the principall yoakes of their subiection. Afterwards, rising in boldnesse with successe, they made diuers incursions vpon the bordering parts of _England_; spoiled the Citie of _Glocester_, and exercised all those outrages, which vnciuill people, incensed both with want and with hate doe not vsually omit. But being a company neither in discipline nor pay, raw and vnarmed, they proceeded more like to robbers then to Souldiers; hauing no intention to vanquish, but to spoile.

Hereupon the King twice in person inuaded _Wales_, but with small shew of successe for the present. For the _Welsh_-enemies scattered the warre, by diuiding themselues into small companies, and retiring into the mountaines and woods, and other places of naturall defence. Here they trauailed the King with a fugitiue fight; flying when they were pursued, and houering vpon him when they were giuen ouer: cutting off many stragling souldiers, and taking some carriages, which in those rough places could not easily either be passed, or defended. And so by shifting alwayes into places of aduantage, they sought at one time, both to auoyd fighting, and to hinder the King from doing any thing of importance. At the last, the King hauing made sufficient proofe how vaine it is, to follow a light footed enemie with a heauie Armie, pestered with traine of carriage, in places where the seruice of horsemen is almost vnprofitable; he gaue ouer the pursuit, and retired into _England_. But first he repaired those Castles which the _Welsh_ had destroyed, and built new Castles also vpon the frontiers and within the bosome of _Wales_; which he furnished with so sure garrisons, as might suffice with fauour of opportunitie, either to weary or consume the enemies.

And indeed the _Welsh_ being by this meanes, alwayes exercised, and dayly wasted; declined in short time, no lesse to cowardise then to wearinesse and wants; so as _Hugh_ Earle of _Chester_, & _Hugh_ Earle of _Shrewesbury_, dispossessed them of the Isle of _Anglesey_, which they had surprised not long before. The _Welsh_ that were there taken, were very hardly, or rather vnmercifully and cruelly entreated; Some had their eyes pulled out, some their hands cut off, some their armes, some their noses, some their genitalles. An aged Priest named _Kenredus_, who had bene a chiefe directer of the common affaires, was drawne out of a Church whereinto he had fled, had one of his eyes pulled out, and his tongue torne from his throat. I make no doubt but these seuerities were vsed against them, vpon some sauage outrages which they had done; wherein the lesse compassion was borne to their calamities, for the cowardise which they shewed in their owne defence.

Shortly after, _Magnus_ King of _Norway_ the sonne of _Olaus_, the sonne of _Harold Harfager_, hauing brought the Isles of _Orkeney_ vnder his dominion, subdued also from the _Welsh_ the Isle of _Man_; and enterprised vpon the Isle of _Anglesey_ against the _English_. But at his landing he was encountred by the Earle of _Shrewsbury_ and the Earle of _Chester_; in which fight the _Norwegians_ were vanquished and repelled, but the Earle of _Shrewsbury_ with too braue boldnesse lost his life: leauing his honourable both actions and end as an excellent ornament to his posteritie. Afterwards the Earle of _Chester_ led an armie into _Wales_; and found the people so consumed by the _English_ garisons, that he easily reduced many to professe obedience to the Crowne of _England_; and disabled others, hauing no leaders of experience and valour, for shewing their faces as enemies in the field.