Chapter XV: The Closing Scene (2)

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FOOTNOTES:

[1] In judging these and other great historical criminals, we must bear in mind the age in which they lived. To borrow the language of Mr. Hepworth Dixon in his eloquent vindication of Lord Bacon: “The cry of pain, the gasp of death, were no such shocks to the gentle heart as they would be in a softer time. Men had been hardened in the [martyrs’] fire. Minds were infected by the atrocities of [Huguenot] plots. The ballads sung in the streets were steeped in blood.” In such times of frenzy even the merciful become cruel.

[2] _Hist. of Popes_, i. 120 (Mrs. Austin’s).

[3] From a sermon quoted by Sismondi, _Hist. des Français_.

[4] _Mém. de l’Acad. Stanislas_, Nancy, 1862, p. 369.

[5] Here are some of the objects once preserved in the cathedral of Clermont:--“Imprimis de umbilico Filii Dei cum quinque unguibus de sinistra manu; præpucium ipsius cum duabus unguibus de dextra manu, et de pannis quibas fuit involutus, et undecimam partem sudarii quod fuit ante oculos ejus cum sanguine ipsius, et de tunica, et de barba, et de capillis, et de præcincto ejus cum sanguine et tres ungues ejus ex recisione manus dexteræ et partem spinæ coronæ, et de pane quem ipse benedixit, et ex spongia ejus, et ex virgis quibus cæsus fuit, et de capillis Beatæ Mariæ tres et brachiale ejus, et de vestimento ipsius cum lacte.”--Baluze, ii. p. 39; Dulaure, _Descript. Auvergne_, p. 197.

[6] _Réponse à quelque apologie_, etc. 1558, fol. 2.

[7] “De plano, sine strepitu et figura judicii, prout in similibus consuevit.”--Isambert: _Recueil des Lois Fr._ t. xii. p. 231.

[8] Florimond de Rémond: _Histoire de la naissance, etc. de l’hérésie de ce siècle_, bk. vii. p. 931.

[9] Beza: _Hist. Eccles._ liv. i. For this “Affair of the Placards” see Merle d’Aubigné: _Reform. in time of Calvin_, vol. iii. bk. iv. ch. 9 to 12. A passage like this must have been as offensive as it was unjustifiable: “Nous ne voulons croire à vos idoles, à vos lieux nouveaux et nouveaux Christs, qui se laissent manger aux bêtes et à vous pareillement, qui êtes pires que bêtes, en vos badinages lequels vous faites à l’entour de votre dieu de pâte duquel vous vous jouez comme un chat d’une souris,” etc.

[10] Eustathius de Knobelsdorff to George Cassander, in _Illustr. et Clar. Viror. Epist. Selectæ._, Lugd. Bat. 1617, quoted in Baum: _Leben Beza’s_.

[11] _Hist. des guerres dans le Venaissin_, etc. i. p. 39. Published anonymously, but the author was Father Justin, a Capuchin monk. See also Muston: _Israël des Alpes_, 1851.

[12] Bossuet (_Hist. des Variations_, liv. xi. § 143) acknowledges their piety, but calls it “feigned,” and ascribes their virtues to the inspiration of the devil.

[13] Cabasse: _Hist. Parl. Provence_.

[14] Il n’existe plus rien du bourg florissant de Mérindol. Lacretelle: _Guerres de Rél._ i. p. 31.

[15] Mezeray, iii. p. 1034.

[16] Some years ago a cave in a wild and almost inaccessible valley of the Maritime Alps, near the village of Castiglione, was pointed out to me as one of these places of refuge. It could be reached only by a rope, and consisted of at least three chambers, one below the other. In the Vivarrais there are many such caverns.

[17] Bouche calls them, “plutôt ignorans que rebelles,” and adds, “On trouve dans l’histoire des nations les plus fanatiques et les plus sauvages peu d’exemples d’une atrocité pareille.”--_Essai sur l’Hist. de Provence_, ii. p. 83. See Papon, _Hist. de Provence_, for a less favorable account of the Vaudois.

[18]

Viros et morte peremptos
Indigna, raptasque soluto crine puellas,
Et late miseris subjecta incendia vicis.

L’Hôpital, _De Causa Merindoli_.

[19] All the papers connected with this inquiry have perished. One of the accused was the famous sea-captain Baron de la Garde, the same who disputed the command of the Channel against Henry VIII., and occupied the Isle of Wight in 1533. In the religious wars he sided with the Huguenots.

[20] Capefigue: _Hist. de la Réforme_, ch. xvi.

[21] Non ego sum qui, ut quisque a nobis opinione dissentit, statim eum odio habeam.

[22] In a poem composed at this time, he says, with more of Pagan stoicism than Christian fortitude--

Sus, mon esprit, montrez vous de tel cœur,
Votre assurance au besoin soit connue;
Tout gentil cœur, tout constant belliqueur,
Jusqu’à la mort sa force a maintenue.

[23] Imberdis: _Hist. Guerres Civ._ 8vo. Moulins, 1840.

[24] A curious apology has been made for Francis I. Mezeray, answering an Italian writer, who had insinuated that the king had permitted the spread of heresy by taking no heed of it, says:--“Quoi donc, faire six ou sept rigoureux édits pour l’étouffer, convoquer plusieurs fois le clergé, assembler un concile provincial, dépêcher à toute heure des ambassades vers tous les princes de la chrétienté pour en assembler un général, brûler les hérétiques par douzaines, les envoyer aux galères par centaines, et les bannir par milliers: est-ce là permettre, ou n’y prendre pas garde,” etc. ii. p. 1038.

[25] _P. Castellani Vita_, auct. P. Gallandio, 8vo. 1674.

[26] _Petri Paschalii Histor. Fragm._ Dupuy MSS. Raumer: _Hist. 16th and 17th Centuries_, i. 261.

[27] Matteo Dandolo in 1542 and Lorenzo Contarini in 1551 describe Henry in nearly the same terms. See Alberi: _Relazioni degli Ambas. Veneti_. (8vo. Firenze.) Ser. I. vol. iv. 1860, pp. 27 and 60.

[28] M. Capefigue has attempted this in his one-sided fashion; but Alberi extols her as a model of almost every Christian virtue.

[29] Sismondi says she was only 13, but from her birth, 13th April, 1519, to her wedding-day is 14½ years.

[30] “Li occhi grossi proprj alla casa de’ Medici.” Suriano. On the ceiling of a room in the château of Tanlay, between Tonnerre and Moutbard, which once belonged to the Chatillons, there was (and probably still is) a figure of Catherine as Juno, with two faces: one, masculine and sinister, the other with a remarkable sweetness and dignity of expression. In the gallery at Eu there were two portraits (probably copies) representing her as exceedingly fair: in one, the hair was of a reddish tinge; in the other, the eyebrows were light and the eyes hazel.

[31] Giovanni Soranzo, 14th August, 1557. _Relazioni_, p. 8.

[32] “Non si troveria persona che non si lasciasse cavare del sangue per fargli avere un figlio.”--Matt. Dandolo.

[33] His tomb, by Jean Goujon, is in Rouen cathedral.

[34] Brantome describes her at the age of sixty-five as being “so lovely that the most insensible person could not look upon her without emotion;” and ascribes her beauty to a bouillon she took every morning composed of “or potable et autres drogues que je ne sais pas.” De Thou says she made Henry constant to her “philtris et magicis (ut creditur) artibus.” A hideous story of her bathing in blood to preserve her beauty is told of “cette Hérodias” in the _Mélange critique de Littérature_, ii. p. 113. At Dijon there is a three-quarter portrait of her entirely undraped. The form is exceedingly lovely, the face a long oval, the eyes dark, eyebrows delicate, hair a bright auburn, and complexion fair.

[35] They were the emblems of mourning which widows in those days never put off.

[36] “Particolarmente la dispensazione delli benefici ecclesiastici è in man sua.”--Soranzo.

[37] “Il quale l’ha amata, ed ama e godi cosi vecchia come è.” L. Contarini (1551): _Relazioni Veneti_, iv. 1860, p. 78; Baschet: _La Diplomatie vénitienne_, p. 432. G. Soranzo (1558) writes to the same effect; but M. Cavalli is of quite a contrary opinion. “Questo amore non sia lascivo, ma come materno filiale.”--Raumer, i. p. 259.

[38] The pope significantly sent her a pearl necklace shortly after Henry’s accession. The French have recently erected a statue to her memory. It is painful to see a noble nation so deficient in self-respect as to make idols of the mistresses of their sovereigns--Agnes Sorel, Diana, Gabrielle d’Estrées, and others.

[39] “Au col de sa jument.”--_Gargantua_, liv. i. ch. 17.

[40] “Il ne savait ni lire ni écrire.”--Marsollier: _Hist. duc de Bouillon_, i. 7 (Paris, 1719).

[41] He was named Anne, after his godmother Anne of Brittany. He had four sons and five daughters; his sister Louisa, a widow, married Gaspard de Coligny, the father of the Admiral. Louisa’s first husband was the Marshal de Maille, and her daughter Dame de Roye was mother of the Dame de Rove who married Condé.

[42] These “crescents,” so often found interlaced with H, are supposed to be the device of Diana of Poitiers; I am more inclined to regard them as a fanciful C, to indicate Catherine.

[43] Félibien: _Hist. de la Ville de Paris_, tom. ii. liv. xx. p. 1031 (fol. 1725).

[44] Félibien, tom. v. p. 378.

[45] The intellect of the day was on the side of the Reform: “Peintres, orlogiers, imagiers, orfèvres, libraires, imprimeurs, et autres, qui en leurs métiers, ont _quelque noblesse d’esprit_.”--Flor. de Remond, an unimpeachable witness.

[46] Bras de Bourgueville: _Recherches sur Caen_, 2^e partie, p. 162; Cte Hector de la Ferrière-Percy: _Hist. du Canton d’Athis_. 8vo. Paris, 1858.

[47] Montluc says the nobles adopted the Reform out of a spirit of opposition. “Il n’était fils de bonne maison qui ne voulut goûter de cette réforme nouvelle.”

[48] About the same time another edict forbade the faithful to send money to Rome.--Lacretelle.

[49] On the 19th June, 1551, the papal nuncio represented to the king that he “must forbid the printing and circulation of all heretical books.... If your majesty fail to punish these damnable writers, the evil may proceed so far as to defy all remedy.”--Raumer, i. 262. The severities of the Chateaubriant edict proving ineffectual, it was declared by another edict (27th May, 1558), that the illegal printing of any book on religion would be punished by “confiscation de corps et de biens.”

[50] Matthew Ory, of the order of Preaching Friars, had been invited from Italy by Cardinal de Tournon, and by letters patent of Francis I. (30th May, 1536) permitted to exercise the office of inquisitor at Lyons, in which post he was confirmed by the edict of Henry II. (22d June, 1550).

[51] On this point see the continuation of Longueval’s _Hist. Eglise Gall._ by J. M. Prat (4to, 1847), t. xix. p. 96.

[52] “L’autorité et souveraineté tant du roi que de sa couronne serait grandement diminuée quand les sujets naturels du roi seraient prévenus et entrepris par un official ou inquisiteur.”--_Hist. des Martyrs._ f. 463.

[53] Minute of Secretary Ribier, p. 677; Sismondi, xviii. p. 59. See also Belcarius: _Rer. Gall. Comment._ p. 868.

[54] “Existimant omnis publicæ cladis, omnis popularis incommodi Christianos esse causam. Si Tiberis ascendit in mœnia, si Nilus non ascendit in arva, sicœlum stetit, si terra movet, si fames, si lues, statim--Christianos ad leonem!”--Tertullian, _Apol._ c. 40.

[55] Pasquier: _Lettres_, p. 195 (ed. Arras. 1598) says it happened in August, three days after the battle of St. Laurent, before the walls of St. Quentin, which was taken six weeks later. But these letters were written for effect--many of them some time after the events they record. Drion (_Chronol._) says “May.”

[56] Her favorite, Madame de Crussol, Duchess of Usez, held the Reformed opinions.

[57] Bonnet: _Lettres de Calvin_, ii. 125, _note_. Letter from Fr. Morel. The prisoners were 120 to 130 in number.

[58] Raynald: _Ann. Eccles._ ad an. 1557; Sarpi: _Concil. Trent_, lib. v. No. 33.

[59] “Aut integras urbes absumere aut veritati locum aliquem concedere.”--Baum: _Leben Beza’s_, i. p. 453.

[60] Florimond de Remond: _Hist. des Martyrs_, fol. 395.

[61] Strada: _De Bello Belg._ dec. i. lib. 3.

[62] Marot translated fifty, Beza the remainder.

[63] Somewhat later (in 1561) the Sorbonne formally declared the singing of Psalms _not_ contrary to the Catholic faith.

[64] The Pré aux Clercs exists no longer, not even in name. It was a pleasant meadow on the banks of the Seine, between the abbey of St. Germain des Prés and the Invalides.

[65] _Hist. Heres._ f. 1033.

[66] “Criant par dépit comme crieurs d’oublies.”--_MS. de Médicis._

[67] This probably is what the English commissioner alludes to, when writing in January, 1559, he says: “There was an appointment made between the late pope, the King of Spain, and the French king, for the joining of their forces together for the suppression of religion.”--Forbes: _Full View of the Public Transactions in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth_, i. p. 196 (fol. Lond. 1740).

[68] Vauvilliers, i. p. 89.

[69] During the period embraced in this volume there were only eight Parliaments, those of Paris, Toulouse, Grenoble, Bordeaux, Dijon, Rouen, Aix, Rennes.

[70] _La vraie Hist. de la Proc. contre Du Bourg.: Mém. de Condé_, i. 220.

[71] _Mem. de Vieilleville_, p. 705 (Panthéon Litt.)

[72] The date is uncertain; some give the 10th March, but the discussion did not begin until the 26th April. Felice says the 10th August, which must be a misprint.

[73] Throckmorton to Queen, 19th June, 1559, gives an account of this remarkable sitting, in which the Cardinal of Lorraine displayed his usual violence of language. Forbes: _Full View_, i. p. 126.

[74] Abbé Caveyrac says: “It was his fixed intention to destroy the Protestants.”--_Apologie de Louis XIV._ p. 33.

[75] Groen van Prinsterer: _Archives_, Ser. I. 1841, vol. i. p. 34. The plot was first made known in the Apology published by the Prince of Orange. Alva said that Henry had made peace, “para que el quedasse la mano libera para remediar lo.”--Gachard, ii. p. 181; Raynald: _Ann. Eccles._

[76] Du Puis, a Jacobite priest, asserted “qu’à leur prêche les femmes s’abandonnaient,” etc. See Flocquet: _Hist. parl. de Normandie_, ii. p. 365.

[77] This organization was to a great extent the work of a gentleman of Maine, by name La Ferrière, who had removed to Paris to escape religious surveillance (1555).

[78] Calvin: _Serm. sur Timothée_, p. 65 (4to 1563).

[79] Alva to Philip: _Journ. des Savants_, 1857, p. 171.

[80] Art de vérifier les dates. Other authorities give June 21 and 24.

[81] Throckmorton to Council, 1st July, 1559; Forbes, i. 151; _Lettere dei Principi_ (14th July, 1559), iii. 196. Montgomery escaped to England, where he embraced the Reformed doctrines.

[82] Some authorities state that, though Henry lingered eleven days, he never recovered either speech or reason. In the _Chanson de Montgommery_ (1574) we read that he “prononça _à voix haute_, Que n’avais nullement vers lui commis la faute.”

[83] Mezeray, ii. 1137. Claude Haton charges the Protestants with trying to kill Henry in 1558, considering him “le tyran persécuteur de l’église de Jésus Christ.”

[84] Gail: _Tableaux chronologiques_, p. 96 (8vo. Paris, 1819); also Brantome.

[85] This discipline was in reality the work of Coligny.

[86] Claude Haton.

[87] Aubespine: _Doc. Hist. François II._, tom. ii. p. 428.

[88] Born 20th January, 1544, N.S. The medals say he was crowned on the 17th, Mezeray the 19th, and De Thou the 20th Sept., 1559. Such are the discrepancies continually to be met with even in trivial matters.

[89] Card. Santa Croce writes: “La Regina di Scotia un giorno gli disse che non sarebbe mai altro che figlia di un mercante.”

[90] Le Plat, v. p. 517.

[91] “Pulchro aspectu, procera statura, facie oblonga [the true Lorraine face], fronte ampla et eminente.” _Gallia purpurata._ Beza said: “Had I the cardinal’s eloquence, I should hope to convert half France.”

[92] Auberi: _Hist. Card. Richelieu_, i. liv. ii. p. 87 (ed. 1666).

[93] “Me participem fecit, ut tentationum ct passionum quibus per tot annos quotidie moriebatur, omni hora de vita periclitabatur ... tam _parum_ timidus quam _nimium_ esse putabatur.” Bayle, _sub voce_.

[94] “Licenziosissimo per natura ... ingordizia inestimabile ... gran duplicità.” _Relazioni d. Amb. Ven._ (ed. Alberi), p. 441.

[95] 9th April, 1561. MS. in Rouen Library; Leber, bundle B, No. 5720. On the other side, see the “Supplication,” etc., reprinted in Bouillé: _Hist. Guise_, p. 77.

[96] Micheli speaks of the “odio universale conceputo contro di lui per i molti effetti d’offesa che mostrò verso ognuno mentre nel governo ebbe l’autorità.”

[97] In the museum of Orleans there is a striking portrait of the cardinal and of his nephew, Henry, the hero of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew.

[98] He was born in 1518, and in 1548 married the heiress of Navarre (born 1528), whose dowry consisted of the principality of Béarn and the counties of Armagnac, Albret, Bigorre, Foix, and Comminges. Upper Navarre had been seized by Spain.

[99] Marc Duval’s engraving of the three brothers is well known, and has often been copied. In the Lenoir Collection (now belonging to the Duke of Sutherland) there is a painting of the three brothers; and, if I am correctly informed, there are other portraits at Knowle Park.

[100] Brantome quotes an Italian saying: “Dio me guarda del bel gigneto del Principe (di Condé) e dell’ animo e _stecco_ dell’ Amiraglio.” There was another saying: “Défiez-vous du _cure-dents_ de l’Amiral, du _non_ du Connétable, et du _oui_ de Catherine.”

[101] Mr. Crowe, who seems to have taken his history of this period from Davila, calls Coligny “a man of bold and imposing character,” and says that he and Andelot were the inspiring causes of the religious wars. So far as the admiral is concerned, this is quite contrary to the fact.

[102] _Rer. Scot. Hist._ lib. xvi. p. 567 (ed. 1668).

[103] Lippomano in Baschet, p. 494; Throckmorton to Queen, 13th July, 1560, in Forbes, i. p. 159.

[104] Throckmorton says that the cardinal took pattern from the proclamations and injunctions of Pole and Bonner. Forbes, i. p. 161 and 233.

[105] Regnier de la Planche, p. 227.

[106] December 12th, 1559. This same Stuart claimed Queen Mary’s protection as a blood-relation. He made the constable prisoner at Dreux, mortally wounded him at St. Denis, and being taken at Jarnac, fighting on the Huguenot side, was murdered by permission, if not by order, of Henry of Anjou. Claude Haton has a story that he was hanged at Paris in July, 1569. He was in the Amboise plot, and escaped by flight.

[107] Authors differ as to the day of his death; the dates given are 20th November; 20th, 21st, 22d, and 23d December. “Duodecimo kal. Januarii,” says Belcarius, p. 921.

[108] Mezeray, _Abrégé Chron._ He appears to be copying Regnier de la Planche.

[109] _Hist. de l’Hérésie_, p. 865.

[110] _Hist. des Perséc. de l’Église de Paris_, p. lxiv.

[111] _Hist. État de France sous François II._ (8vo. 1576). This work is generally ascribed to La Planche, but if so, he would hardly sneer at himself (p. 404) as “plus politique que religieux.” It was probably written by Jean de Serres, author of the _Commentarii de Statu Religionis_.

[112] “Certains garnements n’avaient plutôt crié: Au luthérien, au christandin--qu’ils ne fussent non seulement quittes de leurs dettes.” Regnier de la Planche.

[113] Forbes, i. p. 262.

[114] Ibid., p. 292.

[115] The _Défense contre les Tyrans_ of Hubert Languet treats of the limits of obedience to kings, of the causes which justify arming, and when foreign aid may be sought. Davila confesses that the Protestants were forced to measures of self-defense, “per liberarsi della durezza della condizione presente.”

[116] Barthold: _Deutschland und die Huguenotten_, i. p. 262.

[117] The “mute chief” was certainly Condé. Belcaire calls him “ducem ἀνώνυμον.”

[118] “At si viribus superiores fuissent, haud dubium quin utrumque [of the Guises] immaniter trucidaverint, quibus Franciscum Stuardumque reginam addidissent, aut saltem hanc ad Elizabetham Angliæ reginam, æmulam et _ejus conjurationis consciam_, (?) misissent.” Belcarius: _Rer. Gall. Comment._ There is not the slightest ground for supposing Elizabeth knew any thing of the Amboise plot.

[119] “The French king removeth hence toward Amboise the 5th February.” Killigrew to Queen, 28th Jan. 1560; Forbes, i. pp. 315, 320. “The 23d, the French king arrived, which was two days sooner than he was looked for.” Forbes, i. p. 334.

[120] Of this Des Avenelles there are very contradictory accounts. He was rewarded with a judicial appointment in Lorraine, and De Thou adds that he remained a Protestant until death.

[121] Throckmorton to Cecil, 7th March; Forbes, i. 353.

[122] “Il s’en trouvait en la rivière tantôt 6, 8, 10, 12, 15 attachés à desperches.... Les rues d’Amboise étaient coulantes de sang, et tapissées de corps morts, si qu’on ne pouvait durer par la ville pour la puanteur et infection.” Regnier de la Planche, p. 257; Montfauçon: _Monuments de la Monarchie Fr._ v. p. 81; Forbes, i. 378.

[123] This poisoned ball, says Brantome, was of mixed metal, so hard that no armor could resist it.

[124] See a plate in _De Leone Belg._, representing the execution of Villemangis.

[125] Throckmorton, writing to the Lords of the Council on the 21st March, speaks of the general pardon offered the insurgents if they should disperse quietly, and goes on to say: “Although things be thus calmed, yet the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorraine live still in marvelous great fear, and know not whom they may well trust.” Forbes, i.

[126]

Las nous estions du temps que la fureur françoise
Commença nos malheurs au tumulte d’Amboise,
Nous en avons l’horreur encor peinte en nos cœurs,
Malheureuse aux vaincus, dommageable aux vainqueurs.

Jean Vauquelin de la Fresnaye: _Les Foresteries_.

[127] Taillandier: _Nouv. Recherches sur de l’Hopital_, p. 273 (Paris, 1861). “Les _Huguenots de religion_, pour ne pouvoir supporter plus la rigueur et cruauté exercées à l’encontre d’eux; et les _Huguenots d’état_, pour ne plus comporter l’usurpation faite par lesdits de Guise.” _Commentaires_, p. 63. This is what Regnier de la Planche told the queen-mother.

[128] There has been much dispute about the origin of this word, but it probably came from Geneva, where the citizens had long been divided into two politico-religious parties, known as the _Mamelukes_ and _Huguenots_. Merle d’Aubigné: _Reformation in Time of Calvin_, vol. i. p. 118.

[129] Claude repeats all the popular scandals against the Protestants, but he speaks _generally_, refraining from charging with such infamies those of his own town (Provins), whom he knew from personal observation.

[130] See note at end of chapter.

[131] “Pauperculus librarius.” De Thou.

[132] Regnier de la Planche: _De l’Estat de France_, pp. 312, 313 (Coll. du Panthéon).

[133] Wright’s _Elizabeth_, i. p. 33.

[134] _Aubespine Correspondence_, pp. 431, 433, 434, 442, 501.

[135] The instructions were signed by the King and Catherine, Guise, Montmorency, the Cardinal of Lorraine, L’Hopital, and Charles of Bourbon. See Le Plat, v. p. 561.

[136] _Aubespine: Corresp._ 12th April, 1560, pp. 342, 361.

[137] _Ibid._ 1st October, 1560.

[138] _Ibid._ p. 655.

[139] Aubespine: _Corresp._ 14th October, 1560.

[140] Regnier de la Planche, p. 290.

[141] “Quand un homme ayant mauvaise opinion faisait l’amende honorable, et prononçait les mots d’icelle, il ne changeait pour cela son cœur, _l’opinion se muant par oraisons à Dieu_, parole, et raison persuadée.” _Commentaires_, p. 73 verso.

[142] _Commentaires_, p. 101 verso. Regnier assigns the duke’s retort to his brother the Cardinal. See also Mignet, _Journal des Savants_, 1859, p. 25; Bouillé: _Hist. Guise_, ii. p. 86.

[143] “Sans être perpétuellement damné.” Mayer, _États gén._ x. 296.

[144] Baschet, p. 506.

[145] Mayer: _Coll. États gén._ x. p. 310.

[146] Letter of Francis II. to Anthony, April 15: _Colbert_, _MSS._ vol. xxviii.

[147] Castelnau in his _Mémoires_ says, that the queen-mother assured them they might come “without fear,” and would be as safe in Orleans as in their own houses. Both stories may be true, and this is not the only time when her public and private opinions were at variance.

[148] Voltaire: _Essai sur les Guerres civiles_.

[149] _Comment. de l’Estat_, p. 112. Regnier adds: “Dont il (the cardinal) fut tellement contristé qu’il n’eut recours qu’ á ses larmes.”

[150] Hardwicke: _State Papers_, i. p. 129; Letter to the Queen, 17th of November, 1560.

[151] The duke and the cardinal openly boasted that, at two blows, they would cut off the heads of heresy and rebellion. Davila, liv. ii.

[152] “Seria mas acertado castigar poco á poco los culpados que prender tantos de un golpe.” _Simancas Archives_: Journ. des Savants, 1839, p. 39.

[153] I give this incident as I find it, but hold it to be a fiction. It is inconsistent with the king’s character and the state of his health at the time.

[154] Throckmorton to Chamberlayne, 21st November, 1560; Wright’s _Elizabeth_, i. p. 57.

[155] _Vie de Coligny_, p. 221.

[156] Calvin to Sturm, 16th Dec. 1560. Bonnet: _Lettres de Calvin_.

[157] “Non minus fœdo quam inexpectato mortis genere sustulit. Mortuo nullus, ut regi, honos habitus.... Lutherano more sepultus Lutheranorum hostis.” Beza to Bullinger, 22d Jan. 1561; Baum’s _Theodor Beza_, ii. p. 18, _Suppl._

[158] Paris: _Cabinet historique_, ii. p. 57.

[159] The following were the twelve leading provinces: Normandy, governed by the Dauphin; Brittany, by the Duke of Etampes; Gascony, by the King of Navarre; Languedoc and the Isle of France, by Constable Montmorency; Provence, by the Count of Tende; Dauphiny and Champagne, by Guise; Lyonnais and the Bourbonnais, by Marshal St. André; Burgundy, by the Duke of Nevers; and Picardy, by Coligny.

[160] _Mém. de Marguérite de Valois_, p. 18.

[161] There were rewards for killing these beasts: 5 sols for a wolf, 10 sols for a she-wolf. MS. penes auct.

[162] Du Tillet: _Recueil des Roys_, ii p. 192; _Chronique_ (4to. 1618).

[163] MS. penes auct.

[164]

S’il lui reste encor de sa pauvre cueillette,
Quelque petit amas que sa femme discrette
Aura par un long temps, pour l’aider en saison,
Reservé chichement au coin de sa maison,
Le soldat lui survient, pire que n’est l’orage.

_Le Contr’ Empire des Sciences._ Lyon, 1599.

[165] “Un douzième de la prisaie du produit.” _Monteil MSS._ i. 250.

[166] MS. penes auct.

[167] From a list of delicacies supplied in December, 1578, to the wife of Charles de Vienne, Governor of Burgundy, when in childbed, we learn that a Mayence ham cost 50 sols, Italian sausages 15 sols a lb., olives 12 sols, an ounce of musk 18 crowns of the sun, fine white sugar 23 sols a lb., inferior sort 22 sols, dried currants 12 sols, and preserved pears 3 sols. At Mende, in 1568, a quintal of hay at 20 sols, and of straw at 8 sols, were reckoned very dear; the horse-soldier’s pay being arranged on the supposition that he could get those quantities of hay and straw for 8 and 4 sols, and a setier of oats for 25. (L’Abbé Bosse: _Le Gevaudan pendant la dernière Guerre civile_. Mende, 1864.) At Toulouse a soldier’s food cost 4 sols a day, probably equivalent to rather more than 20 sols or a franc now. About this time the salary of a president in the Toulouse Parliament was 100 sols a day, and of his huissier or beadle 30 sols.

[168] “Sans ce grain (le sarrasin) qui nous est venu depuis 60 ans, les pauvres gens auraient beaucoup á souffrir.” _Contes d’Eutrapel._

[169] “Celui-là même que nous avons en délices ès jours maigres.” Bélon: _Observations_, etc. 1563.

[170] Champier wonders how people could eat such an _insect_.

[171] Without going to the Pyrenees, or even to Burgundy, the English traveler may still see relics of the old time in the high cap of the Normande _bonne_ and in the dress of the fishing-classes in the Pas de Calais, where the girl who ventures to wear a bonnet is looked upon as lost.

[172] The Ordonnance of Orleans (1560) forbids the “manans et habitans de nos villages toutes sortes de dorures sur plomb, fer, ou bois.”

[173] St. Allais: _Ancienne France_, i. 558, gives extracts from the edicts of 1561.

[174]

Qui vit jamais porter bas des chausses de soye
De 8 ou 10 escus, au lieu d’avoir du pain
Pour les pauvres....
... On eust veu femme
Porter dessus son ventre un _miroir_ en l’église.

Artus Desiré: _Le Dèsordre de France_. Paris, 1577.

[175] De Thou describes his mother “in equo post tergum sessoris domestici tapeti et stapedæ insidens.”

[176] Corrozet: _Antiquités de Paris_, p. 210 (ed. 1577).

[177] Calculating the actual value of the livre tournois at francs 4·50, according to the quantity of corn it represented, on the average of frs. 31·71 the setier.

[178] In 1540 the _marc d’or_ (= 8 onces, or 244·75 grammes) was worth £165 7_s._ 6_d._ of our money; in 1561 it had risen to £185, and in 1573 to £200.

[179] The _sol par livre_ seems to have been the constitutional tax, which Francis raised to two sols. The _Traicté des Aydes_, by L. du Crot, may be consulted with advantage.

[180] Francis I. took away the silver rails that had been set by Louis XI. round the tomb of St. Martin of Tours.

[181] Du Crot: _Traicté des Aydes_, ad fin.

[182] The salt tax, oppressive enough by itself, was made more so by the way in which it was levied. It sometimes reached 25 sols the pound, and purchasers were forced to buy a certain quantity, and renew their store every three months, whether it was consumed or not. Bernard Palissy gives a curious account of the working of this tax.

[183] A relic of this custom still exists in the practice of closing Temple Bar on the accession of a new sovereign.

[184] “Sono stati forzati ad abbandonnar il paesi.” _Relazione_, iii. (Ser. I.) p. 423. Du Crot confirms this: _Traicté des Aydes_, p. 114.

[185] La Noue sets it down at twenty million francs.

[186] _Mém de Condé_, tom. vi. p. 603 (Collect. Michaud).

[187] “Fas esse interficere ... nisi obedire evangelio Calviniano.” _De justa Reipubl. Christi in Regis Auctorit._ 386 recto. See Labitte: _Démoc. de la Ligue_, p. li.

[188] Arcère: _Hist. Rochelle_ (4to. 1756), i. p. 333.

[189] “Il prete francese [non] molto libidinoso e inclinato solo al vizio della crapula (gluttony).” The sense requires the addition of the negative _non_.

[190] _Révue rétrospective_, i. 1833.

[191] _Démonomanie_, p. 152. This man, according to Mezeray, gave Charles the names of 1200 of his associates. In Bodin and L’Estoile the numbers are set down at 30,000 and 3000; Boguet says “trois cents mil.”

[192] The following title of a libelous pamphlet throws a curious light upon the subject in the text: _Les Sorcelleries de Henri de Valois, et les Oblations qu’il faisoit au Diable dans le Bois de Vincennes, avec la Figure des Démons d’Argent doré auxquels il faisoit Offrande, et lesquels se voyent encore en ceste Ville_. Paris, 1589.

[193]

Le lion jeune le vieux surmontera;
En champ bellique par singulier duel,
Dans cage d’or les yeux lui crèvera,
Deux plaies une, puis mourir, mort cruelle.

[194] Isambert: _Anciennes Lois Franç_, xiv. p. 71; Ordonnance of Orleans, January, 1560.

[195] Gregorius: _Tertia Syntag. Juris Univ. Pars_, lib. 74, c. 21. The evidence would hardly satisfy an English jury.

[196] Gregorius: _Tertia Syntag. Juris Univ. Pars_, lib. 74, c. 21.

[197] Coryat, _Crudities_, p. 8.

[198] Joannes Millæus: _Praxis Criminis persequendi_ (fol. Paris, 1541), contains well-executed plates representing various kinds of torture.

[199] Claude Haton, ii. 704.

[200] Giovanni Soranzo (1558) says 400,000 or more.

[201] Corrozet (dd. 1568) says: “... Cette ville est de unze portes.... Lequel enclos sept lieues lors contient.” See also Tommaseo, p. 43; Coryat’s _Crudities_, p. 17.

[202] Brun and Hogenburg: _Théâtre des principales Villes_.

[203] _Mém. de Vieilleville_ (Panthéon Litt.), 1836, p. 510.

[204]

Miror et innumeras forma præstante puellas,
Tam lascivo habitu cultas, adeoque facetas
Ut Priamum aut veterem succendere Nestora possint.

_La Fleur des Antiquitez_, Paris, 1533.

[205] Marino Giustiniano in Tommaseo.

[206] _C’est la déduction du sumptueux ordre de Rouen, etc._ Small 4to. Rouen, 1551.

[207] Favin: _Hist. de Navarre_, an. 1565; Godefroy: _Cérémonial de France_, i. p. 909; Aubigné: _Hist._ liv. iv. ch. 5; Popelinière, i. liv. 10; Abel Jouan: _Voyage de Charles IX._

[208]

Et ainsi Dijon a le bruit
D’être l’une, sans point de tache,
Des plus belles villes qu’on sache.

_Blason et Louenge de la noble Ville de Dyjon._

[209] _Régistres du Conseil de Toulon_, B, No. 10, fol. 247.

[210] _A General Hist. of France_, by John de Serres (Serranus). Fol. Lond. 1624, p. 692.

[211] Beza had a favorable opinion of the boy-king, but not of the mother: “De rege optimam spem esse, et hoc tibi, ut certissimum, confirmo. Sed puer est et matrem habet.” Beza to Haller, 24th January, 1561, in Baum’s _Beza_, ii. p. 25, App.

[212] Baschet, p. 510.

[213] Aubespine _Négotiations_, p. 781. The translation of this unctuous letter is from Miss Freer’s _Elizabeth of Valois_, i. p. 230.

[214] Walsingham describes her as “naturally timid;” Travannes (_Mém._ ii. 256): “ambitieuse et craintive;” Suriano: “timida e irresoluta;” and again, “per paura di se stessa;” and Languet (Epist. i. 41): “Regina, ut est mulier, territa.”

[215] Baschet, p. 518.

[216] The chief members of this council were Anthony of Navarre; the Cardinals of Bourbon, Lorraine, Tournon, Guise, and Chatillon; the Prince of Roche-sur-Yon; the Dukes of Guise and Aumale, the Chancellor, Marshals St. André and Brissac, with the Bishops of Orleans, Valence, and Amiens. Condé could not act, being in prison.

[217] The lawyers and parliaments were always jealous of the States-General. Pasquier, who was a “parliamentarian,” calls the appeal to the Three Estates a “vieille folie courant en l’esprit français.”

[218] F. Bourquelot: _Hist. de Provins_, ii. p. 132. An ordonnance of 1565 throws a curious light on the morals of the clergy:--“Ad instantiam promotoris inhibitum fuit omnibus et singulis hujus ecclesiæ [St. Quiriace at Provins], canonicis, capellariis, vicariis, et aliis habituatis (?) ne, quovis quæsito colore, audeant mulieres scandalosas de lapsu et incontinentia carnis, quovis modo suspectas, in eorum domos claustrales introducere vel intromittere, et si quas habeant, illico et incontinenti ejiciant et expellant, sub pœna excommunicationis et amendæ summæ decem librarum et amplius.”

[219] On the calculation that a livre would purchase as much in 1560 as twelve francs would now, the debt was equivalent to twenty millions sterling.

[220] MSS. _L’Ordre et Séance, etc._

[221] “Ipsius audaciam nobilitas et plebs magno cum fremitu repulissent.” Beza to Bullinger; Baum’s _Beza_, ii. p. 20, App.

[222] “Habere quædam in mandatis quæ contra ipsum card. promere jubebantur.” Thuanus, v. lib. 27, p. 14 (Paris, 1609).

[223] The assembly acted up to this principle by ordering (7th January) the release of all prisoners confined on account of religion; but it was done secretly “for fear of scandal.”

[224] The language of their cahiers was more moderate than Quentin’s speech; but in the text they have, for obvious reasons, been treated as one document.

[225] “Ut auferatur malum de medio nostri.”

[226] Lobineau, _Hist. Bretagne_, ii. 280; Bertrand d’Argentré to the Duke of Estampes.

[227] Chantonnay to Catherine, 22d April, 1561; _Mém de Condé_, ii. p. 6.

[228] It is hinted in a contemporary letter, that many feared to speak their minds lest they should be treated like Du Bourg. Languet disapproves of the Edict of July, and says of Catherine: “Non mihi videtur caute egisse.” Lib. ii. Ep. liv. p. 137.

[229] _Mém. de Castelnau_; see also Mignet, _Journ. des Savants_, 1847, pp. 651–659. In a letter (dated 1565) Castelnau says of Elizabeth: “Je ne la vis jamais plus belle ni plus jolie, et vous promets qu’il y a telle fille de quinze ans, qui pense être belle, qui n’en approche point. Au reste, elle a de grandes et rares vertus, et _un grand royaume_” (no doubt in his eyes her greatest virtue).

[230] “Elle leur donne à entendre qu’elle veut faire instruire le roi son fils en leur religion.” _Discours Merveilleux_, p. xxi. On this matter we may suppose the writer of that scurrilous pamphlet to be well informed, though we may doubt Catherine’s sincerity. See also Agrippa d’Aubigné (liv. iv. ch. 3) on the “langage de Canaan” the queen employed in her conversations with the Protestant pastors. Sec also _Laboureur_ (i. p. 283), where she is described as “infected with this venom.”

[231] Chantonnay advised that the heretics should be punished, Catherine replied: “Il n’était pas possible, vu le grand nombre ... sans ruiner toute chose et exciter une guerre civile.” Lett. of 8th January, 1561; _Mém. de Condé_, ii. p. 601.

[232] _Mém. de Condé_, ii. p. 11.

[233] “Vestido como putas.” Chantonnay to Philip II., 28th October, 1561; Simancas Archives: _Journal des Savans_, 1859, p. 159.

[234] In 1561, Micheli, the Venetian embassador, says that three-fourths of the kingdom are filled with heresy. They met and preached without any regard to the royal prohibition; and he notes it as very remarkable, that “priests, monks, and nuns, and even bishops, and many of the most distinguished prelates, had caught the infection.... Excepting the common herd, all have fallen away.”

[235] The queen-mother was specially excepted.

[236] There were actually six confederates, the three others being Cardinal Tournon, Marshal Brissac, and M. de Montpensier. Chantonnay to Philip II., 9th April, 1561; Bouillé, ii. 132.

[237] “Tous articles ... soient décidés et résolus par la seule parole de Dieu.” Bibl. Impér. 8927, États de Pontoise.

[238] “Audio Reginam curasse scribi formam emendationis ecclesiarum.” Languet (11th December, 1561), _Epist._ ii. 184. Also Chantonnay (22d January, 1561): “Aussi verrez-vous un discours que l’on sème faussement avoir été envoyé par la Reine au Pape.” He hints that it was written by Montluc, Bishop of Valence, “pour (sous prétexte de piété) semer la fausse doctrine.” _Mém. de Condé_, ii. 20.

[239] Alberi: _Vita di Caterina de’ Medici_ (Firenze, 1838), p. 291. See also letter in Bayle’s _Dictionary_, art. _Marot_, dated 26th August, 1559.

[240] Calvin writes to P. Martyr: “Audio quidem Regis matrem ita esse tui audiendi cupidam.” 17th August, 1561. Baum’s _Theodor Beza_, ii. p. 40, App. Peter Martyr, who had a great reputation for eloquence, waited upon Catherine as soon as he reached Paris. After a long and friendly interview she dismissed him saying: “Quod deinceps sæpius mecum sed secreto colloqui vellet.” P. Martyr Senatui Turicensi, 12th September, 1561. _Ibid._ p. 63.

[241] Bèze à M. d’Espeville, 25th August, 1561; Baum’s _Theodor Beza_, ii. p. 45, Append. There is a Latin copy of this letter which differs in several respects from the French.

[242] Beza tells us that his escort numbered a hundred horsemen, and that the Duke of Guise received him “vultu quam maximè potuit ad humanitatem composito.” Beza Calvino, 12th September, 1561, Baum. ii. p. 60, App.

[243] Chantonnay’s dispatch confirms this. He says that the king and the chancellor “ne bougeraient de là, que l’on n’eut trouvé ordre pour apaiser les tumultes de ce royaume.” _Mém. de Condé_, ii. 16.

[244] Some historians reckon twelve ministers and a score of lay delegates; but the difference is unimportant. Besides Beza and Peter Martyr there were present Viret, Marlorat and Jean Malo, ex-priests, Reimond, and others.

[245] Beza afterward found it necessary to explain himself more fully upon this point in a letter to the queen-mother: “Il y a grande différence de dire que Jésus-Christ est présent en la Sainte Cène, en tant qu’il nous y donne veritablement son corps et son sang; et de dire que son corps et son sang sont conjoints avec le pain et le vin. J’ai confessé le premier, j’ai nié le dernier.”

[246] “Adeo exasperati atque exacerbati sunt, ut proruperint: Blasphemavit, blasphemavit Deum!” Struckius ad Hubertum, 18th September, 1561; Baum ii. p. 66, App. Catherine, writing to the Bishop of Rennes, embassador to the emperor, complains of Beza’s speech: “Etant enfin tombé sur le fait de la Cène il s’oublia en une comparaison si absurde et tant offensive des oreilles de l’assistance, que peu s’en fallut que je ne lui imposasse silence.” (14th September, 1561.)

[247] “Ut saltem æquiores nobis fiant.” Beza Calvino, 27th September, 1561.

[248] His orthodoxy was suspected. “Homo quidem doctus, sed nullius religionis, ut verè dicam ἄθεος.” Belcarius: _Rer. Gall. Comment._ p. 937. “Il cancelliere che è scoperto nemico della religione cattolica.” Tommaseo, i. 530.

[249] De Lisle to the king, 6th November, 1561. _Mém pour le Concile de Trente_ (4to ed.), p. 110.

[250] “Una gran parte del popolo crede a costoro talmente che col mezzo loro si potranno ridurre alla via buona, come che altrimente siano per diventare Anabatisti o peggio.” Santa Croce to Cardinal Borromeo.

[251] _Vie de Coligny_, p. 242; La Noue, p. 350 (Engl. transl.). Pasquier writes of 8000 and 9000 assembling in October, and of an “incredible concourse.” _Lettres_, p. 233. Languet speaks of 12,000 to 13,000 present at a sermon in Orleans (_Arcana Secreta_, Ep. lv.); in Ep. lxii. he describes a meeting at which he was present: “non ducenti aut trecenti, sed duo, tria, et interdum novem aut decem millia ... hodie vero existimo non pauciores 15,000 interfuisse.” p. 155.

[252] After the massacre of Vassy (February, 1562), Condé offered the queen-mother the support of 2150 Reformed churches. Montfauçon, _Monumens de la Monarchie_, fol. 1733, v. p. 109. In 1598, the date of the Edict of Nantes, it was calculated that there were in France 694 public chapels and 257 private, over which 2800 ministers and 400 curates presided. There were 274,000 families, making about 1,250,000 souls, and of those families 2468 were noble. In 1561 there may have been 250,000 more.

[253] “Maxima nobilium parte ad eos accedente adeo ut cœtus Calvinistarum magna frequentia omnibus prope et nobilissimis quidem regni urbibus habebantur palam.” Eytzinger: _Leo Belg._ p. 25 (anno 1560).

[254] Beza Calvino, 23d October, 1561; in Baum: _Leben Bezas_, p. 210.

[255] Castelnau, p. 68.