Chapter III: Part 3

When the candidate has been able to procure enough gifts to present to
the society for the second degree, he takes his drum and offers chants
(No. 35) to Ki´tshi Man´idō for success. Ki´tshi Man´idō himself is
the guardian of the second degree and his footprints are shown in No.
36. No. 37 represents the second degree inclosure, and contains two
sacred posts (Nos. 38 and 39), the first of which is the same as that
of the first degree, the second being painted with white clay, bearing
two bands of vermilion, one about the top and one near the middle. A
small branch near the top is used, after the ceremony is over, to hang
the tobacco pouch on. No. 40 represents the musicians and attendants;
No. 41 the candidate upon his knees; while Nos. 42, 43, 44, and 45
pictures the officiating priests who surround him. The horizontal pole
(No. 46) has presents of robes, blankets, and kettles suspended from
it.

When a candidate is prepared to advance to the third degree (No. 47)
he personates Makwa´ Man´idō, who is the guardian of this degree, and
whose tracks (No. 48) are visible. The assistants are visible upon the
interior, drumming and dancing. There are three sacred posts, the
first (No. 49) is black, and upon this is placed Kŏ-ko´-kŏ-ō´--the
Owl; the second (No. 50) is painted with white clay and has upon the
top the effigy of an owl; while the third (No. 51) is painted with
vermilion, bearing upon the summit the effigy of an Indian. Small
wooden effigies of the human figure are used by the Midē´ in their
tests of the proof of the genuineness and sacredness of their
religion, which tests will be alluded to under another caption. The
horizontal rod (No. 52), extending from one end of the structure to
the other, has suspended from it the blankets and other gifts.

The guardian of the fourth degree is Maka´no--the Turtle--as he
appears (No. 53) facing the entrance of the fourth degree (No. 54).
Four sacred posts are planted in the fourth degree; the first (No.
55), being painted white upon the upper half and green upon the lower;
the second (No. 56) similar; the third (No. 57) painted red, with a
black spiral line extending from the top to the bottom, and upon which
is placed Kŏ-ko´-kŏ-ō´--the Owl; and the fourth (No. 58), a cross, the
arms and part of the trunk of which is white, with red spots--to
designate the sacred mī´gis--the lower half of the trunk cut square,
the face toward the east painted red, the south green, the west white,
and the north black. The spot (No. 59) at the base of the cross
signifies the place of the sacred stone, while the human figures (No.
60) designate the participants, some of whom are seated near the wall
of the inclosure, whilst others are represented as beating the drum.
Upon the horizontal pole (No. 61) are shown the blankets constituting
gifts to the society.

The several specific methods of facial decoration employed (Pl. VII), according to Ojibwa’s statement, are as follows:

_First degree._--One stripe of vermilion across the face, from near the ears across the tip of the nose.

_Second degree._--One stripe as above, and another across the eyelids, temples, and the root of the nose.

_Third degree._--The upper half of the face is painted green and the lower half red.

_Fourth degree._--The forehead and left side of the face, from the outer canthus of the eye downward, is painted green; four spots of vermilion are made with the tip of the finger upon the forehead and four upon the green surface of the left cheek. In addition to this, the plumes of the golden eagle, painted red, are worn upon the head and down the back. This form of decoration is not absolutely necessary, as the expense of the “war bonnet” places it beyond the reach of the greater number of persons.

Before proceeding further with the explanation of the Mide´ records it may be of interest to quote the traditions relative to the migration of the Ani´shinâ´bēg, as obtained by Mr. Warren previous to 1853. In his reference to observing the rites of initiation he heard one of the officiating priests deliver “a loud and spirited harangue,” of which the following words[12] caught his attention:

“Our forefathers were living on the great salt water toward the rising
sun, the great Megis (seashell) showed itself above the surface of the
great water and the rays of the sun for a long time period were
reflected from its glossy back. It gave warmth and light to the
An-ish-in-aub-ag (red race). All at once it sank into the deep, and
for a time our ancestors were not blessed with its light. It rose to
the surface and appeared again on the great river which drains the
waters of the Great Lakes, and again for a long time it gave life to
our forefathers and reflected back the rays of the sun. Again it
disappeared from sight and it rose not till it appeared to the eyes of
the An-ish-in-aub-ag on the shores of the first great lake. Again it
sank from sight, and death daily visited the wigiwams of our
forefathers till it showed its back and reflected the rays of the sun
once more at Bow-e-ting (Sault Ste. Marie). Here it remained for a
long time, but once more, and for the last time, it disappeared, and
the An-ish-in-aub-ag was left in darkness and misery, till it floated
and once more showed its bright back at Mo-ning-wun-a-kaun-ing (La
Pointe Island), where it has ever since reflected back the rays of the
sun and blessed our ancestors with life, light, and wisdom. Its rays
reach the remotest village of the widespread Ojibways.” As the old man
delivered this talk he continued to display the shell, which he
represented as an emblem of the great megis of which he was speaking.

A few days after, anxious to learn the true meaning of this allegory,
* * * I requested him to explain to me the meaning of his Me-da-we
harangue.

After filling his pipe and smoking of the tobacco I had presented he
proceeded to give me the desired information, as follows:

“My grandson,” said he, “the megis I spoke of means the Me-da-we
religion. Our forefathers, many string of lives ago, lived on the
shores of the great salt water in the east. Here, while they were
suffering the ravages of sickness and death, the Great Spirit, at the
intercession of Man-a-bo-sho, the great common uncle of the
An-ish-in-aub-ag, granted them this rite, wherewith life is restored
and prolonged. Our forefathers moved from the shores of the great
water and proceeded westward.

“The Me-da-we lodge was pulled down, and it was not again erected till
our forefathers again took a stand on the shores of the great river
where Mo-ne-aung (Montreal) now stands.

“In the course of time this town was again deserted, and our
forefathers, still proceeding westward, lit not their fires till they
reached the shores of Lake Huron, where again the rites of the
Me-da-we were practiced.

“Again these rites were forgotten, and the Me-da-we lodge was not
built till the Ojibways found themselves congregated at Bow-e-ting
(outlet of Lake Superior), where it remained for many winters. Still
the Ojibways moved westward, and for the last time the Me-da-we lodge
was erected on the island of La Pointe, and here, long before the pale
face appeared among them, it was practiced in its purest and most
original form. Many of our fathers lived the full term of life granted
to mankind by the Great Spirit, and the forms of many old people were
mingled with each rising generation. This, my grandson, is the meaning
of the words you did not understand; they have been repeated to us by
our fathers for many generations.”

[Footnote 12: Op. cit., p. 78 et seq.]

In the explanation of the chart obtained at Red Lake, together with the tradition, reference to the otter, as being the most sacred emblem of society, is also verified in a brief notice of a tradition by Mr. Warren,[13] as follows:

There is another tradition told by the old men of the Ojibway village
of Fond du Lac, Lake Superior, which tells of their former residence
on the shores of the great salt water. It is, however, so similar in
character to the one I have related that its introduction here would
only occupy unnecessary space. The only difference between the two
traditions is that the otter, which is emblematical of one of the four
Medicine Spirits who are believed to preside over the Midawe rites, is
used in one in the same figurative manner as the seashell is used in
the other, first appearing to the ancient An-ish-in-aub-ag from the
depths of the great salt water, again on the river St. Lawrence, then
on Lake Huron at Sault Ste. Marie, again at La Pointe, but lastly at
Fond du Lac, or end of Lake Superior, where it is said to have forced
the sand bank at the mouth of the St. Louis River. The place is still
pointed out by the Indians where they believe the great otter broke
through.

[Footnote 13: Op. cit., p. 81.]

It is affirmed by the Indians that at Sault Ste. Marie some of the Ojibwa separated from the main body of that tribe and traversed the country along the northern shore of Lake Superior toward the west. These have since been known of as the “Bois Forts” (hardwood people or timber people), other bands being located at Pigeon River, Rainy Lake, etc. Another separation occurred at La Pointe, one party going toward Fond du Lac and westward to Red Lake, where they claim to have resided for more than three hundred years, while the remainder scattered from La Pointe westward and southwestward, locating at favorable places throughout the timbered country. This early dismemberment and long-continued separation of the Ojibwa nation accounts, to a considerable extent, for the several versions of the migration and the sacred emblems connected with the Midē´wiwin, the northern bands generally maintaining their faith in favor of the Otter as the guide, while the southern bodies are almost entirely supporters of the belief in the great mī´gis.

On account of the independent operations of the Midē´ priests in the various settlements of the Ojibwa, and especially because of the slight intercourse between those of the northern and southern divisions of the nation, there has arisen a difference in the pictographic representation of the same general ideas, variants which are frequently not recognized by Midē´ priests who are not members of the Midē´wiwin in which these mnemonic charts had their origin. As there are variants in the pictographic delineation of originally similar ideas, there are also corresponding variations in the traditions pertaining to them.

The tradition relating to Mi´nabō´zho and the sacred objects received from Ki´tshi Man´idō for the Ani´shinâ´bēg is illustrated in Fig. 6, which is a reproduction of a chart preserved at White Earth. The record is read from left to right. No. 1 represents Mi´nabō´zho, who says of the adjoining characters representing the members of the Midē´wiwin: “They are the ones, they are the ones, who put into my heart the life.” Mi´nabō´zho holds in his left hand the sacred Midē´ sack, or pin-ji´-gu-sân´. Nos. 2 and 3 represent the drummers. At the sound of the drum all the Midē´ rise and become inspired, because Ki´tshi Man´idō is then present in the wig´iwam. No. 4 denotes that women also have the privilege of becoming members of the Midē´wiwin. The figure holds in the left hand the Midē´ sack, made of a snake skin. No. 5 represents the Tortoise, the guardian spirit who was the giver of some of the sacred objects used in the rite. No. 6, the Bear, also a benevolent Man´idō, but not held in so great veneration as the Tortoise. His tracks are visible in the Midē´wiwin. No. 7, the sacred Midē´ sack or pin-ji´-gu-sân´, which contains life, and can be used by the Midē´ to prolong the life of a sick person. No. 8 represents a Dog, given by the Midē´ Man´idōs to Mi´nabō´zho as a companion.

Such was the interpretation given by the owner of the chart, but the informant was unconsciously in error, as has been ascertained not only from other Midē´ priests consulted with regard to the true meaning, but also in the light of later information and research in the exemplification of the ritual of the Midē´wiwin.

Mi´nabō´zho did not receive the rite from any Midē´ priests (Nos. 2 and 5), but from Ki´tshi Man´idō. Women are not mentioned in any of the earlier traditions of the origin of the society, neither was the dog given to Mi´nabō´zho, but Mi´nabō´zho gave it to the Ani´shinâ´bēg.

The chart, therefore, turns out to be a mnemonic song similar to others to be noted hereafter, and the owner probably copied it from a chart in the possession of a stranger Midē´, and failed to learn its true signification, simply desiring it to add to his collection of sacred objects and to gain additional respect from his confrères and admirers.

Two similar and extremely old birch-bark mnemonic songs were found in the possession of a Midē´ at Red Lake. The characters upon these are almost identical, one appearing to be a copy of the other. These are reproduced in Figs. 7 and 8. By some of the Midē´ Esh´gibō´ga takes the place of Mi´nabō´zho as having originally received the Midē´wiwin from Ki´tshi Man´idō, but it is believed that the word is a synonym or a substitute based upon some reason to them inexplicable. These figures were obtained in 1887, and a brief explanation of them given in the American Anthropologist.[14] At that time I could obtain but little direct information from the owners of the records, but it has since been ascertained that both are mnemonic songs pertaining to Mi´nabō´zho, or rather Eshgibō´ga, and do not form a part of the sacred records of the Midē´wiwin, but simply the pictographic representation of the possibilities and powers of the alleged religion. The following explanation of Figs. 7 and 8 is reproduced from the work just cited. A few annotations and corrections are added. The numbers apply equally to both illustrations:

No. 1, represents Esh´gibō´ga, the great uncle of the Ani´shinâ´bēg,
and receiver of the Midē´wiwin.

No. 2, the drum and drumsticks used by Esh´gibō´ga.

No. 3, a bar or rest, denoting an interval of time before the song is
resumed.

No. 4, the pin-ji´-gu-sân´ or sacred Midē´ sack. It consists of an
otter skin, and is the mī´gis or sacred symbol of the Midē´wigân.

No. 5. a Midē´ priest, the one who holds the mī´gis while chanting the
Midē´ song in the Midē´wigân. He is inspired, as indicated by the
line extending from the heart to the mouth.

No. 6, denotes that No. 5 is a member of the Midē´wiwin. This
character, with the slight addition of lines extending upward from
the straight top line, is usually employed by the more southern
Ojibwa to denote the wig´iwam of a Jĕss´akkīd´, or jugglery.

No. 7, is a woman, and signifies that women may also be admitted to
the Midē´wiwin.

No. 8, a pause or rest.

No. 9, a snake-skin pin-ji´-gu-sân´ possessing the power of giving
life. This power is indicated by the lines radiating from the head,
and the back of the skin.

No. 10, represents a woman.

No. 11, is another illustration of the mī´gis, or otter.

No. 12, denotes a priestess who is inspired, as shown by the line
extending from the heart to the mouth in Fig. 7, and simply showing
the heart in Fig. 6. In the latter she is also empowered to cure
with magic plants.

No. 13, in Fig. 7, although representing a Midē´ priest, no
explanation was given.

[Footnote 14: Vol. 1, No. 3, 1888, p. 216, Figs. 2 and 3.]

Fig. 9 is presented as a variant of the characters shown in No. 1 of Figs. 7 and 8. The fact that this denotes the power of curing by the use of magic plants would appear to indicate an older and more appropriate form than the delineation of the bow and arrows, as well as being more in keeping with the general rendering of the tradition.

MIDĒ´WIGÂN.

Initiation into the Midē´wiwin or Midē´ Society is, at this time, performed during the latter part of summer. The ceremonies are performed in public, as the structure in which they are conducted is often loosely constructed of poles with intertwined branches and leaves, leaving the top almost entirely exposed, so that there is no difficulty in observing what may transpire within. Furthermore, the ritual is unintelligible to the uninitiated, and the important part of the necessary information is given to the candidate in a preceptor’s wig´iwam.

To present intelligibly a description of the ceremonial of initiation as it occurred at White Earth, Minnesota, it will be necessary to first describe the structure in which it occurs, as well as the sweat lodge with which the candidate has also to do.

The Midē´wigân, i.e., Midē´wig´iwam, or, as it is generally designated “Grand Medicine Lodge,” is usually built in an open grove or clearing; it is a structure measuring about 80 feet in length by 20 in width, extending east and west with the main entrance toward that point of the compass at which the sun rises. The walls consist of poles and saplings from 8 to 10 feet high, firmly planted in the ground, wattled with short branches and twigs with leaves. In the east and west walls are left open spaces, each about 4 feet wide, used as entrances to the inclosure. From each side of the opening the wall-like structure extends at right angles to the end wall, appearing like a short hallway leading to the inclosure, and resembles double doors opened outward. Fig. 10 represents a ground plan of the Midē´wigân, while Fig. 11 shows an interior view. Saplings thrown across the top of the structure serve as rafters, upon which are laid branches with leaves, and pieces of bark, to sufficiently shade the occupants from the rays of the sun. Several saplings extend across the inclosure near the top, while a few are attached to these so as to extend longitudinally, from either side of which presents of blankets, etc., may be suspended. About 10 feet from the main entrance a large flattened stone, measuring more than a foot in diameter, is placed upon the ground. This is used when subjecting to treatment a patient; and at a corresponding distance from the western door is planted the sacred Midē´ post of cedar, that for the first degree being about 7 feet in height and 6 or 8 inches in diameter. It is painted red, with a band of green 4 inches wide around the top. Upon the post is fixed the stuffed body of an owl. Upon that part of the floor midway between the stone and the Midē´ post is spread a blanket, upon which the gifts and presents to the society are afterward deposited. A short distance from each of the outer angles of the structure are planted cedar or pine trees, each about 10 feet in height.

About a hundred yards east of the main entrance is constructed a wig´iwam or sweat lodge, to be used by the candidate, both to take his vapor baths and to receive final instructions from his preceptor.

This wig´iwam is dome-shaped measures about 10 feet in diameter and 6 feet high in the middle, with an opening at the top which can be readily covered with a piece of bark. The framework of the structure consists of saplings stuck into the ground, the tops being bent over to meet others from the opposite side. Other thin saplings are then lashed horizontally to the upright ones so as to appear like hoops, decreasing in size as the summit is reached. They are secured by using strands of basswood bark. The whole is then covered with pieces of birchbark--frequently the bark of the pine is used--leaving a narrow opening on the side facing the Midē´wigân, which may be closed with an adjustable flap of bark or blankets.

The space between the Midē´wigân and the sweat lodge must be kept clear of other temporary shelters, which might be placed there by some of the numerous visitors attending the ceremonies.

FIRST DEGREE.

PREPARATORY INSTRUCTION.

When the candidate’s application for reception into the Midē´wiwin has been received by one of the officiating priests, he calls upon the three assisting Midē´, inviting them to visit him at his own wig´iwam at a specified time. When the conference takes place, tobacco, which has been previously furnished by the candidate, is distributed and a smoke offering made to Ki´tshi Man´idō, to propitiate his favor in the deliberations about to be undertaken. The host then explains the object of the meeting, and presents to his auditors an account of the candidate’s previous life; he recounts the circumstances of his fast and dreams, and if the candidate is to take the place of a lately deceased son who had been prepared to receive the degree, the fact is mentioned, as under such circumstances the forms would be different from the ordinary method of reception into the society. The subject of presents and gifts to the individual members of the society, as well as those intended to be given as a fee to the officiating priests, is also discussed; and lastly, if all things are favorable to the applicant, the selection of an instructor or preceptor is made, this person being usually appointed from among these four priests.

When the conference is ended the favorable decision is announced to the applicant, who acknowledges his pleasure by remitting to each of the four priests gifts of tobacco. He is told what instructor would be most acceptable to them, when he repairs to the wig´iwam of the person designated and informs him of his wish and the decision of the Midē´ council.

The designated preceptor arranges with his pupil to have certain days upon which the latter is to call and receive instruction and acquire information. The question of remuneration being settled, tobacco is furnished at each sitting, as the Midē´ never begins his lecture until after having made a smoke-offering, which is done by taking a whiff and pointing the stem to the east; then a whiff, directing the stem to the south; another whiff, directing the stem to the west; then a whiff and a similar gesture with the stem to the north; another whiff is taken slowly and with an expression of reverence, when the stem is pointed forward and upward as an offering to Ki´tshi Man´idō; and finally, after taking a similar whiff, the stem is pointed forward and downward toward the earth as an offering to Nokō´mis, the grandmother of the universe, and to those who have passed before. After these preliminaries, the candidate receives at each meeting only a small amount of information, because the longer the instruction is continued daring the season before the meeting at which it is hoped the candidate may be admitted the greater will be the fees; and also, in order that the instruction may be looked upon with awe and reverence, most of the information imparted is frequently a mere repetition, the ideas being clothed in ambiguous phraseology. The Midē´ drum (Fig. 12 _a_) differs from the drum commonly used in dances (Fig. 12 _b_) in the fact that it is cylindrical, consisting of an elongated kettle or wooden vessel, or perhaps a section of the hollow trunk of a tree about 10 inches in diameter and from 18 to 20 inches in length, over both ends of which rawhide is stretched while wet, so that upon drying the membrane becomes hard and tense, producing, when beaten, a very hard, loud tone, which may be heard at a great distance.

Frequently, however, water is put into the bottom of the drum and the drum-head stretched across the top in a wet state, which appears to intensify the sound very considerably.

The peculiar and special properties of the drum are described to the applicant; that it was at first the gift of Ki´tshi Man´idō, who gave it through the intercession of Mi´nabō´zho; that it is used to invoke the presence of the Midē´ Man´idōs, or sacred spirits, when seeking direction as to information desired, success, etc.; that it is to be employed at the side of the sick to assist in the expulsion or exorcism of evil man´idōs who may possess the body of the sufferer; and that it is to be used in the. Midē´wigân during the initiation of new members or the advancement of a Midē´ from a degree to a higher one.

The properties of the rattle are next enumerated and recounted, its origin is related, and its uses explained. It is used at the side of a patient and has even more power in the expulsion of evil demons than the drum. The rattle is also employed in some of the sacred songs as an accompaniment, to accentuate certain notes and words. There are two forms used, one consisting of a cylindrical tin box filled with grains of corn or other seeds (Fig. 13), the other being a hollow gourd also filled with seed (Fig. 14). In both of these the handle passes entirely through the rattle case.

In a similar manner the remaining gifts of Mi´nabō´zho are instanced and their properties extolled.

The mī´gis, a small white shell (Cypræa moneta L.) is next extracted from the Midē´ sack, or pinji´gusân´. This is explained as being the sacred emblem of the Midē´wiwin, the reason therefor being given in the account of the several traditions presented in connection with Pls. III, IV, and VIII. This information is submitted in parts, so that the narrative of the history connected with either of the records is extended over a period of time to suit the preceptor’s plans and purposes. The ceremony of shooting the mī´gis (see Fig. 15) is explained on page 215.

As time progresses the preceptor instructs his pupil in Midē´ songs, i.e., he sings to him songs which form a part of his stock in trade, and which are alleged to be of service on special occasions, as when searching for medicinal plants, hunting, etc. The pupil thus acquires a comprehension of the method of preparing and reciting songs, which information is by him subsequently put to practical use in the composition and preparation of his own songs, the mnemonic characters employed being often rude copies of those observed upon the charts of his preceptor, but the arrangement thereof being original.

It is for this reason that a Midē´ is seldom, if ever, able to recite correctly any songs but his own, although he may be fully aware of the character of the record and the particular class of service in which it may be employed. In support of this assertion several songs obtained at Red Lake and imperfectly explained by “Little Frenchman” and “Leading Feather,” are reproduced in Pl. XXII, A B, page 292.

From among the various songs given by my preceptor are selected and presented herewith those recognized by him as being part of the ritual. The greater number of songs are mere repetitions of short phrases, and frequently but single words, to which are added meaningless sounds or syllables to aid in prolonging the musical tones, and repeated ad libitum in direct proportion to the degree of inspiration in which the singer imagines himself to have attained. These frequent outbursts of singing are not based upon connected mnemonic songs preserved upon birch bark, but they consist of fragments or selections of songs which have been memorized, the selections relating to the subject upon which the preceptor has been discoursing, and which undoubtedly prompts a rythmic vocal equivalent. These songs are reproduced on Pl. IX, A, B, C. The initial mnemonic characters pertaining to each word or phrase of the original text are repeated below in regular order with translations in English, together with supplemental notes explanatory of the characters employed. The musical notation is not presented, as the singing consists of a monotonous repetition of four or five notes in a minor key; furthermore, a sufficiently clear idea of this may be formed by comparing some of the Midē´ songs presented in connection with the ritual of initiation and preparation of medicines. The first of the songs given herewith (Pl. IX, A) pertains to a request to Ki´tshi Man´idō that clear weather may be had for the day of ceremonial, and also an affirmation to the candidate that the singer’s words are a faithful rendering of his creed.

Each of the phrases is repeated before advancing to the next, as often as the singer desires and in proportion to the amount of reverence and awe with which he wishes to impress his hearer. There is usually a brief interval between each of the phrases, and a longer one at the appearance of a vertical line, denoting a rest, or pause. One song may occupy, therefore, from fifteen minutes to half an hour.

Ki-ne´-na-wi´-´in mani´-i-dō´-ye-win.
I rock you, you that are a spirit.
[A midē’s head, the lines denoting voice or speech--i.e., singing
of sacred things, as the loops or circles at the ends of each line
indicate.]

Kí-zhĭk-ki-wĭn´-da-mūn´.
The sky I tell you.
[The otter skin medicine sack, and arm reaching to procure something
therefrom.]

O-we-nen´; hwīn´.
Who is it, who?
[The mī´gis shell; the sacred emblem of the Midē´wiwin.]

Wi´-dzhĭ-i-nan´.
The man helping me.
[A man walking, the Midē´ Man´idō or Sacred Spirit.]

Nu-waⁿ´-ni-ma´na nin-guĭs´?
Have I told the truth to my son?
[The bear going to the Midē´wigan, and takes with him life to the
Ani´shinâ´bēg.]

Rest.

Ni´-nīn-dē´, ĕ´, ō´, ya´.
My heart, I am there (in the fullness of my heart).
[My heart; knows all Midē´ secrets, sensible one.]

A´-ni-na´-nĕsh-mi´-ĭ-an ni´-na´-wĭ-tō´.
I follow with my arms.
[Arms extended to take up “medicine” or Midē´ secrets.]

Man´-i-dō´-wi-an´ nĭ-me´-shine´-mi´-an.
Knowledge comes from the heart, the heart reaches to sources of
“medicine” in the earth.
[A Midē´ whose heart’s desires and knowledge extend to the
secrets of the earth. The lines diverging toward the earth
denote direction.]

We´-gi-kwō´ Kĕ-mī´-nĭ-nan´? From whence comes the rain?
[The power of making a clear sky, i.e., weather.]

Mi-shŏk´ kwōt´, dzhe-man´-i-dō´-yan.
The sky, nevertheless, may be clear, Good Spirit.
[Giving life to the sick; Dzhe Man´idō handing it to the Midē´.]

Wi´-ka-ka-nŭn´-ĕ-nan.
Very seldom I make this request of you.
[The Good Spirit filling the body of the supplicant with knowledge
of secrets of the earth.]

In the following song (Pl. IX, B), the singer relates to the candidate the gratitude which he experiences for the favors derived from the Good Spirit; he has been blessed with knowledge of plants and other sacred objects taken from the ground, which knowledge has been derived by his having himself become a member of the Midē´wiwin, and hence urges upon the candidate the great need of his also continuing in the course which he has thus far pursued.

Na-witsh´-tshi na-kŭm´-i-en a-na´-pi-aⁿ´?
When I am out of hearing, where am I?
[The lines extending from the ears denote hearing; the arms directed
toward the right and left, being the gesture of negation, usually
made by throwing the hands outward and away from the front of the
body.]

We´-nen-ne´ en´-da-yan.
In my house, I see.
[Sight is indicated by the lines extending from the eyes; the horns
denote superiority of the singer.]

Mo-kī´-yan-na´-a-witsh´-i-gūm´-mi.
When I rise it gives me life, and I take it.
[The arm reaches into the sky to receive the gifts which are handed
down by the Good Spirit. The short transverse line across the
forearm indicates the arch of the sky, this line being an
abbreviation of the curve usually employed to designate the same
idea.]

Wen´-dzhi-ba´-pi-aⁿ´.
The reason why I am happy.
[Asking the Spirit for life, which is granted. The singer’s body is
filled with the heart enlarged, i.e., fullness of heart, the lines
from the mouth denoting abundance of voice or grateful utterances--
singing.]

Rest.

Zha´-zha-bui´-ki-bi-nan´ wig´-ĕ-wâm´.
The Spirit says there is plenty of “medicine” in the Midē´ wig´iwam.
[Two superior spirits, Ki´tshi Man´idō and Dzhe Man´idō, whose
bodies are surrounded by “lines of sacredness,” tell the Midē´ where
the mysterious remedies are to be found. The vertical waving lines
are the lines indicating these communications; the horizontal line,
at the bottom, is the earth’s surface.].

Ya-hō´-hon-ni´-yŏ.
The Spirit placed medicine in the ground, let us take it.
[The arm of Ki´tshi Man´idō put into the ground sacred plants, etc.,
indicated by the spots at different horizons in the earth. The short
vertical and waving lines denote sacredness of the objects.]

Ní-wo´-we-nī´-nan ki´-bi-do-naⁿ´.
I am holding this that I bring to you.
[The singer sits in the Midē´wiwin, and offers the privilege of
entrance, by initiation, to the hearer.]

Midē´ nĭ-ka´-năk kish´-o-wĕ´-ni-mĭ-ko´.
I have found favor in the eyes of my midē´ friends.
[The Good Spirit has put life into the body of the singer, as
indicated by the two mysterious arms reaching towards his body,
i.e., the heart, the seat of life.]

In the following song (Pl. IX, C), the preceptor appears to feel satisfied that the candidate is prepared to receive the initiation, and therefore tells him that the Midē´ Man´idō announces to him the assurance. The preceptor therefore encourages his pupil with promises of the fulfillment of his highest desires.

Ba´-dzhĭ-ke´-o gi´-mand ma-bis´-in-dâ´-ă.
I hear the spirit speaking to us.
[The Midē´ singer is of superior power, as designated by the horns
and apex upon his head. The lines from the ears indicate hearing.]

Kwa-yăk´-in dī´-sha in-dâ´-yaⁿ.
I am going into the medicine lodge.
[The Midē´wigân is shown with a line through it to signify that he
is going through it, as in the initiation.]

Kwe´-tshĭ-ko-wa´-ya ti´-na-man.
I am taking (gathering) medicine to make me live.
[The discs indicate sacred objects within reach of the speaker.]

O´-wi-yo´-in en´-do-ma mâk´-kwin-ĕn´-do-ma´.
I give you medicine, and a lodge, also.
[The Midē´, as the personator of Makwa´ Man´idō, is empowered to
offer this privilege to the candidate.]

O-wē´-nĕn bĕ-mī´-sĕt.
I am flying into my lodge.
[Represents the Thunder-Bird, a deity flying into the arch of the
sky. The short lines denote the (so-called spirit lines) abode of
spirits or Man´idōs.]

Na-nī-ne kwe-wē´-an.
The Spirit has dropped medicine from the sky where we can get it.
[The line from the sky, diverging to various points, indicates that
the sacred objects occur in scattered places.]

Hē´-wōg, ē´, ē´.
I have the medicine in my heart.
[The singer’s body--i.e., heart--is filled with knowledge relating
to sacred medicines from the earth.]

MIDĒ´ THERAPEUTICS.

During the period of time in which the candidate is instructed in the foregoing traditions, myths, and songs the subject of Midē´ plants is also discussed. The information pertaining to the identification and preparation of the various vegetable substances is not imparted in regular order, only one plant or preparation, or perhaps two, being enlarged upon at a specified consultation. It may be that the candidate is taken into the woods where it is known that a specified plant or tree may be found, when a smoke offering is made before the object is pulled out of the soil, and a small pinch of tobacco put into the hole in the ground from which it was taken. This is an offering to Noko´mis--the earth, the grandmother of mankind--for the benefits which are derived from her body where they were placed by Ki´tshi Man´idō.

In the following list are presented, as far as practicable, the botanical and common names of these, there being a few instances in which the plants were not to be had, as they were foreign to that portion of Minnesota in which the investigations were made; a few of them, also, were not identified by the preceptors, as they were out of season.

It is interesting to note in this list the number of infusions and decoctions which are, from a medical and scientific standpoint, specific remedies for the complaints for which they are recommended. It is probable that the long continued intercourse between the Ojibwa and the Catholic Fathers, who were tolerably well versed in the ruder forms of medication, had much to do with improving an older and purely aboriginal form of practicing medical magic. In some of the remedies mentioned below there may appear to be philosophic reasons for their administration, but upon closer investigation it has been learned that the cure is not attributed to a regulation or restoration of functional derangement, but to the removal or even expulsion of malevolent beings--commonly designated as bad Man´idōs--supposed to have taken possession of that part of the body in which such derangement appears most conspicuous. Further reference to the mythic properties of some of the plants employed will be made at the proper time.

Although the word Mashki kiwa´buⁿ--medicine broth--signifies liquid medical preparations, the term is usually employed in a general sense to pertain to the entire materia medica; and in addition to the alleged medicinal virtues extolled by the preceptors, certain parts of the trees and plants enumerated are eaten on account of some mythic reason, or employed in the construction or manufacture of habitations, utensils, and weapons, because of some supposed supernatural origin or property, an explanation of which they have forgotten.

_Pinus strobus_, L. White Pine. Zhingwâk´.

1. The leaves are crushed and applied to relieve headache; also
boiled; after which they are put into a small hole in the ground
and hot stones placed therein to cause a vapor to ascend, which
is inhaled to cure backache.

The fumes of the leaves heated upon a stone or a hot iron pan are
inhaled to cure headache.

2. Gum; chiefly used to cover seams of birch-bark canoes. The gum is
obtained by cutting a circular band of bark from the trunk, upon
which it is then scraped and boiled down to proper consistence.
The boiling was formerly done in clay vessels.

_Pinus resinosa_, Ait. Red Pine; usually, though erroneously, termed
Norway Pine. Pŏkgwĕ´nagē´mŏk.

Used as the preceding.

_Abies balsamea_, Marshall. Balsam Fir. Ini´nandŏk.

1. The bark is scraped from the trunk and a decoction thereof is
used to induce diaphoresis.

2. The gum, which is obtained from the vesicles upon the bark, and
also by skimming it from the surface of the water in which the
crushed bark is boiled, is carried in small vessels and taken
internally as a remedy for gonorrhoea and for soreness of the
chest resulting from colds.

3. Applied externally to sores and cuts.

_Abies alba_, Michx. White Spruce. Sĕ´ssēgân´dŏk. The split
roots--wadŏb´-are used for sewing; the wood for the inside timbers
of canoes.

_Abies nigra_, Poir. Black Spruce. A´mikwan´dŏk.

1. The leaves and crushed bark are used to make a decoction, and
sometimes taken as a substitute in the absence of pines.

2. Wood used in manufacture of spear handles.

_Abies Canadensis_, Michx. Hemlock. Saga´īⁿwuⁿsh-- “Raven Tree.”

Outer bark powdered and crushed and taken internally for the cure of
diarrhea. Usually mixed with other plants not named.

_Larix Americana_, Michx. Tamarack. Mŏsh´kīkiwa´dik.

1. Crushed leaves and bark used as Pinus strobus.

2. Gum used in mending boats.

3. Bark used for covering wig´iwams.

_Cupressus thyoides_, L. White Cedar. Gi´zhĭk-- “Day.”

1. Leaves crushed and used as Pinus strobus. The greater the variety
of leaves of coniferæ the better. The spines of the leaves exert
their prickly influence through the vapor upon the demons
possessing the patient’s body.

2. The timber in various forms is used in the construction of canoe
and lodge frames, the bark being frequently employed in roofing
habitations.

_Juniperus Virginiana_, L. Red Cedar. Muskwa´wâ´ak.

Bruised leaves and berries are used internally to remove headache.

_Quercus alba_, L. White Oak. Mītig´ōmish´.

1. The bark of the root and the inner bark scraped from the trunk is
boiled and the decoction used internally for diarrhea.

2. Acorns eaten raw by children, and boiled or dried by adults.

_Quercus rubra_, L. Red Oak. Wisug´emītig´omish´-- “Bitter Acorn
Tree.”

Has been used as a substitute for Q. alba.

_Acer saccharinum_, Wang. Sugar Maple. Innīnâ´tik.

1. Decoction of the inner bark is used for diarrhea.

2. The sap boiled in making sirup and sugar.

3. The wood valued for making arrow shafts.

_Acer nigrum_, Michx. Black Sugar Maple. Ishig´omeaush´--
“Sap-flows-fast.”

Arbor liquore abundans, ex quo liquor tanquam urina vehementer
projicitur.

Sometimes used as the preceding.

_Betula excelsa_, Ait. Yellow Birch. Wi´umis´sik.

The inner bark is scraped off, mixed with that of the Acer
saccharinum, and the decoction taken as a diuretic.

_Betula papyracea_, Ait. White Birch. Mīgwas´.

Highly esteemed, and employed for making records, canoes,
syrup-pans, mōkoks´--or sugar boxes--etc. The record of the
Midē´wiwin, given by Minabō´zho, was drawn upon this kind of bark.

_Populus monilifera_, Ait. Cottonwood. Mâ´nâsâ´ti.

The cotton down is applied to open sores as an absorbent.

_Populus balsamifera_, L. Balsam Poplar. Asa´dĭ.

1. The bark is peeled from the branches and the gum collected and
eaten.

2. Poles are used in building ordinary shelter lodges, and
particularly for the Midē´wigân.

_Juglans nigra_, L. Black Walnut. Paga´nŏk-- “Nut wood.”

Walnuts are highly prized; the green rind of the unripe fruit is
sometimes employed in staining or dyeing.

_Smilacina racemosa_, Desf. False Spikenard. Kinē´wigwŏshk-- “Snake
weed or Snake Vine.”

1. Warm decoction of leaves used by lying-in women.

2. The roots are placed upon a red-hot stone, the patient, with a
blanket thrown over his head, inhaling the fumes, to relieve
headache.

3. Fresh leaves are crushed and applied to cuts to stop bleeding.

_Helianthus occidentalis_, Riddell. Sunflower. Pŭkite´wŭkbŏkuⁿs´.

The crushed root is applied to bruises and contusions.

_Polygala senega_, L. Seneca Snakeroot. Winis´sikēⁿs´.

1. A decoction of the roots is used for colds and cough.

2. An infusion of the leaves is given for sore throat; also to
destroy water-bugs that have been swallowed.

_Rubus occidentalis_, L. Black Raspberry. Makadē´wĭskwi´minŏk--
“Black Blood Berry.”

A decoction made of the crushed roots is taken to relieve pains in
the stomach.

_Rubus strigosus_, Michx. Wild Red Raspberry. Miskwi´minŏk´-- “Blood
Berry.”

The roots are sometimes used as a substitute for the preceding.

_Gaylussacia resinosa_, Torr. and Gr. Huckleberry. Mī´nŭn.

Forms one of the chief articles of trade during the summer. The
berry occupies a conspicuous place in the myth of the “Road of
the Dead,” referred to in connection with the “Ghost Society.”

_Prunus Virginiana_, L. Choke Cherry. Sisaⁿ´wewi´nakâⁿsh´.

1. The branchlets are used for making an ordinary drink; used also
during gestation.

2. The fruit is eaten.

_Prunus serotina_, Ehrhart. Wild Black Cherry. Okwē´wĭsh-- “Scabby
Bark.”

1. The inner bark is applied to external sores, either by first
boiling, bruising, or chewing it.

2. An infusion of the inner bark is sometimes given to relieve pains
and soreness of the chest.

_Prunus Pennsylvanica_, L. Wild Red Cherry. Kusigwa´kumi´nŏk.

1. A decoction of the crushed root is given for pains and other
stomach disorders.

2. Fruit is eaten and highly prized.

3. This, believed to be synonymous with the June Cherry of
Minnesota, is referred to in the myths and ceremonies of the
“Ghost Society.”

_Prunus Americana_, Marsh. Wild Plum. Bogē´sanŏk.

The small rootlets, and the bark of the larger ones, are crushed and
boiled together with the roots of the following named plants, as a
remedy for diarrhea. The remaining plants were not in bloom at the
time during which the investigations were made, and therefore were
not identified by the preceptors, they being enabled to furnish
only the names and an imperfect description. They are as follows,
viz: Minēⁿ´sŏk, two species, one with red berries, the other with
yellow ones; Wabō´saminī´sŏk-- “Rabbit berries”; Shi´gwanau´isŏk,
having small red berries; and Cratægus coccinea,
L. Scarlet-fruited Thorn. O´ginīk.

_Typha latifolia_, L. Common Cat-tail. Napŏgŭshk-- “Flat grass.”

The roots are crushed by pounding or chewing, and applied as a
poultice to sores.

_Sporobolus heterolepis_ Gr. Napŏ´gŭshkūⁿs´-- “Little Flat Grass.”

1. Used sometimes as a substitute for the preceding.

2. Roots are boiled and the decoction taken to induce emesis, “to
remove bile.”

_Fragaria vesca_, L. Wild Strawberry. Odē īmĭn´nĕ-- Heart Berry.

Referred to in the ceremony of the “Ghost Society.”

The fruit is highly valued as a luxury.

_Acer Pennsylvanicum_, L. Striped Maple. Mōⁿ´zomĭsh´-- “Moose Wood.”
The inner bark scraped from four sticks or branches, each two feet
long, is put into a cloth and boiled, the liquid which can
subsequently be pressed out of the bag is swallowed, to act as
an emetic.

_Fraxinus sambucifolia_, Lam. Black or Water Ash. A´gimak´.

1. The inner bark is soaked in warm water, and the liquid applied to
sore eyes.

2. The wood is employed in making the rims for frames of snow-shoes.

_Veronica Virginica_, L. Culver’s Root. Wi´sŏgedzhi´wik-- “Bitter
Root.”

A decoction of the crushed root is taken as a purgative.

_Salix Candida_, Willd. Hoary Willow. Sisi´gewe´mĭsh.

The thick inner bark of the roots is scraped off, boiled, and the
decoction taken for cough.

_Symphoricarpus vulgaris_, Michx. Indian Currant. Gus´sigwaka´mĭsh.

The inner bark of the root boiled and the decoction, when cold,
applied to sore eyes.

_Geum strictum_, Ait. Aven. Ne´bone´ankwe´âk-- “Hair on one side.”

The roots are boiled and a weak decoction taken internally for
soreness in the chest, and cough.

_Rumex crispus_, L. Curled Dock. O´zabetshi´wĭk.

The roots are bruised or crushed and applied to abrasions, sores,
etc.

_Amorpha canescens_, Nutt. Lead Plant. We´abŏnag´kak-- “That which
turns white.”

A decoction, made of the roots, is used for pains in the stomach.
_Rosa blanda_, Ait. Early Wild Rose. O´ginīk.

A piece of root placed in lukewarm water, after which the liquid is
applied to inflamed eyes.

_Anemone_ (_sp.?_) Anemone. Wisŏg´ibŏk´; also called Hartshorn plant
by the mixed-bloods of Minnesota.

The dry leaves are powdered and used as an errhine, for the cure of
headache.

(_Gen. et sp. ?_) Termed Kine´bĭk waⁿsh´koⁿs and “Snake weed.”

This plant was unfortunately so injured in transportation that
identification was impossible. Ball-players and hunters use it
to give them endurance and speed; the root is chewed when
necessary to possess these qualities. The root is likened to a
snake, which is supposed to be swift in motion and possessed of
extraordinary muscular strength.

_Rhus_ (_aromatica_, Ait. ?) “White Sumac.” Bŏkkwan´ībŏk.

Roots are boiled, with those of the following named plant, and the
decoction taken to cure diarrhea.

(_Gen. et sp. ?_) Ki´tshiodēiminibŏk-- “Big Heart Leaf.”

Roots boiled, with preceding, and decoction taken for diarrhea.

_Monarda fistulosa_, L. Wild Bergamot. Moshkōs´waⁿowiⁿs´-- “Little
Elk’s Tail.”

The root is used by making a decoction and drinking several
swallows, at intervals, for pain in the stomach and intestines.

_Hydrophyllum Virginicum_, L. Waterleaf. Huⁿkite´wagūŭs´.

The roots are boiled, the liquor then taken for pains in the chest,
back, etc.

_Anemone Pennsylvanicum_, L. Pennsylvania Anemone.
Pesī´kwadzhi´bwiko´kŏk.

A decoction of the roots is used for pains in the lumbar region.

_Viola_ (_Canadensis_, L.?). Canada Violet. Maskwī´widzhī´wiko´kŏk.

The decoction made of the roots is used for pains in the region of
the bladder.

_Phryma leptostachya_, L. Lopseed. Waia´bishkĕno´kŏk.

The roots are boiled and the decoction taken for rheumatic pains in
the legs.

_Viola pubescens_, Ait. Downy Yellow Violet, Ogitē´waguⁿs.

A decoction is made of the roots, of which small doses are taken at
intervals for sore throat.

_Rosa_ (_lucida_, Ehrhart?). Dwarf Wild Rose. Oginī´minagaⁿ´mŏs.

The roots of young plants are steeped in hot water and the liquid
applied to sore eyes.

(_Gen. et sp. ?_) Mŏ´zânâ´tĭk.

This plant could not be identified at the locality and time at
which investigations were conducted. The root is boiled and the
decoction taken as a diuretic for difficult micturition.

_Actæa rubra_, Michx. Red Baneberry. Odzī´bĭkĕⁿs´-- “Little Root.”

A decoction of the root, which has a sweet taste, is used for
stomachic pains caused by having swallowed hair (mythic). Used
also in conjunction with Ginseng.

This plant, according to some peculiarities, is considered the male
plant at certain seasons of the year, and is given only to men and
boys, while the same plant at other seasons, because of size,
color of fruit, or something else, is termed the female, and is
prepared for women and girls in the following manner, viz: The
roots are rolled in basswood leaves and baked, when they become
black; an infusion is then prepared, and used in a similar manner
as above.

The latter is called Wash´kubĭdzhi´bikakŏk´.

_Botrychium Virginicum_, Swartz. Moonwort. Ozaga´tigŭm.

The root is bruised and applied to cuts.

_Aralia trifolia_, Gr. Dwarf Ginseng. Nesō´wakŏk-- “Three Leafed.”

The roots are chewed and the mass applied to cuts to arrest
hemorrhage.

_Echinospermum lappula_, Lehm. Stickweed. Ozaga´tĭgomĕⁿs-- “Burr
Bush.”

The roots are placed in a hole in the ground upon hot stones, to
cause the fumes to rise, when the patient puts down his face and
has a cloth or blanket thrown over his head. The fumes are inhaled
for headache. The raw roots are also sniffed at for the same
purpose.

It is affirmed by various members of the Midē´ Society that in former times much of the information relating to some of these plants was not imparted to a candidate for initiation into the first degree, but was reserved for succeeding degrees, to induce a Midē´ of the first degree to endeavor to attain higher distinction and further advancement in the mysteries of the order. As much knowledge is believed to have been lost through the reticence and obstinacy of former chief priests, the so-called higher secrets are now imparted at the first and second degree preparatory instructions. The third and fourth degrees are very rarely conferred, chiefly because the necessary presents and fees are beyond the reach of those who so desire advancement, and partly also because the missionaries, and in many instances the Indian agents, have done their utmost to suppress the ceremonies, because they were a direct opposition and hindrance to progress in Christianizing influences.

When the preparatory instruction has come to an end and the day of the ceremony of initiation is at hand, the preceptor sings to his pupil a song, expatiating upon his own efforts and the high virtue of the knowledge imparted. The pipe is brought forward and an offering of tobacco smoke made by both preceptor and pupil, after which the former sings a song (Pl. X, A.), the time of its utterance being tediously prolonged. The mnemonic characters were drawn by Sikas´sigĕ, and are a copy of an old birch-bark scroll which has for many years been in his possession, and which was made in imitation of one in the possession of his father, Baiē´dzĭk, one of the leading Midē´ at Mille Lacs, Minnesota.

Wī-ka-no´-shi-aⁿ-ŏ.
My arm is almost pulled out from digging medicine. It is full of
medicine.
[The short zigzag lines signifying magic influence, erroneously
designated “medicine.”]

We-wī´-ka-ni´-an.
Almost crying because the medicine is lost.
[The lines extending downward from the eye signifies weeping;
the circle beneath the figure is the place where the “medicine”
is supposed to exist. The idea of “lost” signifies that some
information has been forgotton through death of those who possessed
it.]

Me-shi´-âk-kĭnk mi-sui´-a-kĭnk.
Yes, there is much medicine you may cry for.
[Refers to that which is yet to be learned of.]

Pe-i´-e-mĭ-ko-ya´-na-kĭnk´.
Yes, I see there is plenty of it.
[The Midē´ has knowledge of more than he has imparted, but reserves
that knowledge for a future time. The lines of “sight” run to
various medicines which he perceives or knows of.]

Rest.

We´-a-kwĕ´-nĭnk pe-ĭ-e´-mi-wĭt´-o-wan´.
When I come out the sky becomes clear.
[When the otter-skin Midē´ sack is produced the sky becomes clear,
so that the ceremonies may proceed.]

We´-kwĕ-nĭnk´ ke´-tŏ-nĭnk´ e´-to-wa´.
The spirit has given me power to see.
[The Midē´ sits on a mountain the better to commune with the Good
Spirit.]

Mi´-sha-kwat´-ni-yō´.
I brought the medicine to bring life.
[The Midē´ Man´idō, the Thunderer, after bringing some of the
plants--by causing the rains to fall--returns to the sky. The short
line represents part of the circular line usually employed to
designate the imaginary vault of the sky.]

Me´-ka-yē´-nĭnk te´-a-yĕ-am´-ban.
I, too, see how much there is.
[His power elevates the Midē´ to the rank of a man´idō, from which
point he perceives many secrets hidden in the earth.]

In-de´-be-mĭ´-ko.
I am going to the medicine lodge.
[The vertical left-hand figure denotes a leg going toward the
Midē´wigân.]

In-de´-bi-bi´-toⁿ.
I take life from the sky.
[The Midē´ is enabled to reach into the sky and to obtain from
Ki´tshi Man´idō the means of prolonging life. The circle at the
top denotes the sacred mī´gis, or shell.]

No-a´-wi´-mi-kō´.
Let us talk to one another.
[The circles denote the places of the speaker (Midē´) and the hearer
(Ki´tshi Man´idō), the short lines signifying magic influences, the
Midē´ occupying the left hand and smaller seat.]

Man´-i-dō-ye-na´-ni ni-kan´.
The spirit is in my body, my friend.
[The mī´gis, given by Ki´tshi Man´idō, is in contact with the
Midē´’s body, and he is possessed of life and power.]