Chapter VI: The May-Flower’s Passengers (2)

Mrs. Alice Mullens, whose given name we know only from her husband’s
will, filed in London, we know little about. Her age was (if she
was his first wife) presumably about that of her husband, whom she
survived but a short time.

Joseph Mullens was perhaps older than his sister Priscilla, and the third
child of his parents; but the impression prevails that he was
slightly her junior,--on what evidence it is hard to say. That he
was sixteen is rendered certain by the fact that he is reckoned by
his father, in his will, as representing a share in the planter’s
half-interest in the colony, and to do so must have been of that
age.

Priscilla Mullens, whom the glamour of unfounded romance and the pen of
the poet Longfellow have made one of the best known and best beloved
of the Pilgrim band, was either a little older, or younger, than her
brother Joseph, it is not certain which. But that she was over
sixteen is made certain by the same evidence as that named
concerning her brother.

Robert Carter is named by Bradford as a “man-servant,” and Mrs. Austin,
in her imaginative “Standish of Standish,” which is never to be
taken too literally, has made him (see p. 181 of that book) “a dear
old servant,” whom Priscilla Mullens credits with carrying her in
his arms when a small child, etc. Both Bradford’s mention and Mr.
Mullens’s will indicate that he was yet a young man and “needed
looking after.” He did not sign the Compact, which of itself
indicates nonage, unless illness was the cause, of which, in his
case, there is no evidence, until later.

Richard Warren, as he had a wife and five pretty well grown daughters,
must have been forty-five or more when he came over. He is
suggested to have been from Essex.

Stephen Hopkins is believed to have been a “lay-reader” with Mr. Buck,
chaplain to Governor Gates, of the Bermuda expedition of 1609 (see
Purchas, vol. iv. p. 174). As he could hardly have had this
appointment, or have taken the political stand he did, until of
age, he must have been at least twenty-one at that time. If so, he
would have been not less than thirty two years old in 1620, and was
probably considerably older, as his son Giles is represented by
Goodwin (“Pilgrim Republic,” p. 184) as being “about 15.” If the
father was but twenty-one when the son was born, he must have been
at least thirty-seven when he became a MAY-FLOWER Pilgrim. The
probabilities are that he was considerably older. His English home
is not known. Professor Arber makes an error (The Story of the
Pilgrim Fathers,” p. 261) in regard to Hopkins which, unless noted,
might lead to other and more serious mistakes. Noting the
differences between John Pierce and a Master Hopkins, heard before
the Council for New England, May 5/15, 1623, Arber designates Master
Hopkins as “Stephen” (on what authority does not appear), and leaves
us to infer that it was the Pilgrim Hopkins. On further inquiry it
transpires that the person who was at variance with Master John
Pierce over the matter of passage and freight money, on account of
the unfortunate PARAGON, was a Rev. Master Hopkins (not Stephen of
the MAY-FLOWER), who, we learn from Neill’s “History of the Virginia
Company,” was “recommended July 3, 1622, by the Court of the Company
to the Governor of Virginia, . . . being desirous to go over at
his own charge. He was evidently a passenger on both of the
disastrous attempts of the PARAGON under Captain William Pierce, and
being forced back the second time, apparently gave up the intention
of going.

Mrs. Elizabeth Hopkins, nothing is known concerning, except that she was
not her husband’s first wife. Sometime apparently elapsed between
her husband’s marriages.

Giles Hopkins we only know was the son of his father’s first wife, and
“about 15.” An error (of the types presumably) makes Griffis (“The
Pilgrims in their Three Homes,” p. 176) give the name of Oceanus
Hopkins’s father as Giles, instead of Stephen. Constance (or
Constantia) Hopkins was apparently about eleven years old in 1620,
as she married in 1627, and probably was then not far from eighteen
years old. Damaris Hopkins, the younger daughter of Master Hopkins,
was probably a very young child when she came in the MAY-FLOWER, but
her exact age has not been as certained. Davis, as elsewhere noted,
makes the singular mistake of saying she was born after her parents
arrived in New England. She married Jacob Cooke, and the
ante-nuptial agreement of his parents is believed to be the
earliest of record in America, except that between Gregory
Armstrong and the widow Billington.

Edward Dotey is called by Bradford “a servant,” but nothing is known of
his age or antecedents. It is very certain from the fact that he
signed the Compact that he was twenty-one. He was a very energetic
man. He seems to have been married before coming to New England, or
soon after.

Edward Leister (the name is variously spelled) was a “servant,” by
Bradford’s record. He was doubtless of age, as he signed the
Compact.

Master John Crackstone, being (apparently) a widower with a son, a child
well grown, was evidently about thirty five years old when he
embarked for New England. He left a daughter behind. He died early.

John Crackstone, Jr., was but a lad, and died early.

Master Edward Tilley (sometimes spelled Tillie) and his wife Ann seem to
have been without children of their own, and as they took with them
to New England two children who were their kindred, it may be
inferred that they had been married some little time. It is hence
probable that Mr. Tilley was in the neighborhood of thirty. His
wife’s age is purely conjectural. They were, Bradford states, “of
the Leyden congregation.”

Henry Sampson was apparently but a young English lad when he came over in
the MAY-FLOWER with his cousins the Tilleys. As he married in 1636,
he was probably then about twenty-one, which would make him five or
six when he came over. Goodwin (“Pilgrim Republic,” p. 184) says he
was “six.”

Humility Cooper is said by Bradford to have been a “cosen” of the
Tilleys, but no light is given as to her age or antecedents. She
was but a child, apparently. She returned to England very soon
after the death of Mr. and Mrs. Tilley, and “died young.”

Master John Tilley, having twice married, and having a daughter some
fourteen years old, must have been over thirty-five years old when
he sailed on the Pilgrim ship. His birthplace and antecedents are
not known, but he was “of the Leyden congregation.”

Mrs. Bridget (Van der Velde) Tilley was just possibly a second wife.
Nothing is known concerning her except that she was of Holland, and
that she had, apparently, no child.

Elizabeth Tilley is said by Goodwin (op. cit. p. 298) and others to have
been fourteen years old at her parents’ death in 1621, soon after
the arrival in New England. She was the child of her father’s first
wife. She married John Howland before 1624. Historians for many
years called her the “daughter of Governor Carver,” but the recovery
of Bradford’s MS. “historie” corrected this, with many other
misconceptions, though to some the error had become apparent before.
Her will also suggests her age.

Francis Cooke’s age in 1620 is fixed by his known age at his death
(“about 81”) in 1663. He was from the north of England, and long a
member of Robinson’s congregation, both in England and in
Holland(?).

John Cooke, son of Francis, is known to have been about ten years old
when he sailed with his father for America, as his parents did not
marry before 1609. He was undoubtedly born at Leyden. He was long
supposed to have been the last male survivor of the original
passengers (dying at Dartmouth in 1695.)

James Chilton’s antecedents and his age are quite unknown. He must have
been at least fifty, as he had a married daughter in Leyden,
according to Bradford. He died among the first, and there is
nothing of record to inform us concerning him, except Bradford’s
meagre mention. He may have lived at Leyden.

Mrs. Chilton’s given name is declared by one writer to have been Susanna,
but it is not clearly proven. Whence she came, her ancestry, and
her age, are alike unknown.

Mary Chilton was but a young girl in 1620. She married, before 1627,
John Winslow, and was probably not then over twenty, nor over
fourteen when she came with her parents in the MAY-FLOWER.

Thomas Rogers appears, from the fact that he had a son, a lad well-grown,
to have been thirty or more in 1620. His birthplace, antecedents,
and history are unknown, but he appears to have been “of the Leyden
congregation.” His wife and children came later.

Joseph Rogers was only a “lad” aboard the MAY-FLOWER, but he left a
considerable posterity. Nothing is surely known of him, except that
he was Thomas’s son.

Degory Priest had the distinction of being “freeman” of Leyden, having
been admitted such, November 16, 1615. He was by occupation a
“hatter,” a man of some means, who left a wife and at least two
children in Holland when he embarked for America. His known age at
death gives his age at sailing but a few months previous. At his
marriage in Leyden, October 4, 1611, he was called “of London.” He
was about thirty-two when he married. His wife (a widow Vincent)
was a sister of Isaac Allerton, who also was married at the same
time that he was. Goodwin (“Pilgrim Republic,” p. 183) also gives
his age as “forty-one.” His widow remarried and came over later.
Dexter (“Mourt’s Relation,” p. 69, note) states, quoting from Leyden
MS. records, that “Degory Priest in April, 1619, calling himself a
‘hatter,’ deposes that he ‘is forty years of age.’” He must,
therefore, have been about forty-one when he sailed on the
MAY-FLOWER, and forty-two years old at his death.

John Rigdale and his wife Alice afford no data. They both died early,
and there is no record concerning either of them beyond the fact
that they were passengers.

Edward Fuller and his wife have left us little record of themselves save
that they were of Leyden, that he is reputed a brother of Dr. Samuel
Fuller (for whom they seem to have named the boy they brought over
with them,--leaving apparently another son, Matthew, behind), and
that both died the first winter. He must have been at least
twenty-five, judging from the fact that he was married and had two
children, and was perhaps somewhat older (though traditionally
represented as younger) than his brother. Neither his occupation
nor antecedents are surely known.

Samuel Fuller--the son of Edward Fuller and his wife--is called by
Bradford “a young child.” He must have been some five or six years
of age, as he married in 1635, fifteen years later, and would
presumably have been of age, or nearly so.

Thomas Tinker’s name, the mention of his “wife” and “son,” the tradition
that they were “of the Leyden congregation” (which is not sure), the
certainty that they were MAY-FLOWER passengers,--on Brad ford’s
list,--and that all died early, are all we know of the Tinker
family.

John Turner and his two sons we know little about. He seems to have been
a widower, as no mention is found of his wife, though this is not
certain. He was of the Leyden congregation, and evidently a man of
some standing with the leaders, as he was made their messenger to
Carver and Cushman in London, in June, 1620, and was apparently
accustomed to travel. He appears to have had business of his own in
England at the time, and was apparently a man of sober age. As he
had three children,--a daughter who came later to New England, and
two sons, as stated by Bradford,--it is probable that he was thirty
or over. He and both his sons died in the spring of 1621.

Francis Eaton was of Leyden, a carpenter, and, having a wife and child,
was probably a young man about twenty five, perhaps a little
younger. He married three times.

Mrs. Sarah Eaton, wife of Francis, was evidently a young woman, with an
infant, at the date of embarkation. Nothing more is known of her,
except that she died the spring following the arrival at Plymouth.

Samuel Eaton, the son of Francis and his wife, Sarah, Bradford calls “a
sucking child:” He lived to marry.

Gilbert Window was the third younger brother of Governor Edward Winslow,
and is reputed to have been a carpenter. He was born on Wednesday,
October 26, 1600, at Droitwitch, in Worcester, England. (“Winslow
Memorial,” vol. i. p. 23.) He apparently did not remain long in
the colony, as he does not appear in either the “land division” of
1623 or the “cattle division” of 1627; and hence was probably not
then in the “settlement,” though land was later allowed his heirs,
he having been an “original” voyager of the Plymouth colony. He was
but twenty years and fifteen days old when he signed the Compact,
but probably was--from his brother’s prominence and his nearness to
his majority--counted as eligible. Bradford states that he returned
to England after “divers years” in New England, and died there. It
has been suggested that he went very early to some of the other
“plantations.”

John Alden was of Southampton, England, was hired as “a cooper,” was
twenty-one years old in 1620, as determined by the year of his
birth, 1599 (“Alden Memorial,” p. 1), and became the most prominent
and useful of any of the English contingent of the MAY FLOWER
company. Longfellow’s delightful poem, “The Courtship of Miles
Standish,” has given him and his bride, Priscilla Mullens,
world-wide celebrity, though it is to be feared that its historical
accuracy would hardly stand criticism. Why young Alden should have
been “hired for a cooper at Southampton,” with liberty to “go or
stay” in the colony, as Bradford says he was (clearly indicating
that he went to perform some specific work and return, if he liked,
with the ship), has mystified many. The matter is clear, however,
when it is known, as Griffis shows, that part of a Parliamentary Act
of 1543 reads: “Whosoever shall carry Beer beyond Sea, shall find
Sureties to the Customers (?) of that Port, to bring in Clapboard
[staves] meet [sufficient] to make so much Vessel [barrel or
“kilderkin”] as he shall carry forth.” As a considerable quantity of
beer was part of the MAY-FLOWER’S lading, and her consignors stood
bound to make good in quantity the stave-stock she carried away,
it was essential, in going to a wild country where it could not be
bought, but must be “got out” from the growing timber, to take along
a “cooper and cleaver” for that purpose. Moreover, the great demand
for beer-barrel stock made “clapboard” good and profitable return
lading. It constituted a large part of the FORTUNE’S return freight
(doubtless “gotten out” by Alden), as it would have undoubtedly of
the MAY-FLOWER’S, had the hardship of the colony’s condition
permitted.

Peter Browne we know little concerning. That he was a man of early
middle age is inferable from the fact that he married the widow
Martha Ford, who came in the FORTUNE in 1621. As she then was the
mother of three children, it is improbable that she would have
married a very young man. He appears, from certain collateral
evidence, to have been a mechanic of some kind, but it is not clear
what his handicraft was or whence he came.

John Billington (Bradford sometimes spells it Billinton) and his family,
Bradford tells us, “were from London.” They were evidently an
ill-conditioned lot, and unfit for the company of the planters, and
Bradford says, “I know not by what friend shuffled into their
Company.” As he had a wife and two children, the elder of whom must
have been about sixteen years old, he was apparently over
thirty-five years of age. There is a tradition that he was a
countryman bred, which certain facts seem to confirm. (See land
allotments for data as to age of boys, 1632.) He was the only one
of the original colonists to suffer the “death penalty” for crime.

Mrs. Ellen (or “Elen”) Billington, as Bradford spells the name, was
evidently of comporting age to her husband’s, perhaps a little
younger. Their two sons, John and Francis, were lively urchins who
frequently made matters interesting for the colonists, afloat and
ashore. The family was radically bad throughout, but they have had
not a few worthy descendants. Mrs. Billington married Gregory
Armstrong, and their antenuptial agreement is the first of record
known in America.

John Billington, Jr., is always first named of his father’s two sons, and
hence the impression prevails that he was the elder, and Bradford so
designates him. The affidavit of Francis Billington (Plymouth
County, Mass., Deeds, vol. i. p. 81), dated 1674, in which he
declares himself sixty-eight years old, would indicate that he was
born in 1606, and hence must have been about fourteen years of age
when he came on the MAY-FLOWER to New Plymouth. If John, his
brother, was older than he, he must have been born about 1604, and
so was about sixteen when, he came to New England. The indications
are that it was Francis, the younger son, who got hold of the
gunpowder in his father’s cabin in Cape Cod harbor, and narrowly
missed blowing up the ship. John died before 1630. Francis lived,
as appears, to good age, and had a family.

Moses Fletcher was of the Leyden company, a “smith,” and at the time of
his second marriage at Leyden, November 30/December 21, 1613, was
called a “widower” and “of England.” As he was probably of age at
the time of his first marriage,--presumably two years or more before
his last,--he must have been over thirty in 1620. He was perhaps
again a widower when he came over, as no mention is made of his
having wife or family. He was possibly of the Amsterdam family of
that name. His early death was a great loss to the colony.

A Thomas Williams is mentioned by Hon. Henry C Murphy (“Historical
Magazine,” vol. iii. pp. 358, 359), in a list of some of Robinson’s
congregation who did not go to New England in either the MAY-FLOWER,
FORTUNE, ANNE, Or LITTLE JAMES. He either overlooked the fact that
Williams was one of the MAY-FLOWER passengers, or else there were
two of the name, one of whom did not go. Nothing is known of the
age or former history of the Pilgrim of that name. He died in the
spring of 1621 (before the end of March). As he signed the Compact,
he must have been over twenty-one. He may have left a wife, Sarah.

John Goodman we know little more about than that he and Peter Browne seem
to have been “lost” together, on one occasion (when he was badly
frozen), and to have had, with his little spaniel dog, a rencontre
with “two great wolves,” on another. He was twice married, the last
time at Leyden in 1619. He died before the end of March, 1621.
As he signed the Compact, he must have been over twenty-one.

Edward Margeson we know nothing about. As he signed the Compact, he was
presumably of age.

Richard Britteridge affords little data. His age, birthplace, or
occupation do not transpire, but he was, it seems, according to
Bradford, the first of the company to die on board the ship after
she had cast anchor in the harbor of New Plymouth. This fact
negatives the pleasant fiction of Mrs. Austin’s “Standish of
Standish” (p. 104), that Britteridge was one of those employed in
cutting sedge on shore on Friday, January 12. Poor Britteridge died
December 21, three weeks earlier. He signed the Compact, and hence
may be accounted of age at the landing at Cape Cod.

Richard Clarke appears only as one of the passengers and as dying before
the end of March. He signed the Compact, and hence was doubtless
twenty-one or over.

Richard Gardiner, we know from Bradford, “became a seaman and died in
England or at sea.” He was evidently a young man, but of his age or
antecedents nothing appears. He signed the Compact, and hence was
at least twenty-one years old.

John Alderton (sometimes spelled Allerton), we are told by Bradford,--as
elsewhere noted,--“was hired, but was reputed one of the company,
but was to go back, being a seaman and so, presumably, unmindful of
the voyages, for the help of others.” Whether Bradford intended by
the latter clause to indicate that he had left his family behind,
and came “to spy out the land,” and, if satisfied, to return for
them, or was to return for the counsel and assistance of Robinson
and the rest, who were to follow, is not clear, but the latter view
has most to support it. We learn his occupation, but can only infer
that he was a young man over twenty-one from the above and the fact
that he signed the Compact. It has been suggested that he was a
relative of Isaac Allerton, but this is nowhere shown and is
improbable. He died before the MAY-FLOWER returned to England.

Thomas English (or Enlish), Bradford tells us (“Historie,” Mass. ed.
p. 533), “was hired to goe Master of a [the] shallop here.” He,
however, “died here before the ship returned.” It is altogether
probable that he was the savior of the colony on that stormy night
when the shallop made Plymouth harbor the first time, and, narrowly
escaping destruction, took shelter under Clarke’s Island. The first
three governors of the colony, its chief founders,--Carver,
Bradford, and Winslow,--with Standish, Warren, Hopkins, Howland,
Dotey, and others, were on board, and but for the heroism and prompt
action of “the lusty sea man which steered,” who was--beyond
reasonable doubt--English, as Bradford’s narrative (“Morton’s
Memorial”) shows, the lives of the entire party must, apparently,
have been lost. That English was, if on board--Bradford shows in
the “Memorial” that he was--as Master of the shallop, properly her
helmsman in so critical a time, goes without saying, especially as
the “rudder was broken” and an oar substituted; that the ship’s
“mates,” Clarke and Coppin, were not in charge (although on board)
fully appears by Bradford’s account; and as it must have taken all
of the other (four) seamen on board to pull the shallop, bereft of
her sail, in the heavy breakers into which she had been run by
Coppin’s blunder, there would be no seaman but English for the
steering-oar, which was his by right. Had these leaders been lost
at this critical time,--before a settlement had been made,--it is
certain that the colony must have been abandoned, and the Pilgrim
impress upon America must have been lost. English’s name should, by
virtue of his great service, be ever held in high honor by all of
Pilgrim stock. His early death was a grave loss. Bradford spells
the name once Enlish, but presumably by error. He signed the
Compact as Thomas English.

William Trevore was, according to Bradford, one of “two seamen hired to
stay a year in the countrie.” He went back when his time expired,
but later returned to New England. Cushman (Bradford, “Historie,”
p. 122) suggests that he was telling “sailors’ yarns.” He says:
“For William Trevore hath lavishly told but what he knew or imagined
of Capewock Martha’s Vineyard, Monhiggon, and ye Narragansetts.” In
1629 he was at Massachusetts Bay in command of the HANDMAID
(Goodwin, p. 320), and in February, 1633 (Winthrop, vol. i. p. 100),
he seems to have been in command of the ship WILLIAM at Plymouth,
with passengers for Massachusetts Bay. Captain Standish testified
in regard to Thompson’s Island in Boston harbor, that about 1620 he
“was on that Island with Trevore,” and called it “Island Trevore.”
(Bradford, “Historie,” Deane’s ed. p. 209.) He did not sign the
Compact, perhaps because of the limitations of his contract (one
year).

--- Ely (not Ellis, as Arber miscalls him, “The Story of the Pilgrim
Fathers,” p. 377) was the other of the “two seamen hired to stay a
year,” etc. He also returned when his time expired. (Bradford,
Hist. Mass. ed. p. 534.) He did not sign the Compact, probably for
the reason operative in .Trevore’s case. A digest of the foregoing
data gives the following interesting, if incomplete, data (errors
excepted):--

Adult males (hired seamen and servants of age included)... 44 Adult females (including Mrs. Carver’s maid).............. 19 Youths, male children, and male servants, minors.......... 29 Maidens, female children.................................. 10 ------- 102

Married males............................................. 26 Married females........................................... 18 Single (adult) males (and young men)...................... 25 Single (adult) females (Mrs. Carver’s maid)............... 1

Vocations of adults so far as known (except wives, who are presumed housekeepers for their husbands):--

Carpenters................................................ 2 Cooper.................................................... 1 Fustian-worker and silk-dyer.............................. 1 Hatter.................................................... 1 Lay-reader................................................ 1 Lady’s-maid............................................... 1 Merchants................................................. 3 Physician................................................. 1 Printers and publishers................................... 2 Seamen.................................................... 4 Servants (adult).......................................... 10 Smith..................................................... 1 Soldier................................................... 1 Tailor.................................................... 1 Tradesmen................................................. 2 Wool-carders.............................................. 2

Allowing for the addition of Wilder and the two sailors, Trevore and Ely, who did not sign it, the number of those who signed the Compact tallies exactly with the adult males. Besides these occupations, it is known that several of the individuals representing them were skilled in other callings, and were at some time teachers, accountants, linguists, writers, etc., while some had formerly practised certain handicrafts; Dr. Fuller, e.g. having formerly been a “silk-worker,” Brad ford (on the authority of Belknap), a “silk-dyer,” and others “fustian-workers.” Hopkins had apparently sometime before dropped his character of “lay-reader,” and was a pretty efficient man of affairs, but his vocation at the time of the exodus is not known.

The former occupations of fourteen of the adult colonists, Browne, Billington, Britteridge, Cooke, Chilton, Clarke, Crackstone, Goodman, Gardiner, Rogers, Rigdale, Turner, Warren, and Williams are not certainly known. There is evidence suggesting that Browne was a mechanic; Billington and Cooke had been trained to husbandry; that Chilton had been a small tradesman; that Edward Tilley had been, like his brother, a silk-worker; that Turner was a tradesman, and Warren a farmer; while it is certain that Cooke, Rogers, and Warren had been men of some means.

Of the above list of fourteen men whose last occupations before joining the colonists are unknown, only five, viz. Browne, Billington, Cooke, Gardiner, and Warren lived beyond the spring of 1621. Of these, Warren died early, Gardiner left the colony and “became a seaman;” the other three, Billington, Browne, and Cooke, became “planters.” Thomas Morton, of “Merry Mount,” in his “New Eng land’s Canaan” (p. 217), gives Billington the sobriquet “Ould Woodman.”

The early deaths of the others make their former handicrafts--except as so much data pertaining to the composi tion and history of the colony-- matters of only ephemeral interest.