Chapter II: Part 2

There are likewise a great number of reptiles, particularly the copper-snake, whose bite is very difficult to cure, and the rattle-snake, once the terror of Europeans, now no longer apprehended, the bite being so easily cured; but neither this, nor any other species, will attempt biting unless disturbed or trod upon; neither are there any animals in America mischievous unless attacked. The flesh of the rattle-snake is extremely good; being once obliged to eat one through want of provisions, I have eat several since thro’ choice.

Of insects, the flying stag is almost the only one worthy of notice; it is about the shape of a beetle, but has very large beautiful branching horns, like those of a stag, from whence it took its name.

The Indians have now a numerous breed of horses, as also hogs, and other of our animals, but neither cows nor sheep; both these, however, might be supplied by breeding some tame buffaloes, from which, I have been informed, some white prisoners among them have procured both butter and cheese; and the fine long shag on its back could supply all the purposes of wool.

The mountains contain very rich mines of gold, silver, lead, and copper, as may be evinced by several accidentally found out by the Indians, and the lumps of valuable ore washed down by several of the streams, a bag of which sold in Virginia at a considerable price; and by the many salt springs, it is probable there are many mines of that likewise, as well as of other minerals. The fountains too may have many virtues, that require more skilful persons than the Cherokees or myself to find out.

They have many beautiful stones of different colours, many of which, I am apt to believe, are of great value; but their superstition has always prevented their disposing of them to the traders, who have made many attempts to that purpose; but as they use them in their conjuring ceremonies, they believe their parting with them, or bringing them from home, would prejudice their health or affairs. Among others, there is one in the possession of a conjurer, remarkable for its brilliancy and beauty, but more so for the extraordinary manner in which it was found. It grew, if we may credit the Indians, on the head of a monstrous serpent, whose retreat was, by its brilliancy, discovered; but a great number of snakes attending him, he being, as I suppose by his diadem, of a superior rank among the serpents, made it dangerous to attack him. Many were the attempts made by the Indians, but all frustrated, till a fellow, more bold than the rest, casing himself in leather, impenetrable to the bite of the serpent or his guards, and watching a convenient opportunity, surprised and killed him, tearing this jewel from his head, which the conjurer has kept hid for many years, in some place unknown to all but two women, who have been offered large presents to betray it, but steadily refused, lest some signal judgment or mischance should follow. That such a stone exists, I believe, having seen many of great beauty; but I cannot think it would answer all the encomiums the Indians bestow upon it. The conjurer, I suppose, hatched the account of its discovery; I have however given it to the reader, as a specimen of an Indian story, many of which are much more surprising.

The Cherokees are of a middle stature, of an olive colour, tho’ generally painted, and their skins stained with gun-powder, pricked into it in very pretty figures. The hair of their head is shaved, tho’ many of the old people have it plucked out by the roots, except a patch on the hinder part of the head, about twice the bigness of a crown-piece, which is ornamented with beads, feathers, wampum, stained deers hair, and such like baubles. The ears are slit and stretched to an enormous size, putting the person who undergoes the operation to incredible pain, being unable to lie on either side for near forty days. To remedy this, they generally slit but one at a time; so soon as the patient can bear it, they are wound round with wire to expand them, and are adorned with silver pendants and rings, which they likewise wear at the nose. This custom does not belong originally to the Cherokees, but taken by them from the Shawnese, or other northern nations.

They that can afford it wear a collar of wampum, which are beads cut out of clamshells, a silver breast-plate, and bracelets on their arms and wrists of the same metal, a bit of cloth over their private parts, a shirt of the English make, a sort of cloth-boots, and mockasons, which are shoes of a make peculiar to the Americans, ornamented with porcupine-quills; a large mantle or match-coat thrown over all compleats their dress at home; but when they go to war they leave their trinkets behind, and the mere necessaries serve them.

The women wear the hair of their head, which is so long that it generally reaches to the middle of their legs, and sometimes to the ground, club’d, and ornamented with ribbons of various colours; but, except their eyebrows, pluck it from all the other parts of the body, especially the looser part of the sex. The rest of their dress is now become very much like the European; and, indeed, that of the men is greatly altered. The old people still remember and praise the ancient days, before they were acquainted with the whites, when they had but little dress, except a bit of skin about their middles, mockasons, a mantle of buffalo skin for the winter, and a lighter one of feathers for the summer. The women, particularly the half-breed, are remarkably well featured; and both men and women are straight and well-built, with small hands and feet.

The warlike arms used by the Cherokees are guns, bows and arrows, darts, scalpping-knives, and tommahawkes, which are hatchets; the hammer-part of which being made hollow, and a small hole running from thence along the shank, terminated by a small brass-tube for the mouth, makes a compleat pipe. There are various ways of making these, according to the country or fancy of the purchaser, being all made by the Europeans; some have a long spear at top, and some different conveniencies on each side. This is one of their most useful pieces of field-furniture, serving all the offices of hatchet, pipe, and sword; neither are the Indians less expert at throwing it than using it near, but will kill at a considerable distance.

They are of a very gentle and amicable disposition to those they think their friends, but as implacable in their enmity, their revenge being only compleated in the entire destruction of their enemies. They were pretty hospitable to all white strangers, till the Europeans encouraged them to scalp; but the great reward offered has led them often since to commit as great barbarities on us, as they formerly only treated their most inveterate enemies with. They are very hardy, bearing heat, cold, hunger and thirst, in a surprizing manner; and yet no people are given to more excess in eating and drinking, when it is conveniently in their power: the follies, nay mischief, they commit when inebriated, are entirely laid to the liquor; and no one will revenge any injury (murder excepted) received from one who is no more himself: they are not less addicted to gaming than drinking, and will even lose the shirt off their back, rather than give over play, when luck runs against them.

They are extremely proud, despising the lower class of Europeans; and in some athletick diversions I once was present at, they refused to match or hold conference with any but officers.

Here, however, the vulgar notion of the Indians uncommon activity was contradicted by three officers of the Virginia regiment, the slowest of which could outrun the swiftest of about 700 Indians that were in the place: but had the race exceeded two or three hundred yards, the Indians would then have acquired the advantage, by being able to keep the same pace a long time together; and running being likewise more general among them, a body of them would always greatly exceed an equal number of our troops.

They are particularly careful of the superannuated, but are not so till of a great age; of which Ostenaco’s mother is an instance. Ostenaco is about sixty years of age, and the youngest of four; yet his mother still continues her laborious tasks, and has yet strength enough to carry 200 weight of wood on her back near a couple of miles. I am apt to think some of them, by their own computation, are near 150 years old.

They have many of them a good uncultivated genius, are fond of speaking well, as that paves the way to power in their councils; and I doubt not but the reader will find some beauties in the harangues I have given him, which I assure him are entirely genuine. Their language is not unpleasant, but vastly aspirated, and the accents so many and various, you would often imagine them singing in their common discourse. As the ideas of the Cherokees are so few, I cannot say much for the copiousness of their language.

They seldom turn their eyes on the person they speak of, or address themselves to, and are always suspicious when people’s eyes are fixed upon them. They speak so low, except in council, that they are often obliged to repeat what they were saying; yet should a person talk to any of them above their common pitch, they would immediately ask him, if he thought they were deaf?

They have likewise a sort of loose poetry, as the war-songs, love-songs, &c. Of the latter many contain no more than that the young man loves the young woman, and will be uneasy, according to their own expression, if he does not obtain her. Of the former I shall present the following specimen, without the original in Cherokee, on account of the expletive syllables, merely introduced for the music, and not the sense, just like the toldederols of many old English songs.

A TRANSLATION of the WAR-SONG.

_Caw waw noo dee, &c._

Where’er the earth’s enlighten’d by the sun,
Moon shines by night, grass grows, or waters run,
Be’t known that we are going, like men, afar,
In hostile fields to wage destructive war;
Like men we go, to meet our country’s foes,
Who, woman-like, shall fly our dreaded blows;
Yes, as a woman, who beholds a snake,
In gaudy horror, glisten thro’ the brake,
Starts trembling back, and stares with wild surprise,
Or pale thro’ fear, unconscious, panting, flies.
[5]Just so these foes, more tim’rous than the hind,
Shall leave their arms and only cloaths behind;
Pinch’d by each blast, by ev’ry thicket torn,
Run back to their own nation, now its scorn:
Or in the winter, when the barren wood
Denies their gnawing entrails nature’s food,
Let them sit down, from friends and country far,
And wish, with tears, they ne’er had come to war.

[6]We’ll leave our clubs, dew’d with their country show’rs,
And, if they dare to bring them back to our’s,
Their painted scalps shall be a step to fame,
And grace our own and glorious country’s name.
Or if we warriors spare the yielding foe,
Torments at home the wretch must undergo[7].

Footnote 5:

As the Indians fight naked, the vanquished are constrained to endure
the rigours of the weather in their flight, and live upon roots and
fruit, as they throw down their arms to accelerate their flight thro’
the woods.

Footnote 6:

It is the custom of the Indians, to leave a club, something of the
form of a cricket-bat, but with their warlike exploits engraved on it,
in their enemy’s country, and the enemy accepts the defiance, by
bringing this back to their country.

Footnote 7:

The prisoners of war are generally tortured by the women, at the
party’s return, to revenge the death of those that have perished by
the wretch’s countrymen. This savage custom has been so much mitigated
of late, that the prisoners were only compelled to marry, and then
generally allowed all the privileges of the natives. This lenity,
however, has been a detriment to the nation; for many of these
returning to their countrymen, have made them acquainted with the
country-passes, weakness, and haunts of the Cherokees; besides that it
gave the enemy greater courage to fight against them.

But when we go, who knows which shall return,
When growing dangers rise with each new morn?
Farewel, ye little ones, ye tender wives,
For you alone we would conserve our lives!
But cease to mourn, ’tis unavailing pain,
If not fore-doom’d, we soon shall meet again.
But, O ye friends! in case your comrades fall,
Think that on you our deaths for vengeance call;
With uprais’d tommahawkes pursue our blood,
And stain, with hostile streams, the conscious wood,
That pointing enemies may never tell
The boasted place where we, their victims, fell[8].

Footnote 8:

Their custom is generally to engrave their victory on some
neighbouring tree, or set up some token of it near the field of
battle; to this their enemies are here supposed to point to, as
boasting their victory over them, and the slaughter that they made.

Both the ideas and verse are very loose in the original, and they are set to as loose a music, many composing both tunes and song off hand, according to the occasion; tho’ some tunes, especially those taken from the northern Indians, are extremely pretty, and very like the Scotch.

The Indians being all soldiers, mechanism can make but little progress; besides this, they labour under the disadvantage of having neither proper tools, or persons to teach the use of those they have: Thus, for want of saws, they are obliged to cut a large tree on each side, with great labour, to make a very clumsy board; whereas a pair of sawyers would divide the same tree into eight or ten in much less time: considering this disadvantage, their modern houses are tolerably well built. A number of thick posts is fixed in the ground, according to the plan and dimensions of the house, which rarely exceeds sixteen feet in breadth, on account of the roofing, but often extend to sixty or seventy in length, beside the little hot-house. Between each of these posts is placed a smaller one, and the whole wattled with twigs like a basket, which is then covered with clay very smooth, and sometimes white-washed. Instead of tiles, they cover them with narrow boards. Some of these houses are two story high, tolerably pretty and capacious; but most of them very inconvenient for want of chimneys, a small hole being all the vent assigned in many for the smoak to get out at.

Their canoes are the next work of any consequence; they are generally made of a large pine or poplar, from thirty to forty feet long, and about two broad, with flat bottoms and sides, and both ends alike; the Indians hollow them now with the tools they get from the Europeans, but formerly did it by fire: they are capable of carrying about fifteen or twenty men, are very light, and can by the Indians, so great is their skill in managing them, be forced up a very strong current, particularly the bark canoes; but these are seldom used but by the northern Indians.

They have of late many tools among them, and, with a little instruction, would soon become proficients in the use of them, being great imitators of any thing they see done; and the curious manner in which they dress skins, point arrows, make earthen vessels, and basket-work, are proofs of their ingenuity, possessing them a long time before the arrival of Europeans among them. Their method of pointing arrows is as follows: Cutting a bit of thin brass, copper, bone, or scales of a particular fish, into a point with two beards, or some into an acute triangle, they split a little of their arrow, which is generally of reeds; into this they put the point, winding some deers sinew round the arrow, and through a little hole they make in the head; then they moisten the sinew with their spittle, which, when dry, remains fast glewed, nor ever untwists. Their bows are of several sorts of wood, dipped in bears oil, and seasoned before the fire, and a twisted bear’s gut for the string.

They have two sorts of clay, red and white, with both which they make excellent vessels, some of which will stand the greatest heat. They have now learnt to sew, and the men as well as women, excepting shirts, make all their own cloaths; the women, likewise, make very pretty belts, and collars of beads and wampum, also belts and garters of worsted. In arts, however, as in war, they are greatly excelled by their northern neighbours.

Their chief trade is with those Europeans with whom they are in alliance, in hides, furs, &c. which they barter by the pound, for all other goods; by that means supplying the deficiency of money. But no proportion is kept to their value; what cost two shillings in England, and what cost two pence, are often sold for the same price; besides that, no attention is paid to the goodness, and a knife of the best temper and workmanship will only sell for the same price as an ordinary one. The reason of this is, that, in the beginning of the commerce, the Indians finding themselves greatly imposed upon, fixed a price on each article, according to their own judgment; powder, balls, and several other goods, are by this means set so low, that few people would bring them, but that the Indians refuse to trade with any person who has not brought a proportionable quantity, and the traders are cautious of losing a trade in which 5 or 600 per cent. in many articles fully recompences their loss in these.

As to religion, every one is at liberty to think for himself; whence flows a diversity of opinions amongst those that do think, but the major part do not give themselves that trouble. They generally concur, however, in the belief of one superior Being, who made them, and governs all things, and are therefore never discontent at any misfortune, because they say, the Man above would have it so. They believe in a reward and punishment, as may be evinced by their answer to Mr. Martin, who, having preached scripture till both his audience and he were heartily tired, was told at last, that they knew very well, that, if they were good, they should go up, if bad, down; that he could tell no more; that he had long plagued them with what they no ways understood, and that they desired him to depart the country. This, probably, was at the instigation of their conjurers, to whom these people pay a profound regard; as christianity was entirely opposite, and would soon dispossess the people of their implicit belief in their juggling art, which the professors have brought to so great perfection as to deceive Europeans, much more an ignorant race, whose ideas will naturally augment the extraordinary of any thing the least above their comprehension, or out of the common tract. After this I need not say that in every particular they are extremely superstitious, that and ignorance going always hand in hand.

They have few religious ceremonies, or stated times of general worship: the green corn dance seems to be the principal, which is, as I have been told, performed in a very solemn manner, in a large square before the town-house door: the motion here is very slow, and the song in which they offer thanks to God for the corn he has sent them, far from unpleasing. There is no kind of rites or ceremonies at marriage, courtship and all being, as I have already observed, concluded in half an hour, without any other celebration, and it is as little binding as ceremonious; for though many last till death, especially when there are children, it is common for a person to change three or four times a-year. Notwithstanding this, the Indian women gave lately a proof of fidelity, not to be equalled by politer ladies, bound by all the sacred ties of marriage.

Many of the soldiers in the garrison of Fort Loudoun, having Indian wives, these brought them a daily supply of provisions, though blocked up, in order to be starved to a surrender, by their own countrymen; and they persisted in this, notwithstanding the express orders of Willinawaw, who, sensible of the retardment this occasioned, threatened death to those who would assist their enemy; but they laughing at his threats, boldly told him, they would succour their husbands every day, and were sure, that, if he killed them, their relations would make his death atone for theirs. Willinawaw was too sensible of this to put his threats into execution, so that the garrison subsisted a long time on the provisions brought to them in this manner.

When they part, the children go with, and are provided for, by the mother. As soon as a child is born, which is generally without help, it is dipped into cold water and washed, which is repeated every morning for two years afterward, by which the children acquire such strength, that no ricketty or deformed are found amongst them. When the woman recovers, which is at latest in three days, she carries it herself to the river to wash it; but though three days is the longest time of their illness, a great number of them are not so many hours; nay, I have known a woman delivered at the side of a river, wash her child, and come home with it in one hand, and a goard full of water in the other.

They seldom bury their dead, but throw them into the river; yet if any white man will bury them, he is generally rewarded with a blanket, besides what he takes from the corpse, the dead having commonly their guns, tommahawkes, powder, lead, silver ware, wampum, and a little tobacco, buried with them; and as the persons who brings the corpse to the place of burial, immediately leave it, he is at liberty to dispose of all as he pleases, but must take care never to be found out, as nothing belonging to the dead is to be kept, but every thing at his decease destroyed, except these articles, which are destined to accompany him to the other world. It is reckoned, therefore, the worst of thefts; yet there is no punishment for this, or any other crime, murder excepted, which is more properly revenged than punished.

This custom was probably introduced to prevent avarice, and, by preventing hereditary acquisitions, make merit the sole means of acquiring power, honour, and riches. The inventor, however, had too great a knowledge of the human mind, and our propensity to possess, not to see that a superior passion must intercede; he therefore wisely made it a religious ceremony, that superstition, the strongest passion of the ignorant, might check avarice, and keep it in the bounds he had prescribed. It is not known from whence it came, but it is of great antiquity, and not only general over all North America, but in many parts of Asia. On this account the wives generally have separate property, that no inconveniency may arise from death or separation.

The Indians have a particular method of relieving the poor, which I shall rank among the most laudable of their religious ceremonies, most of the rest consisting purely in the vain ceremonies, and superstitious romances of their conjurers. When any of their people are hungry, as they term it, or in distress, orders are issued out by the headmen for a war-dance, at which all the fighting men and warriors assemble; but here, contrary to all their other dances, one only dances at a time, who, after hopping and capering for near a minute, with a tommahawke in his hand, gives a small hoop, at which signal the music stops till he relates the manner of taking his first scalp, and concludes his narration, by throwing on a large skin spread for that purpose, a string of wampum, piece of plate, wire, paint, lead, or any thing he can most conveniently spare; after which the music strikes up, and he proceeds in the same manner through all his warlike actions: then another takes his place, and the ceremony lasts till all the warriors and fighting men have related their exploits. The stock thus raised, after paying the musicians, is divided among the poor. The same ceremony is made use of to recompence any extraordinary merit. This is touching vanity in a tender part, and is an admirable method of making even imperfections conduce to the good of society.

Their government, if I may call it government, which has neither laws or power to support it, is a mixed aristocracy and democracy, the chiefs being chose according to their merit in war, or policy at home; these lead the warriors that chuse to go, for there is no laws or compulsion on those that refuse to follow, or punishment to those that forsake their chief: he strives, therefore, to inspire them with a sort of enthusiasm, by the war-song, as the ancient bards did once in Britain. These chiefs, or headmen, likewise compose the assemblies of the nation, into which the war-women are admitted. The reader will not be a little surprised to find the story of Amazons not so great a fable as we imagined, many of the Indian women being as famous in war, as powerful in the council.

The rest of the people are divided into two military classes, warriors and fighting men, which last are the plebeians, who have not distinguished themselves enough to be admitted into the rank of warriors. There are some other honorary titles among them, conferred in reward of great actions; the first of which is Outacity, or Man-killer; and the second Colona, or the Raven. Old warriors likewise, or war-women, who can no longer go to war, but have distinguished themselves in their younger days, have the title of Beloved. This is the only title females can enjoy; but it abundantly recompences them, by the power they acquire by it, which is so great, that they can, by the wave of a swan’s wing, deliver a wretch condemned by the council, and already tied to the stake.

Their common names are given them by their parents; but this they can either change, or take another when they think proper; so that some of them have near half a dozen, which the English generally increase, by giving an English one, from some circumstance in their lives or disposition, as the Little Carpenter to Attakullakulla, from his excelling in building houses; Judd’s friend, or corruptly the Judge, to Ostenaco, for saving a man of that name from the fury of his countrymen; or sometimes a translation of his Cherokee name, as Pigeon to Woey, that being the signification of the word. The Over-hill settlement is by these two chiefs divided into two factions, between whom there is often great animosity, and the two leaders are sure to oppose one another in every measure taken. Attakullakulla has done but little in war to recommend him, but has often signalized himself by his policy, and negotiations at home. Ostenaco has a tolerable share of both; but policy and art are the greatest steps to power. Attakullakulla has a large faction with this alone, while Oconnestoto, sir-named the Great Warrior, famous for having, in all his expeditions, taken such prudent measures as never to have lost a man, has not so much power, and Ostenaco could never have obtained the superiority, if he had not a great reputation in both.

On my arrival in the Cherokee country, I found the nation much attached to the French, who have the prudence, by familiar politeness, (which costs but little, and often does a great deal) and conforming themselves to their ways and temper, to conciliate the inclinations of almost all the Indians they are acquainted with, while the pride of our officers often disgusts them; nay, they did not scruple to own to me, that it was the trade alone that induced them to make peace with us, and not any preference to the French, whom they loved a great deal better. As however they might expect to hasten the opening of the trade by telling me this, I should have paid but little regard to it, had not my own observations confirmed me, that it was not only their general opinion, but the policy of most of their headmen; except Attakullakulla, who conserves his attachment inviolably to the English.

I shall be accused, perhaps, for mentioning policy among so barbarous a nation; but tho’ I own their views are not so clear and refined as those of European statesmen, their alliance with the French seems equal, proportioning the lights of savages and Europeans, to our most masterly strokes of policy; and yet we cannot be surprised at it, when we consider that merit alone creates their ministers, and not the prejudices of party, which often create ours.

The English are now so nigh, and encroached daily so far upon them, that they not only felt the bad effects of it in their hunting grounds, which were spoiled, but had all the reason in the world to apprehend being swallowed up, by so potent neighbours, or driven from the country, inhabited by their fathers, in which they were born, and brought up, in fine, their native soil, for which all men have a particular tenderness and affection. The French lay farther off, and were not so powerful; from them, therefore, they had less to fear. The keeping these foreigners then more upon a footing, as a check upon one another, was providing for their own safety, and that of all America, since they foresaw, or the French took care to shew them, that, should they be driven out, the English would in time extend themselves over all North America. The Indians cannot, from the woods of America, see the true state of Europe: report is all they have to judge by, and that often comes from persons too interested to give a just account. France’s circumstances were not in such a flourishing condition as was represented; the French were conquered, and a war carried into the heart of the Cherokee country; many of their towns were sacked and plundered without a possibility of relieving them, as they lay straggled on a large extent of ground, many miles from one another; it was then their interest, or rather they were compelled, to ask for peace and trade, without which they could no longer flourish.

Were arts introduced, and the Cherokees contracted into a fortified settlement, governed by laws, and remoter from the English, they might become formidable; but hunting must be then laid more aside, and tame cattle supply the deficiency of the wild, as the greater the number of hunters, the more prey would be required; and the more a place is haunted by men, the less it is resorted to by game. Means might be taken, would the Cherokees follow them, to render the nation considerable; but who would seek to live by labour, who can live by amusement? The sole occupations of an Indian life, are hunting, and warring abroad, and lazying at home. Want is said to be the mother of industry, but their wants are supplied at an easier rate.

Some days after my reception at Chilhowey, I had an opportunity of seeing some more of their diversions. Two letters I received from some officers at the Great Island occasioned a great assembly at Chote, where I was conducted to read them; but the Indians finding nothing that regarded them, the greater part resolved to amuse themselves at a game they call nettecawaw; which I can give no other description of, than that each player having a pole about ten feet long, with several marks or divisions, one of them bowls a round stone, with one flat side, and the other convex, on which the players all dart their poles after it, and the nearest counts according to the vicinity of the bowl to the marks on his pole.

As I was informed there was to be a physic-dance at night, curiosity led me to the town-house, to see the preparation. A vessel of their own make, that might contain twenty gallons (there being a great many to take the medicine) was set on the fire, round which stood several goards filled with river-water, which was poured into the pot; this done, there arose one of the beloved women, who, opening a deer-skin filled with various roots and herbs, took out a small handful of something like fine salt; part of which she threw on the headman’s seat, and part into the fire close to the pot; she then took out the wing of a swan, and after flourishing it over the pot, stood fixed for near a minute, muttering something to herself; then taking a shrub-like laurel (which I supposed was the physic) she threw it into the pot, and returned to her former seat. As no more ceremony seemed to be going forward, I took a walk till the Indians assembled to take it. At my return I found the house quite full: they danced near an hour round the pot, till one of them, with a small goard that might hold about a gill, took some of the physic, and drank it, after which all the rest took in turn. One of their headmen presented me with some, and in a manner compelled me to drink, though I would have willingly declined. It was however much more palatable than I expected, having a strong taste of sassafras: the Indian who presented it, told me it was taken to wash away their sins; so that this is a spiritual medicine, and might be ranked among their religious ceremonies. They are very solicitous about its success; the conjurer, for several mornings before it is drank, makes a dreadful howling, yelling, and hallowing, from the top of the town-house, to frighten away apparitions and evil spirits. According to our ideas of evil spirits, such hideous noises would by sympathy call up such horrible beings; but I am apt to think with the Indians, that such noises are sufficient to frighten any being away but themselves.

I was almost every night at some dance, or diversion; the war-dance, however, gave me the greatest satisfaction, as in that I had an opportunity of learning their methods of war, and a history of their warlike actions, many of which are both amusing and instructive.

I was not a little pleased likewise with their ball-plays (in which they shew great dexterity) especially when the women played, who pulled one another about, to the no small amusement of an European spectator.

They are likewise very dexterous at pantomime dances; several of which I have seen performed that were very diverting. In one of these, two men, dressed in bear-skins, came in, stalking and pawing about with all the motions of real bears: two hunters followed them, who in dumb shew acted in all respects as they would do in the wood: after many attempts to shoot them, the hunters fire; one of the bears is killed, and the other wounded; but, as they attempt to cut his throat, he rises up again, and the scuffle between the huntsmen and the wounded bear generally affords the company a great deal of diversion.

The taking the pigeons at roost was another that pleased me exceedingly; and these, with my walking and observations, furnished me with amusement for some time; but the season not always permitting my going abroad, and as I had so little to do at home, I soon grew tired of the country. The Indian senate indeed would sometimes employ me in reading and writing letters for them; of which I generally acquitted myself to their satisfaction, by adding what I thought would be acceptable, and retrenching whatever might displease.

On the 17th, a party came home from hunting on Holston’s River, bringing with them an eagle’s tail, which was celebrated at night by a grand war-dance, and the person who killed it had the second war-title of Colona conferred upon him, besides the bounty gathered at the war-dance, in wampum, skins, &c. to the amount of thirty pounds; the tail of an eagle being held in the greatest esteem, as they sometimes are given with the wampum in their treaties, and none of their warlike ceremonies can be performed without them.

This Indian acquainted the headman of a current report in the English camp, that a large body of English were to march next spring through the Cherokees country, against the French. There was little probability or possibility in such a report, yet it was received with some degree of belief; every thing of news, every flying rumour, is swallowed here by the populace. The least probability is exaggerated into a fact, and an Indian from our camp, who scarce understands four or five words of a conversation between two common soldiers, who often know as little of the state of affairs as the Indians themselves, turn all the rest of it to something he suspects, and imagines he has heard what was never once mentioned; and this, when he returns to his own country, is passed about as a certainty. From hence flows the continual mistakes the Indians unavoidably make in their councils; they must act according to intelligence, and it requires a great penetration indeed to discern the truth, when blended with so much falsity: thus they are often obliged to act according to the report of a mistaken or lying Indian, who are all but too much addicted to this vice, which proved a continual fund of uneasiness to me all the time I remained in their country.

On the 26th of January, advices were received from the Great Island, that some Cherokees had been killed by the northern Indians, who had been encouraged, and much caressed, by the commanding officer. This piece of news seemed greatly to displease them; they suspended however their judgment, till further intelligence. I began to be very uneasy for the return of an express I had sent out on my arrival, who was to come back by the Great Island, and was the only person who could give me any accounts I could rely on, as I was sensible the Indian one was infinitely exaggerated. We were yet talking of this, when the _News Hallow_ was given from the top of Tommotly town-house; whereupon Ostenaco rose from the table, and went immediately to the town-house, where he staid till day. On asking him next morning, What news? he seemed very unwilling to tell me, and went out of the house, seemingly very much displeased. I then made the same question to several other Indians, whose different stories convinced me it was something they endeavoured to conceal.

I was under some apprehension at this unusual incivility. It was no wonder I was alarmed; had the English given any encouragement to these northern ravagers, nay, had the French faction persuaded their countrymen of our countenancing them in the slaughter, the meanest of the deceased’s relations had it in his power to sacrifice me to their manes, and would certainly have done it, since, in default of kindred, their revenge falls on any of the same country that unfortunately comes within their reach; and nothing could be a protection to an hostage, when capitulating could not save the garrison of Fort Loudoun: a body of Indians pursued them, and breaking through the articles, and all the laws of war and humanity, surprised and butchered them. Disguising, however, my uneasiness, I seemingly took to some diversions, while I sent M‘Cormack to pry into the true cause of such a change; he following my host, found no difficulty in shuffling amongst the crowd into the town-house, where Ostenaco made the following speech.

“We have had some bad talks lately from the Great Island, which I hope nevertheless are not true, as I should be very sorry that the peace, so lately concluded with our brethren the English, should be broke in so short a time: we must not judge as yet of what we have heard from the Great Island. If Bench the express does not return soon, I myself will raise a party, and go to the Great Island, where I shall get certain information of all that has happened.”

This speech was received with shouts of applause, and the assembly betook themselves to dancing.

On the 28th, I was invited to a grand eagle’s tail dance, at which about 600 persons of both sexes were assembled. About midnight, in the heat of their diversion, news was brought of the death of one of their principal men, killed at the Great Island by the northern Indians. This put a sudden stop to their diversion, and nothing was heard but threats of vengeance. I easily concluded that this could only proceed from the confirmation of the ill news already received. I tried as much as laid in my power to mollify their anger, by telling them, that, if any accident had happened to their people, it was neither by consent or approbation of the English; that tho’ the northern Indians were our allies as well as they, I was certain more favour would be shewn them than their enemies, as Capt. M‘Neil, who commanded the fort, was a good, humane, brave officer, and had always shewn so much friendship for their nation, as to leave no room to doubt of his protection to any of their people who should be under his care. This satisfied them so well, that some proposed dancing again; but as it was late, they agreed to give over their diversion for that night.

On the 4th of February, an account came in almost contradictory to this. An Indian woman from Holston’s River was the messenger, who related, that the northern Indians had turned their arms against the English, and were then actually building a breast-work within a quarter of a mile of Fort Robinson; that, whilst one half were employed in carrying on the work, the other observed the motions of our people; but this lie was even too gross for Indians to digest; tho’ the next day, another who came in confirmed it, and moreover affirmed the enemy’s fortifications to be already breast high.

The 15th was the day appointed for the return of the Little Carpenter; and his not arriving began to give his friends a great deal of uneasiness. Ostenaco bore likewise his share in it, as his brother was of the party. Here is a lesson to Europe; two Indian chiefs, whom we call barbarians, rivals of power, heads of two opposite factions, warm in opposing one another, as their interest continually clash; yet these have no farther animosity, no family-quarrels or resentment, and the brother of the chief who had gained the superiority is a volunteer under his rival’s command.

For my part, I was no less anxious about the express. I dispatched my servant out to meet him, and bring me the particulars of what had been transacted at the Great Island; he returned in about five or six days, with the letters the express had been charged with, leaving him to make out the rest of the journey as his fatigue would permit. Among others was a letter from Capt. M‘Neil, informing me, that a party of about seventy northern Indians came to Fort Robinson a short time after I had left it, who told him, that they came from Pittsburg, with a pass from the commanding officer, to join us against the Cherokees, not knowing that we had already concluded a peace. They seemed very much dissatisfied at coming so far to no purpose, and demanded if any Cherokees were near? They were answered, that a party were out a hunting; but, if they would be looked upon as friends to the English, they must not meddle with them, while under the protection of the commanding officer. The Indians, however, paying but little regard to this admonition, went immediately in pursuit of them, and finding them a few hours after, as in no apprehension of any enemy, they fired on them before they discovered themselves, killing one, and wounding another, who however made his escape to the fort. His countrymen all did the same, without returning the fire, as few of their guns were loaded, and they inferior in number. Their enemies pursued them to the fort, but could never see them after, as Capt. M‘Neil took great care to keep them asunder. Finding therefore no more likelihood of scalping, the northern Indians marched away from the fort.

This was the same party I encamped with the first night after my departure from the Great Island, and were surprised at the same place, where they had still continued.

He farther informed me, that I should probably find Fort Robinson, and all the posts on the communication, evacuated, as the regiment was to be broke.

I made this letter public, with which they seemed tolerably well satisfied, particularly when I feigned the wounded Indian was under the care of an English surgeon, who would not fail to cure him in a little time.

I now began to be very desirous of returning, and acquainted Ostenaco of my anxiety, desiring him to appoint fifteen or twenty headmen, agreeable to the orders I had received from Col. Stephen, as likewise to collect all the white persons and negroes, to be sent conformable to the articles of peace, to Fort Prince George. He replied, that, as soon as the white prisoners returned from hunting, where they then were with their masters (the white people becoming slaves, and the property of those that take them) he would set about the performance. Some time after this, when all the prisoners were come in, I again attacked Ostenaco; but then his horses could not be found, and there was a necessity of having one or two to carry my baggage and his own. I then waited till the horses were found; but I supposed all things ready for our departure, I was greatly surprised to find it delayed. Ostenaco told me, that one of the Carpenter’s party, which was on its return home, had come in the night before, and reported, that the Carolinians had renewed the war before they had well concluded a peace. The Indian had, according to custom, a long account of it; but tho’ I shewed the improbability of such a story, Ostenaco refused to set out before the Carpenter arrived, which was not till the 23d following. He brought in the same report, but owned he did not believe it, as it was told him by a person who he thought wanted to raise some disturbance.

I now began to be very pressing with Ostenaco, threatening if he would not set out immediately, to return without him. This however would have been my last resource, as I was for the space of 140 miles ignorant of every step of the way. I at last prevailed on him; but on the 10th of March, while we were again preparing for our departure, the _Death Hallow_ was heard from the top of Tommotly town-house. This was to give notice of the return of a party commanded by Willinawaw, who went to war towards the Shawnese country some time after my arrival. After so many disappointments, I began to think I should never get away, as I supposed this affair would keep me, as others had done, two or three days, and till some new accident should intervene to detain me longer. About eleven o’clock the Indians, about forty in number, appeared within sight of the town; as they approached, I observed four scalps, painted red on the fleshside, hanging on a pole, and carried in front of the line, by the second in command, while Willinawaw brought up the rear. When near the town-house, the whole marched round it three times, singing the war-song, and at intervals giving the _Death Hallow_; after which, sticking the pole just by the door, for the crowd to gaze on, they went in to relate in what manner they had gained them. Curiosity prompted me to follow them into the town-house; where, after smoaking a quarter of an hour in silence, the chief gave the following account of their campaign.

“After we left Tommotly, which was about the middle of January, we travelled near 400 miles before we saw the least sign of the enemy; at last, one evening, near the river Ohio, we heard the report of several guns, whereupon I sent out several scouts to discover who they were, and if possible where they encamped, that we might attack them early next morning; about dark the scouts returned, and informed us they were a party of Shawnese, hunting buffaloes; that they had watched them to the river-side, where, taking to their canoes, they had paddled across the river; and seeing a great many fires on the other side, where our scouts directed our sight, we concluded it to be a large encampment; we thereupon began to consult, whether it would be more adviseable to cross the river over night, or early next morning: it was decided in favour of the former, notwithstanding its snowing excessively hard, lest we should be discovered. We accordingly stripped ourselves, tying our guns to our backs, with the buts upwards, to which we hung our ammunition, to prevent its getting wet; we then took water, and swam near half a mile to the other side, where we huddled together to keep ourselves warm, intending to pass the remainder of the night in that manner, and to fall on the enemy at daybreak; but as it continued snowing the whole time, it proved so cold, that we could endure it no longer than a little past midnight, when we resolved to surround the enemy’s camp, giving the first fire, and, without charging again, run on them with our tommahawkes, which we had tucked in our belts for that purpose, should there be occasion. We accordingly surrounded them; but when the signal was given for firing, scarce one fourth of our guns went off, wet with the snow, notwithstanding all the precautions we had taken to preserve them dry: we then rushed in; but, before we came to a close engagement, the enemy returned our fire; as, it was at random, not being able to see us before we were upon them, on account of the darkness of the night, and the thickness of the bushes, we received no damage. They had not time to charge again, but fought us with the buts of their guns, tommahawkes, and firebrands. In the beginning of the battle we took two prisoners, who were continually calling out to their countrymen to fight strong, and they would soon conquer us; this made them fight much bolder, till the persons who had the prisoners in custody put a stop to it, by sinking a tommahawke in each of their skulls, on which their countrymen took to flight, and left every thing behind them. As soon as it was day, we examined the field, where we found two more of the enemy dead, one of which was a French warrior, which, with the prisoners we had killed, are the four scalps we have brought in. We lost only one man, the poor brave Raven of Togua, who ran rashly before us in the midst of the enemy. We took what things we could conveniently bring with us, and destroyed the rest.”

Having finished his account of the expedition, out of his shot-pouch he pulled a piece of paper, wrapped up in a bit of birch-bark, which he had taken out of the Frenchman’s pocket, and gave it to me to look at, asking if I did not think it was his commission? I replied in the negative, telling him it was only some private marks of his own, which I did not understand. It appears to me to have been his journal, every seventh line being longer than the others, to denote the Sunday; the death’s head, and other marks, relate to what happened on the several days; but having filled his paper long before his death, he had supplied it by interlining with a pin. These are my conjectures, I have however annexed it here from the original, still in my possession, that each reader may make his own.