Chapter II: Part 2

[January] 17th. Started before daybreak--road quite good--prairie land--arrived at Fordleone or Ferlón at about half after ten. Fine large stream of excellent water--good ford--gravelly bottom--gentle banks. 11 miles.

[January] 18th. Reveillé at 3. Started long before daybreak--eyes almost whipped out of my head in the dark by the branches. Crossed the Rio Persas again at a quarter before seven--road rather stony in some places, but generally good. Great many palmetto trees--beautiful level country, covered with palmettos and cattle. “Struck” a bottle of aguardiente, or sugar cane rum. Made a fine lunch out of cold chicken and rum toddy--had another toddy when we arrived at our journey’s end. Water from a stream, but bad.... Rode on about three miles and found the road pretty good.

[January] 19th. On comparing notes at reveillé found that the rum and polonay had made us all sick.[25] Started at 5, road pretty good. Much open land, fine pasture--great deal of cattle. Reached Alamitos at about 9 A. M.--fine hacienda [farm]--good water, in a stream. Had a bottle of champagne for lunch--thanks to General Smith. From this place to Tampico, the principal labor consisted in making a practicable wagon road across the numerous arroyos--most of them dry at the time we passed: the banks very steep. Altamira is a pretty little town, one march from Tampico. The road between them passes through a very magnificent forest of live oaks. We encamped three miles from Tampico for about four days, and then moved into quarters in the town--the quarters so well known as “The Bullhead Tav_arn_.”

Tampico is a delightful place[26]--we passed a very pleasant time there, and left it with regret. We found the Artillery regiments encamped around the city. Many of the officers came out to meet us near Altamira. Champagne suppers were the order of the day (night I should say) for a long time. From Victoria to Tampico we were detached with Guy Henry’s company of the 3rd--and Gantt’s of the 7th--Henry messed with us. When within about four days march of Tampico we saw in front of us Mount Bernal, which is shaped like a splendid dome.

We left Tampico[27] at daylight on the 24th February [1847] on board a little schooner called the Orator--a fast sailer, but with very inferior accommodations. I really felt sorry to leave the old “Bullhead Tavarn” where I had passed so many pleasant moments. The view of the fine city of Tampico as we sailed down the river was beautiful. Its delightful rides, its beautiful rivers, its lagoons and pleasant Café will ever be present to my mind. Some of the happiest hours of my life were passed in this same city--Santa Anna de Tamaulipas.

On arriving at Lobos[28] we found that we had arrived a day in advance of the “Army of the Rhine,” which had started a day before us. Lobos is a small island formed by a coral reef--about 18 or 20 miles from the shore, forming under its lee a safe but not very pleasant anchorage. I went on shore but found nothing remarkable. Some 60 vessels were there when we started. At last the order was given to sail for Point Anton Lizardo. We sailed next but one after the generals and arrived before any of them except Twiggs. We ran on the reef under the lee of Salmadina Island, were immediately taken off by the navy boats which put us on shore where we were very kindly received by the Rocketeers. It was a great relief to get rid of that confounded red and white flag--“send a boat with an officer”--and the disagreeable duty of reporting to the ‘Generál en Géfe’ every morning. A French sailor of the Orator undertook to pilot us and carried us on a reef of what he called Sacrificios[29] but what turned out to be Anton Lizardo.

On the morning of the 9th of March we were removed from the Orator to the steamer Edith, and after three or four hours spent in transferring the troops to the vessels of war and steamers, we got under weigh and sailed for Sacrificios. At half past one we were in full view of the town [Vera Cruz] and castle, with which we soon were to be very intimately acquainted.

Shortly after anchoring the preparations for landing commenced, and the 1st (Worth’s)[30] Brigade was formed in tow of the “Princeton” in two long lines of surf boats--bayonets fixed and colors flying. At last all was ready, but just before the order was given to cast off a shot whistled over our heads. “Here it comes” thought everybody, “now we will catch it.” When the order was given the boats cast off and forming in three parallel lines pulled for the shore, not a word was said--everyone expected to hear and feel their batteries open every instant. Still we pulled on and on--until at last when the first boats struck the shore those behind, in the fleet, raised that same cheer which has echoed on all our battlefields--we took it up and such cheering I never expect to hear again--except on the field of battle.

Without waiting for the boats to strike the men jumped in up to their middles in the water and the battalions formed on their colors in an instant--our company was the right of the reserve under [Lieut.-] Colonel Belton. Our company and the 3rd Artillery ascended the sand hills and saw--_nothing_. We slept in the sand--wet to the middle. In the middle of the night we were awakened by musketry--a skirmish between some pickets. The next morning we were sent to unload and reload the “red iron boat”--after which we resumed our position and took our place in the line of investment. Before we commenced the investment, the whole army was drawn up on the beach. We took up our position on a line of sand hills about two miles from the town. The Mexicans amused themselves by firing shot and shells at us--all of which (with one exception) fell short.

The sun was most intensely hot, and there was not a particle of vegetation on the sand hills which we occupied. Captain Swift found himself unable to stand it, and at about half past twelve gave up the command to G. W. Smith and went on board the “Massachusetts” that same afternoon. He did not resume the command, but returned to the United States. He died in New Orleans on the 24th of April.

About one we were ordered to open a road to Malibran (a ruined monastery at the head of the lagoon). The Mohawks had been skirmishing around there, but, as I was afterward informed by some of their officers, that they fired more on each other than on the Mexicans. After cutting the road to Malibran we continued it as far as the railroad--a party of Volunteers doing the work and some 25 of our men acting as a guard. When we arrived at the railroad, we found it and the chaparral occupied by the Mexicans. _Our_ men had a skirmish with them--charged the chaparral and drove them out of it.

We returned to Malibran and bivouacked on the wet grass without fires--hardly anything to eat--wet and cold. Got up in the morning and resumed our work on the road--from the railroad to the “high bare sand hill”--occupied by the Pennsylvanians the night before. The work was very tedious, tiresome and difficult--the hill very high and steep--and the work not at all facilitated by the shells and shot that continually fell all around us. At last we cut our way to the summit--tired to death. A M---- rifleman was killed this morning by a 24 pound shot--on top of the hill. Lieutenant Colonel Dickenson and some few Volunteers were wounded by escopette[31] balls.

I was sent up in the morning to find the best path for our road and just as I got up to the top of the hill the bullets commenced whistling like hail around me. Some Lancers[32] were firing at the Volunteers--who were very much confused and did not behave well. Taylor’s Battery and the rest of Twiggs’s Division moved over the hill towards their position on the left of the line. Worth’s Division (or Brigade as it was then called) occupied the right of the investment, the Mohawks under Patterson the centre, and Twiggs the left. After resting our men at Malibran, we moved back to our old position with the 3rd Artillery, where we bivouacked.

I had observed on the preceding day the position of the aqueduct supplying the city with water. I told Lieutenant Beauregard[33] next morning what I had seen. He reported it to Colonel [Joseph G.] Totten [Chief of Engineers] and Smith and myself were ordered to cut off the water, Foster remaining at home. We took a party, cut off the water, Smith exploded a humbug of Gid Pillow’s and we started on a reconnoitring expedition of our own. I stopped to kill a “slow deer” and Smith went on. I then followed him with three men and overtook him a little this side of the cemetery. We went on to within 900 yards of the city and at least a mile and a half in advance of the line of investment--ascertained the general formation of the ground and where to reconnoitre. We returned after dark, Foster much troubled as to what had become of us. It was upon reporting to Colonel Totten on this night (12th) that he said that I and G. W. [Smith] were the only officers who had as yet given him any information of value--that we had done more than all the rest, etc., etc. All forgotten with the words as they left his mouth--vide his official report of the siege. G. W. and myself will never forget how we passed this blessed night--(new fashioned dance).

On the next day Foster was sent after our baggage and camp equipage. I was ordered to move the company and pitch the tents on a spot on the extreme right. Smith went out with Major [John L.] Smith to where we had been the night before, but went no further toward the city than we had been.

[March 14th]. The next day Foster was detailed to assist Major Smith and Beauregard in measuring a base line etc. on the sand hills. G. W. and myself went to the lime kiln in the morning, where we saw Captain [John R.] Vinton, Van Vliet, Laing, Rodgers and Wilcox (Cadmus)--took a good look at the town and its defences--and determined to go along the ridge by the cemetery that night and to go nearer the city. While at the lime kiln an order was received from General Worth informing Captain Vinton that the enemy’s picquets would be driven in that day and that _he_ (Captain Vinton) must not attempt to support them--as there were strong reserves.

We returned to camp, got our dinner and started again--being a little fearful that our picquets would be so far advanced as to interfere with our operations. But we found them about 150 yards in advance of the line of investment, stooping, whispering, and acting as if they expected to be fired upon every moment--whilst we had been a mile and a half in advance of their position with a dozen men. They were at first disposed to dissuade us from going on--as being too dangerous etc. We went on though, accompanied by Captain Walker of the 6th. The Captain left us before we got to the cemetery. I took one man (Sergeant Starr) and went down to reconnoitre it--in order to ascertain whether it was occupied by the enemy, whilst G. W. [Smith] went on to examine a hill which covered the valley from Santiago and the Castle to some extent. I went down to the cemetery (finding a good road) went around it and got in it--satisfying myself that it was not occupied. I rejoined G. W. and together we went on very near the town. We returned late, being the only officers of any corps who had gone as far as, much less beyond the cemetery.

[March] 15th. The next day we were ordered to cut an infantry road as far as the cemetery. We found that one had been cut before we got out by Captain Johnson as far as the old grave yard. We cut one completely concealed from view from there to the hollow immediately opposite the cemetery. Captain Walker’s company was behind the cemetery. Whilst there one of his sentinels reported the approach of some Lancers. They stopped at a house about 30 yards from the other side of the cemetery--and came no farther. On the strength of the approach of these 15 or 20 Lancers a report got back to camp that the advanced picquets had been attacked by a strong force of Mexicans--so on our return we met nearly the whole division marching out to drive them back--litters for the “_to be_ wounded” and all. It was a glorious stampede--well worthy of Bold Billy Jenkins.

[March] 16th. The next day we went out [and] met Major Scott who went with G. W. to [the] position afterward occupied by the six gun battery--whilst I had a hole made through the cemetery wall and broke into the chapel--hoping to be able to reach the dome, and ascertain from that place the direction of the streets. I could not--we rather--get up to the dome, so we left the cemetery, determining to push on toward the town. G. W. found a very fine position for a battery about 450 yards from Santiago and enfilading the principal street. We met Colonel Totten and Captain [R. E.] Lee[34]--showed them the place--they were very much pleased with it.

We came out with the Company (Captain Lee, Smith, Foster and myself) that evening, arrived at the place after dark, and Captain Lee, Smith and Foster went in to lay out a battery--leaving me, in command of the Company, in the road. When on our return we were passing by the old grave yard a sharp fire of musketry commenced--one of our pickets had been fired upon.

The next day (17th) we cut a path to the position of this battery (in perspective). As we returned they discovered us and opened a fire of 24 pound shot upon us which enfiladed our path beautifully. They fired too high and hit no one. We reached at length a sheltered position where we remained until the firing ceased--the balls striking one side of the hill--we being snugly ensconced on the other.

On the next day (18th) the position of the batteries was definitely fixed. In the afternoon I was ordered by Colonel Totten to arrange at the Engineers’ Depot (on the beach) tools for a working party of 200 men--and be ready to conduct it as soon as it was dark to the proper position. The working party (3rd Artillery, Marines, and 5th Infantry--all under Colonel Belton) did not arrive until long after dark--and it was quite late when we arrived at the position for the batteries. I was placed in charge of Mortar Battery No. 1--G. W. in charge of No. 2--a parallel was also made across the little valley. Each of these batteries was for three mortars. No. 1 was formed by cutting away the side of a hill, so that we had merely to form the epaulments[35] and bring the terreplein[36] down to the proper level--the hill sheltering us from the direct fire of the Castle and Santiago. So also with No. 2--which was made in the gorge where the road to the cemetery crossed the ridge on left of valley.

The tools for [the] working party were arranged on the beach in parallel rows of tools for 20 men each and about four feet apart, so that they might take up the least possible space. Each man was provided with a shovel and either a pick, axe, or hatchets (about 140 picks and mattocks). The party was conducted in one rank, by the right flank. The men were well covered by daylight.

[March] 19th. Mason, Foster, and I think [I. I.] Stevens, relieved Captain Lee, Beauregard, Smith and myself at 3 A. M. During the day they continued the excavation of the two batteries and the short parallel across the valley. The enemy kept up a hot fire during the forenoon but injured no one. During the evening of this day Smith laid out and commenced the parallel leading from No. 1 to the position afterward occupied by the 24 pounder battery. The work was difficult on account of the denseness of the chaparral and the small number of workmen. The parapet was made shot proof (or sufficiently so to answer the purpose of covering the morning relief) by daybreak. The enemy fired grape etc. for a short time, but not sufficiently well aimed or long enough kept up to impede the progress of the work. The battery known as the Naval Battery was commenced on this same night. The enemy were kept in entire ignorance of the construction of this battery until the very night before it opened, and then they only discovered that _something_ was being done there--they did not know what. The Mexican Chief Engineer told Colonel Totten of this fact after the capitulation.

[March] 20th. The construction of the parallel and of the mortar batteries Nos. 1 and 2 was carried on during this day. By 3 P. M., when Mason and myself went out there--the parallel was finished--the _excavation_ of the two batteries completed--the sandbag traverses in No. 2 finished--those in No. 1 very nearly so. We were to lay out and excavate the positions for the two magazines of each battery, to commence Mortar Battery No. 3 (for four mortars), lay the platforms and place the magazine frames--which were to be brought out at night fall. By the direction of Mason, I had the positions of the magazines prepared and laid out before dark. Colonel Totten came out and directed me to lay out No. 3. I also laid out the boyau[37] leading from _1_ to _2_. Mason took charge of the magazines _1_ and _2_ and directed me to take charge of No. 3. I employed four sets of men on the battery at the same time--one set throwing the earth from the rear of the parallel upon the berm[38]--a second on the berm disposing of this earth thrown on the berm--a third set working at the rear of the battery, excavating toward the front, these threw the earth so as to form slight epaulments, and in rear. A fourth set were employed in making the excavations for the magazines. A very violent Norther arose which obliged me to employ the first and second sets _in front_ of the battery--they excavating a ditch.

At daylight the parapet was shot proof and the battery required about one hour’s digging to finish it. Owing to some mistake the platforms and magazine frames did not arrive until very late and but little progress was made as far as they were concerned. Had they arrived in time all three batteries could have opened on the afternoon of the 21st. The construction of the battery on the left of the railroad [was] still progressing. They fired rockets etc. at us during the early part of the night.

[March] 21st. During this day not very much was done--some progress was made with the six gun battery--magazines, platforms, etc.

[March] 22nd. Not being aware of a change in the detail I went out at 3 A. M. Found the magazines of No. 2 finished, the small magazines of No. 1 the same. Took charge of large magazine of No. 1--whilst Mason was engaged with those of No. 3. About 8 [o’clock] was informed of change of detail, went to camp and was requested by Colonel Totten to go out to the trenches “extra” and give all the assistance in my power, since the General wished to send in a summons to the town at 2 P. M. and open upon them if they refused to surrender. I went out and was chiefly occupied during the day in covering the magazine of No. 1 with earth. This was done under fire of Santiago and adjacent bastion, which batteries having a clear view of my working party made some pretty shots at us--striking the earth on the magazine once in a while, but injuring no one. At 2 P. M. we were ready to open with three mortars in No. 1--three in No. 2--one in No. 3.--seven in all.

The flag was carried in by Captain Johnston, the enemy ceased firing when they saw it. Colonel Bankhead[39] informed the Commandants of Batteries 1 and 3 that the discharge of a mortar from No. 2 would be the signal to open from all the mortars. The flag had hardly commenced its return from the town when a few spiteful shots from Santiago at my party on the magazine told us plainly enough what the reply had been. Probably half an hour elapsed before a report from No. 2 gave us the first official intimation that General Morales[40] had bid defiance to us, and invited us to do our worst.

The command “Fire!” had scarcely been given when a perfect storm of iron burst upon us--every gun and mortar in Vera Cruz and San Juan, that could be brought to bear, hurled its contents around us--the air swarmed with them--and it seemed a miracle that not one of the hundreds they fired fell into the crowded mass that filled the trenches. The recruits looked rather blue in the gills when the splinters of shells fell around them, but the veterans cracked their jokes and talked about Palo Alto and Monterey. When it was nearly dark I went to the left with Mason and passed on toward the town where we could observe our shells--the effect was superb. The enemy’s fire began to slacken toward night, until at last it ceased altogether--ours, though, kept steadily on, never ceasing--never tiring.

Immediately after dark I took a working party and repaired all the damage done to the parapets by the enemy’s fire, besides increasing the thickness of the earth on the magazines of _No. 1_. Captain Vinton was killed a short time before dark near Battery No. 3 by a spent shell--two men were wounded by fragments of shells near _No. 1_. Shortly after dark, three more mortars were put in Battery No. 3--making 10 mortars in all. Captain [John] Saunders was employed upon the 6 gun battery (24 pounders). He revetted[41] it with one thickness of sand bags, all of which fell down next morning. I brought out from the Engineer Depot the platforms for this battery during the night--the magazine frame was brought out next day. The battery on the left of the railroad [was] still progressing, under the charge of Captain [R. E.] Lee, [Lieut. Z. B.] Tower and [G. W.] Smith--who relieved each other.

[March] 23rd. Firing continued from our mortars steadily--fire of enemy by no means so warm as when we opened on the day before. Our mortar platforms were much injured by the firing already. The 24 pounder battery had to be re-revetted entirely--terreplein levelled. During this day and night the magazine was excavated, and the frame put up. Two traverses made--the positions of platforms and embrasures determined. Two platforms laid and the guns run in--the embrasures for them being partly _cut_. One other gun was run to the rear of the battery.

[March] 24th. On duty with Captain Saunders again--could get no directions so I had the two partly cut embrasures marked with sand bags and dirt, and set a party at work to cover the magazine with earth as soon as it was finished. During this day the traverses[42] were finished, the platforms laid, the magazine entirely finished, and a large number of sand bags filled for the revetments of the embrasures. The “Naval Battery” opened today, their fire was fine music for us, but they did not keep it up very long. The crash of the eight-inch shells as they broke their way through the houses and burst in them was very pretty. The “Greasers” had had it all in their own way--but we were gradually opening on them now. Remained out all night to take charge of two embrasures. The Alabama Volunteers, who formed the working party, did not come until it was rather late--we set them at work to cut down and level the top of parapet--thickening it opposite the third and fourth guns. Then laid out the embrasures and put seven men in each. Foster had charge of two, Coppée of two, and I of two. Mine were the only ones finished at daylight--the Volunteers gave out and could hardly be induced to work at all.

[March] 25th. Mason and Stevens relieved Beauregard and Foster--but I remained. I had the raw hides put on--and with a large party of Volunteers opened the other embrasures. This was done in broad daylight, in full view of the town--yet they had not fired more than three or four shots when I finished and took in the men. The battery then opened. We then gave it to Mexicans about as hotly as they wished. We had ten mortars--three 68s, three 32s, four 24s, and two eight-inch howitzers playing upon them as fast as they could load and fire. Captain Anderson, 3rd Artillery, fired on this morning thirty shells in thirty minutes from his battery of three mortars (No. 1).

As I went to our camp I stopped at Colonel Totten’s tent to inform him of the state of affairs--he directed me to step in and report to General Scott. I found him writing a despatch. He seemed to be very much delighted and showed me the last words he had written which were “indefatigable Engineers.” Then we were needed and remembered--the instant the pressing necessity passed away we were forgotten. The echo of the last hostile gun at Vera Cruz had not died away before it was forgotten by the Commander in Chief that such a thing existed as an Engineer Company.[43]

CHURCH AT CAMARGO, SEEN FROM THE PALACE.]

The superiority of our fire was now very apparent. I went out again at 3 P. M.--met Mason carrying a large goblet he had found in a deserted ranch. Found Captain Lee engaged in the construction of a new mortar battery for four mortars, immediately to the left of No. 1--in the parallel. There was a complete cessation of firing--a flag having passed in relation to the consuls, I think. The platforms of this battery were laid, but not spiked down. A traverse was made in boyau between Nos. 1 and 2, just in front of the entrance of the large magazine of No. 1, it being intended to run a boyau from behind this traverse to the left of the new battery. I laid out a boyau connecting Stevens’s communications with the _short_ “parallel” of No. 2, then Captain Lee explained his wishes in relation to the new battery and left me in charge of it. I thickened the parapet from a ditch in front--inclined the superior slope _upward_, left the berm, made the traverses, had the platforms spiked, etc. The mortars were brought up and placed in the battery that night. Captain Saunders sent me to repair the embrasures of the 24 pounder battery--doing nothing himself. He then sent me to excavate the boyau I had laid out.

About 11.30 the discharge of a few rockets by _our_ rocketeers caused a stampede amongst the Mexicans--they fired escopettes and muskets from all parts of their walls. Our mortars reopened about 1.30 with the greatest vigor--sometimes there were six shells in the air at the same time. A violent Norther commenced about 1 o’clock making the trenches very disagreeable. About three quarters of an hour, or an hour after we reopened we heard a bugle sound in town. At first we thought it a bravado--then reveillé, then a parley--so we stopped firing to await the result. Nothing more was heard, so in about half an hour we reopened with great warmth. At length another chi-wang-a-wang was heard which turned out to be a parley. During the day the terms of surrender of the town of Vera Cruz[44] and castle of San Juan de Ulua were agreed upon, and on 29th of March, 1847 the garrison marched out with drums beating, colors flying and laid down their arms on the plain between the lagoon and the city ... muskets were stacked and a number of escopettes ... pieces of artillery were found in the town and ... in the castle.

After the surrender of Vera Cruz we moved our encampment--first to the beach, then to a position on the plain between our batteries and the city. Foster was detached on duty with the other Engineers to survey the town and castle. Smith and myself were to superintend the landing of the pontoon and engineers trains, and to collect them at the Engineer Depot. Between the Quartermasters and Naval Officers this was hardly done when we left. I dismantled the batteries, magazines etc.--then amused myself until we left, with the chills and fever.

J[immie] S[tuart] being too sick to go on with his regiment came over to our camp and stayed with us. Instead of being sent on in our proper position, at the head of Twiggs’s Division, we were kept back and finally allowed to start on the same day that Worth started[45]--we received no orders to move, merely a permission. Our teams (6) were the worst I ever saw--they had just been lassooed as they swam ashore, and neither they nor their teamsters had ever seen a wagon before. We left Vera Cruz on the 13th [April]. By dint of applying some of the _knowledge_ I had acquired under Guy Henry’s parental care, I succeeded in getting four teams to Ve[r]gara (Twiggs’s headquarters during the siege). As Smith and Foster did not come up I rode back to see what was the matter and found that they had arrived at a point opposite the middle of the city, broken down two sets of teams, got one teamster’s arm and hand badly kicked--and the devil to pay in general. At last they got on, and by leaving half the loads by the roadside we managed by hard swearing to get to within one-half mile of El Rio Medio by dark.

The road so far was horrible, being hilly and very sandy. Our mules were so weak and miserable that the men actually had to push the wagons along, and it was easy to see that our march was to be very severe upon all concerned. General Worth and his staff passed us as we were busily engaged in “cussing” a team up a hill--we then learned for the first time that Santa Anna was at Cerro Gordo with a large force. When we encamped this night everybody was tired to death, and the only event worthy of recollection was the thrashing that a certain lazy nigger “Isaac” received from his frisky “bos.”

On the [14th] we made an early start and after “persuading” the mules up the hill beyond Rio Medio we got along without very much trouble until we arrived at Santa Fé. Here the wagons were unloaded and leaving me with about ten men Smith and Foster went back after the loads left at Ve[r]gara. Jimmie [Stuart] and I struck up an acquaintance with the Alcalde--a very nice sort of a man. I found a couple of cavalry barracks etc. We amused ourselves chatting with the Alcalde all day--who tried hard to stampede us with guerilla tales etc. Captain Hughes came up late in the afternoon, Smith arrived after dark, having left the wagons with the ordnance people about half a mile behind. While G. W. [Smith] was at supper, Jimmie, who had been amusing himself by playing monte with the Rancheros, came back and amused us by an account of a _muy poquito muchachito_ [a very little boy] about four years old playing monte and smoking paros [_puros_, or cigars].

Foster came up at last, and we all turned in. Santa Fé is a poor little affair--no water, but rather a fine view of a large extent of rolling country.

On the 15th I started back after the wagons before daybreak “unwashed and uncombed.” After a vast amount of swearing at “Seven Bottles,” of whom more anon, I got all the wagons up to Santa Fé--set the men to work at loading the wagons--got my breakfast, and at last we started. Country at first a rolling prairie--finally more broken and woody. We passed some of the most magnificent forests I ever saw--trees covered with most beautiful flowers--the fields also--the villages were completely deserted. About the middle of the day we stopped at a stream to rest.--While taking our lunch under the bridge an old stupid Dutch teamster brought down his mules to water and finally proceeded to water himself. He drank seven (!) claret bottles full of water and at length finding that process too slow he _took to his bucket_! We went on and overtook the ordnance fellows at ....... Had a good supper and a fine sleep, although they did try to stampede us about Lancers etc.--but they could not do it.

Started early on the 16th [April]--country remarkably broken--even mountainous. We passed several very long hills, at which it was necessary to treble our poor little teams. Met Simon Buckner[46] with a beef party. Arrived at Puerto Nacional just before Worth’s Division left it (about 2 P. M.). Saw all the fellows and made our preparations to start at twelve at night. Took a fine bath in the clear mountain stream, and then dinner. After dinner we went to see Santana’s Hacienda--found a little boy in it who was frightened to death at the Barbarians. A réal [a small coin, about 12½ cents] soon quieted him.

The bridge has a curved axis--it is a beautiful piece of architecture. It would be impossible to cross it were the heights around properly defended and the bridge itself occupied. The bridge and heights might all be turned by enterprising light infantry, for the stream is fordable. From the nature of the ground it would be impossible for artillery or cavalry to turn it without _great trouble and labor_.

Reveillé at 11.30--started at quarter past twelve--of course no undressing. S[tuart] “thought as he was already dressed there could be no hurry.” Night pitch dark. About an hour before daybreak found in the road a saddle (American) and a pool of blood--some poor devil of a straggler from Worth’s Division probably murdered. After ascending the hill just beyond this spot, G. W. [Smith], J. S[tuart] and myself laid down in the road to sleep--that half hour’s sleep just before going into battle was the sweetest I ever enjoyed. Passed in the course of the morning a great many stragglers from Worth’s Division--they had lagged behind in the night march. About two miles from Plan del Rio we were sitting in a ranche waiting for the wagons, when a wagonmaster came galloping by saying that the Lancers had cut off the train. The escort of dragoons was about 800 yards nearer Plan del Rio than we. We galloped back--the escort not far behind and found that our wagons were safe, but that the Lancers had cut off a few of the stragglers whom we had passed.

Suddenly a turn of the road displayed Plan del Rio[47] at our feet--the little valley filled with troops, horses, artillery, wagons, etc. We arrived at about 10.30 A. M.--found the Engineers and took a lunch with them. G. W. S[mith] and myself then rode out to Twiggs’s position with Captain Lee--we arrived just in time to see the ball open [i. e., the battle of Cerro Gordo]. Saw old Twiggs, who wondered “Where the devil did you two boys come from?” and started back to bring up the company. On the way back a round shot came about as near my head as would be regarded agreeable in civil life and then missed enfilading the 2nd Infantry about a foot and a half. When we got back to El Plan, I was ordered to join [Lieut. Z. B.] Tower with ten men--to go with Gid Pillow and the Mohawks.[48] Did my best that afternoon _to find out where we were to go in the morning but none of them would tell me anything about it_. G. W. left me ten of the best men in the company, and took Foster and the rest with him to report to General Twiggs. It seemed to be a mutual thought that the chances all were that we would not meet again! The idea of being killed by or among a parcel of Volunteers was anything but pleasant.

Got up before daybreak--woke up the men--had the mare fed and saddled--drank some coffee--distributed tools to my party and was ready for battle long before our dear Mohawks had their breakfasts. Also gave some tools to the Volunteers. My men had hatchets, axes and billhooks--the Volunteers [had] axes, sap-forks and billhooks. At length all was ready and much to my surprise we marched straight up the road toward Jalapa. So little did I know of our point of attack--I only knew that we were to attack either their right or front, and that we would as surely be whipped--for it was a Volunteer Brigade. I led off with my detachment, and after passing the greater part of Worth’s Division--which was formed in column of platoons in the road--we turned off to the left, nearly opposite the point where Twiggs turned to the right. Tower directed me to place my men on the path inclining _most to the left_. I did so and rested my men, whilst waiting for the Volunteers who were a long distance behind. At length General Pillow came up, and seeing my men, directed that they should be placed on the path _inclining to the right_.

Lieutenant Tower made some remark about changing the route, and also that we would be more apt to be seen when crossing some ravine if we went to the right. I remember distinctly that the impression made upon me by the conversation was that General Pillow had against the opinion of Lieutenant Tower changed the _route to be followed_ in order to attain the point of attack. I had no idea of the importance of the change and that it could lead to a different point of attack. I afterward found that the different paths led to very different parts of the enemy’s position, the one we actually followed bringing us in a very exposed manner against the front of the works, whilst if we had taken the one advised by Lieutenant Tower we should have turned the right of their works and have been but little exposed to their fire.

The fault of the erroneous selection was General Pillow’s, except that Lieutenant Tower should, as the senior Engineer with the column, have taken a firm stand and have forced General Pillow to have pursued the proper path. It was certainly a fine opportunity for him to show what stuff he was made of--but unfortunately he did not take advantage of it at all.

We at length moved off by the flank. My detachment [was] at the head, and during the movement--at all events before the firing against us commenced--we heard the musketry of the attack of Twiggs’s Division upon the Telegraph Hill.[49]

After moving about two-thirds of a mile from the main road we reached a certain crest bordering upon a ravine, whence a strong picket of Mexicans was observed. Tower advised General Pillow to incline his Brigade well to the right in order to cross the ravine lower down and out of view. The General directed Colonel [Francis M.] Wynkoop[50] to countermarch--file twice to the right and move upon a certain dead tree as his point of direction (Colonel Campbell’s [1st] Tennessee Regiment to support him). He was then to form his men for the attack and charge upon hearing a concerted signal from the rest of the Brigade. Colonel [William T.] Haskell[51] at once commenced forming his Regiment in a column of platoon, the flank of the column toward the work. His men having straggled a great deal this arrangement was attended with some difficulty--the men being literally shoved into their places one by one. Hardly two platoons were formed when General Pillow shouted out at the top of his voice--“Why the H--l dont Colonel Wynkoop file to the right?” I may here observe that we had heard very distinctly the commands of the Mexican officers in their works. This yell of the General’s was at once followed by the blast of a Mexican bugle and within three minutes after that their fire opened upon us. The General may have shouted this before a single platoon of Haskell’s was formed--but the interval must have been very short, because Wynkoop’s Regiment had not reached its destination and had not formed there when the firing commenced.

When the Mexican fire opened Haskell’s Regiment became at once “confusion worse confounded.” Some of the men rushed toward the works, many broke to the rear, very many immediately took cover behind the rocks, etc. I at once asked General Pillow for orders to proceed “_somewhere_” with my detachment--for I had as yet received no orders or directions from anyone and was utterly ignorant of the ground. While talking with the General--who was squatting down with his back to the work--he was wounded in the arm, upon which his aide, Lieutenant Rains, appeared from somewhere in the vicinity and they together went off to the rear, on the run. I then went in amongst the Tennesseeans and found at once that it was useless to attempt doing anything there, as that Regiment (Haskell’s) was utterly broken and dispersed and the Pennsylvania Regiment, which was to support them, had kept so well in reserve that they could not be found. I then went over to the other side of the ravine--the firing had by this time nearly if not altogether ceased.

Upon arriving there I found Campbell’s Regiment in pretty good order and _in good spirits_, the Pennsylvania Regiment (Wynkoop’s) in most horrible confusion. Campbell was moving on toward the work, and I at once advised General Pillow to halt him until some order could be restored to the other Regiments. He took my advice and directed me to give the order to Campbell, which I did. I thought that it was by no means certain that Campbell alone could carry the works and that if he were checked or repulsed all was lost, for there was not a company formed to support him. Besides, although his Regiment was moving on well, they were not then under fire, nor had they been under any fire, to speak of, that day--so I doubted the steadiness of their movements when their advance should have brought them in sight and under the fire of, the Mexicans.

Colonel Haskell came up without his cap about this time and a very warm conversation ensued between him and General Pillow--the General accusing him of misconduct and deserting his troops, the Colonel repelling his assertions and stating that his Regiment was cut to pieces. I at once, without saying a word to either the General or the Colonel, called to my party and directed them to beat the bushes for “2nd Tennesseeans” and to bring all they could find to where we were. They soon returned with quite a number.

In the course of conversation I told General Pillow that I did not think that he could carry the works without some Regulars. He assented and directed me to go at once in search of General Scott and ask him, from him (Pillow) for a detachment of Regulars--whatever number he could spare, saying that he would make no movement until my return. I immediately ran down to the road where I expected to find General Scott and Worth’s Division and there found that the General had gone on. I jumped on my mare and galloped around by Twiggs’s road and at length found the General about half way up the ridge over which Worth’s Division passed to reach the Jalapa road--the rear of Worth’s Division was then crossing. I told the General my message and he directed me to say to General Pillow that he had no Regulars to spare, that the last of Worth’s Division was then passing over, that Santa Anna had fallen back with all his army, except about 5000 men, toward Jalapa, that he expected to fight another battle with Santa Anna at once, and that he thought it probable that the 5000 men cut off would surrender--finally that General Pillow might attack again, or not, just as he pleased. He evidently was not much surprised and not much “put out” that Pillow was thrashed, and attached no importance to his future movements.

With this reply I returned, and could not for a long time, find any of the valiant Brigade. I at length found Wynkoop’s Regiment. He told me that white flags were flying on the work and that one or two had come down toward his position--but that as he did not know what they meant, could not raise a white handkerchief in the crowd, and had no one who could speak Spanish, he had held no communication with them. I told him what they meant and said that when I had seen General Pillow I would return and go to meet them. As I left he asked me if I could not give him an order to charge--I said “_No_”--then said he--“Tell General Pillow that if I dont get an order to charge in half an hour, I’ll be d--d if I dont charge anyhow”--this after I had told him that the white flag meant a surrender!!!

I at length found General Pillow some distance in rear and reported. Castor came up a moment or two afterward and told General Pillow that he had been sent to inform him that the Mexicans had surrendered--on which I took my men down the road and directing them to come on and rejoin the company as soon as possible--I galloped on to overtake it. During my conversation with General Scott he mentioned that he had _seen_ the charge of Twiggs’s Division and spoke of it as the most beautiful sight that he had ever witnessed. He said everything in praise of his “rascally Regulars.”

With reference to the operations of Twiggs’s Division.--During the afternoon of the 17th [April] the hill opposite to and commanded by the Telegraph Hill was carried by Harney’s ([Persifer F.] Smith’s) Brigade and the enemy pursued partly up the Telegraph Hill by the Rifles and 1st Artillery. They were, however, _recalled_ to the hill first mentioned, which was occupied in force.

During the night one twenty-four pounder, one twelve pounder and a twenty-four pound howitzer were with great difficulty hauled up and put in position behind a slight epaulment. There were also a couple of the Mountain Howitzers and some Rocketeers. Shields’s[52] Brigade of Volunteers were somewhere in the vicinity to support and were employed to man the drag ropes used to haul up the pieces. It may be well to mention that they were more than once “_stampeded_” while engaged in this by the mere discharge of a piece--no ball coming near them. Another detachment of New York Volunteers was engaged during the afternoon and night of the 17th in hauling an eight-inch howitzer along the crest on the other side of the “Rio” in order to take an enfilade or reverse fire upon the Mexican works. Taylor’s Battery was with Twiggs, Dunean came around with Worth--Steptoe was with Twiggs. The cavalry and rest of the artillery were in the Jalapa road ready to advance in pursuit.

Harney was directed to storm the hill, Reilly to cut off the retreat of the Mexicans by the Jalapa road--Worth to support. The affair of the 18th was opened, on our side, by the fire of our artillery. The 24 pounder was badly served and did little or no real damage. At length Harney charged over the valley with the 1st Artillery, 3rd and 7th Infantry, the Rifles being thrown out to cover his left. He carried the hill in gallant style. Reilly allowed himself to deviate from his proper path and instead of pushing straight on for the Jalapa road, he amused himself by skirmishing to his right and left--so that he did not accomplish the purpose for which he was sent, that is, he _did not_ cut off Santa Anna’s retreat.

In the meantime Shields was sent around still further to our right, to turn the Mexican left. He finally came out in front of certain batteries, charged them but was _repulsed completely_ and himself badly wounded. About this time Harney carried the Telegraph Hill and that commanding these last batteries, one or two discharges from its summit with the captured pieces at once cleared them. Upon that the Volunteers right gallantly charged and carried them at the point of the bayonet, _there not being a soul in the battery at this time_.

Twiggs--at least a part of his Division--moved on at once in pursuit. The Cavalry soon followed, but the Mexicans had gained a long start and made the best use of their legs--so that not very many were killed or taken in the pursuit. Twiggs and the Cavalry also the Volunteers halted at Encero. Worth remained at Plan del Rio and Cerro Gordo. I myself overtook my company at Encero where we bivouacked that night--and felt right proud that we had won that day a glorious victory.

On the morning of the 19th we marched from Encero to Jalapa, about twelve miles, at the head of Twiggs’s Division. We entered Jalapa about 11.30 A. M., our company being the first American infantry to set foot in that city. It rained quite violently during the greater part of the march, which prevented me from enjoying fully the beauty of the scenery, especially as I had to _foot it_. It was really delightful, upon entering Jalapa, to see gentlemen and _ladies_, at least persons dressed and appearing as such. The white faces of the ladies struck us as being exceedingly beautiful--they formed so pleasing a contrast to the black and brown complexions of the Indians and negroes who had for so long been the only human beings to greet our sight. The Jalapiños appeared perfectly indifferent about us, manifesting neither pleasure nor sorrow at our approach. Our march from Encero and entrance into Jalapa was entirely undisturbed--not a shot being fired or soldiers seen. Of course not the slightest excess was committed by any of the Regulars. We at first marched to the Cuartel [Barracks] where we remained some few hours, until at last we were ordered to a posada [sleeping place] on the Plaza.

I was very much pleased with the appearance of Jalapa and its inhabitants. The women were generally pretty, the gentlemen well dressed. They carried to a great extent the custom of filling the balconies with flowers, which gave a very pleasant appearance to the streets. Soon after we had established ourselves at the posada we were astonished by a great commotion in the streets, which was ascertained to be caused by the arrival of the Cerro Gordo prisoners, who had all been released on parole, and of course fought us again upon the first opportunity. They were marching back to Puebla and Mexico, organized in regiments, etc.--merely being deprived of their arms. The disgust in the Division at this release was most intense, we felt poorly repaid for our exertions by the release of these scoundrels, who, we felt sure, would to a man break their parole. They passed the night in the streets around the Plaza and in the morning robbed all the poor market women in the vicinity.[53]

We had no beds that night--our baggage not being up--were lucky enough to get some frijoles and chocolate for supper--breakfast ditto. Worth’s Division came up about one o’clock on the 20th and we were ordered on at the head of it,--to leave Jalapa at 3.30 of the same day.

* * * * *

City of Mexico,[54] opposite Alameda, November 3rd, 1847. G. W. thinks that a captain will be sent out to command the Company, and that he (G. W.) will be relieved by the 1st March, 1848. Mc. thinks that no captain will come and that the unfortunate “duet” wont get out under a year, or longer. Quien Sabe?

April 15th, Post Office--Captain hasn’t “arrivo”--duet still here--year most half out and a’in’t off yet!!![55]

September 22nd, 1849--West Point, N. Y. Mc. thinks that he’s booked for an infernally monotonous life for the remainder of his natural existence and wishes he were back again in No. 2 Calle San Francisco.

August 25th, 1852--Solitary and alone on the “Columbus”--for New Orleans.

December 25th, 1852--Solitary and alone at Indianola [Texas]! Heavens! What a Christmas!

INDEX

Altamira, 50.

Anton Lizardo, Point, 52, 53.

Bankhead, Col., 66.

Beauregard, Lieut. P. G. T., 57, 63, 70.

Belton, Lieut.-Col., 54, 62.

Brazos de Santiago (Texas), 7, 8-9.

Brooks, N. C., quoted, 51 (note).

Buckner, Simon B., 77 (and note).

Camargo, 10-11, 13.

Campbell, Col., 82, 84-85.

Cerro Gordo, battle of, 79-90.

Chiltipine, 30-34.

Crawford, Dr. Samuel, 1.

Encero, 90, 91.

Encinal, 37.

Fordleone, 47, 48.