Chapter XLIII: , pp. 115a-c, have I long hesitated to attribute (2)

[126] _Vita_, pp. 122_b_, _c_, 123_a_. I have preserved the descriptive account of Catherine’s prayer and of its effect, although it may possibly be but a later dramatized interpretation of the undoubtedly authentic report of her declaration made to Vernazza.--The immediate cause of Giuliano’s pain and impatience is given by _Vita_, p. 122_b_, as “una gran passione d’urina”; Vallebona, p. 73, declares the malady to have been a “cestite cronica” (tape-worm). I have omitted a short dialogue which is given, after her remark to Vernazza, as having occurred between her friends and herself, concerning her liberation from much oppression, and her own indifference to all except the will of God, because her answer is given in _oratio obliqua_, and is quite colourless and general; the passage is doubtless of no historical value: there never lived a less conventional, vapidly moralizing soul than hers.

[127] I work from careful copies specially made for me direct from the originals, by Dre. Augusto Ferretto, of the Archivio di Stato in Genoa.

[128] _Inaugurazione_, pp. 12, 13.

[129] I work again from a copy made by Dre. Ferretto from the original in the Archivio di Stato, Genoa.

[130] Marabotto’s help in business matters cannot, on any large scale, have begun till considerably later than his spiritual help. For whereas her Codicil of 1503 nowhere mentions Marabotto, her Will of 1506 leaves him, as we shall see, a little legacy; her Will of 1509 protects him against all harassing inquisition into the details of his administration of her affairs; and her Codicil of 1510 mentions only him and Don Carenzio. And it is incredible that business help should have been given throughout four years, and should have failed to gain any recognition in a document which commemorates so many lesser services. Marabotto was Rector in 1504 (I owe this date to the kindness of the Rev. Padre Vincenzo Celesia, author of the MS. _Storia dell’ Ospedale di Pammatone in Genova_, 1897); he was no more Rector in September 1509, but Don Jacobo Carenzio then held this post (Catherine’s Codicil of that date). Indeed already in March 1509 Marabotto seems not to have been Rector (Catherine’s Will of that date mentions him repeatedly, but nowhere as Rector). I take the Offices of _Rettore_ (Master), and of _Rettora_ (Matron), to have never been exercised simultaneously: but that, at any one time, there was always only a Rettore or a Rettora presiding over the whole Hospital. The Office of Rettora was abolished altogether in 1730 (_Storia dell’ Ospedale_, p. 1135).

[131] _Vita_, p. 117_b_.

[132] The Appendix will show that the “Religioso,” the “dolce figliuolo,” of pp. 94, 95, and the “Religioso, figliuolo,” of pp. 98, 99, must be Ettore Vernazza, and not Cattaneo Marabotto.

[133] I take all these facts from F. Federici’s careful MS. work, _Famiglie Nobili di Genova_, _sub verbo_ Marabotto.

[134] _Vita_, p. 118, _a_, _b_. The first of these two passages is followed, in the same section, by two other slightly different accounts. The third of these is no doubt authentic, but refers to a still later period: it shall be given in its proper place. These two authentic accounts are (as is often the case in the _Vita_) joined together by a vague and yet absolute, unauthentic account, which declares that she told him all things (apparently on all occasions): a statement untrue of any time in her life.

[135] _Vita_, pp. 117_c_, 118_a_.

[136] _Vita_, p. 94_c_. The three lines which follow in the printed _Vita_ are wanting in MS. “A” of 1547, p. 235, and are a disfiguring gloss of R 2.

[137] _Vita_, pp. 94, 95.

[138] _Vita_, p. 97_b_; 250, _a_, _b_.

[139] Angel, 50_b_; Cherub, 16_a_, 97_b_; Seraph, 130_b_.

[140] _Vita_, pp. 47_b_, 50_a_, 72_b_.

[141] _Ibid._ p. 115_b_.

[142] _Ibid._ p. 115_b_. There are three passages in the _Vita_ referring to cases of possession. (_a_) Page 39_b_ makes Catherine, in finishing up a discourse as to Evil being essentially but a Privation of Love, refer to a “Religioso” and to a “Spiritato,” and how the latter, “costretto” by the former to tell him what he was, “answered with great force: ‘I am that unhappy wretch bereft of love.’ And he (the evil spirit) said so with a voice so piteous and penetrating, that it moved me (Catherine) through and through with compassion.” The Possessed One is here a man. In MS “A” (p. 92) the story is still quite loosely co-ordinated with her speech; it was originally no doubt an independent anecdote; and was, possibly after a good many intermediary literary fixations, introduced into this place and connection by R 1 or R 2. (_b_) Page 115_a_, _b_, gives the story reproduced in the text above. The Possessed One is here a woman; and here the entire passage formally claims directly to reproduce an actual scene from Catherine’s life. (_c_) Page 162_a_ gives an anecdote of a “figliuola spirituale” of Catherine, who had “il demonio adosso”; and tells how, at the time of her Mistress’s death, the “spirito” within her, “costretto,” declared that he had seen Catherine unite herself with God,--and all this with “tormento,” so that “pareva a sè intollerabile.” This passage clearly refers to the same person as that of passage _b_.

As to the historicity of the event described in the text, we must distinguish between the general fact of Catherine’s moral and psychic ascendency over Mariola, a fact as entirely beyond dispute as it is valuable and characteristic; and the occurrence of the scene as given above. As to the latter, the question of its value is of course distinct from that of its occurrence. Its supposed evidential worth is _nil_, since Mariola had been intimate with and devoted to Catherine for probably a good ten years at least. But the scene may nevertheless have actually occurred. It is true that the partly parallel case of the “Spiritato” shows how easily such a dramatization of doctrine or transference of experience can occur. And Denys the Areopagite and Jacopone da Todi are full of this comparison of the soul arrived at a state of union to an Angel, Cherub or Seraph; and these writers have greatly influenced not only Catherine’s authentic teaching, but also the successive amplifications and modifications of her life and sayings. And again we shall prove that certain legendary matters were inserted in the _Vita_ at a late date--between 1545 and 1551. But these passages all claim to be based upon evidence supplied by Argentina del Sale; and they were evidently not accepted by Marabotto (1528); the literary form of these legends differs much from that of our passage; and if the former are still absent from MSS. “A” and “B,” the latter is already present in both. And we have such entirely first-hand proof for the curiously naïf, formal, exteriorizing character of Marabotto’s mind, as to leave it always possible that he did bring about a little scene of the sort here described. If so, Marabotto’s rôle in it will have been prompted, in part, by a wish still further to increase Catherine’s hold upon Mariola’s mind.

[143] _Vita_, p. 112_a_.

[144] _Vita_, p. 72_b_.

[145] _Ibid._ p. 113_b_. I take these two motives alone to have operated throughout such actions of hers during this last period. The additional motive attributed to her (_Ibid._ pp. 129_c_, 130_a_, and 134_a_), where she is represented as applying a lighted candle or live coal to her bare arm, for the purpose of testing whether her interior spiritual fire or this exterior material one is the greater, is entirely unlike Catherine’s spirit. It belongs to the demonstrably legendary and disfiguring interpretations which shall be studied further on. The sentence on p. 134_a_, in which she herself is made to declare this motive, is most certainly a worthless gloss.

[146] _Vita_, p. 127_a_.

[147] It is remarkable how tough-lived has been the legend which makes Vernazza have an only child. Not only Father Sticken (_Acta Sanctorum_, September, Vol. V, pp. 123-195) has it in 1752, but even Vallebona, in his _Perla dei Fieschi_, still repeats it in 1887. And yet the _Inaugurazione_ pamphlet had appeared in Genoa in 1867, giving on pp. 13, 14, 72, 73 the fullest proofs as to the reality of these two other children.

[148] _Vita_, p. 123_b_.

[149] I get the date of 1502 for those three deaths from Angelo L. Giovo’s MS. _Vita_ of the Saint in the _Biblioteca della Missione Urbana_ (Part I, ch. iii). All three names are prominent in the Will of 1498; in the Codicil of 1503, Jacobo and Giovanni are both styled “the late,” and her brother Lorenzo has become the sole residuary legatee. Limbania appears nowhere after the Will of 1498.

[150] _Atti della Società Ligure di Storia Patria_, Genova, 1868, p. 411 (with plate). The article is dated 1871.

[151] _Vita_, pp. 124_b_-126. I get Argentina’s maiden name from a Will of hers of the year 1522, of which a copy exists in the MS. volume _Documenti relativi a S. Caterina da Genova_, in the Genoa University Library, B. VII, 31. I have taken Argentina to have previously known, perhaps even to have served, Catherine, because of her surprise at Marco’s ignorance as to the identity of his visitor; and I have treated such possible service as but slight, because in Giuliano’s Will of 1494 and in Catherine’s Will and Codicil of 1498 and 1503, legacies are left to the two maids Benedetta and Mariola, but not a word appears as yet as to Argentina. The date as to the year I derive from the following facts:--(1) Catherine, as soon as Marco is buried, carries out her promise to him, and receives Argentina into her house: so the _Vita_, pp. 126_c_, 125_c_. (2) Whereas in the Codicil of 1503 there is still no trace of Argentina, in the Will of 1506 she appears, and receives legacies of personal linen, etc. These gifts are somewhat increased in the Will of 1509. Argentina has evidently not been long in Catherine’s service at the time of the drawing up of the Will of 1506. (3) The Protonotary Angelo L. Giovo (MS. _Vita_ of the Saint of the _Biblioteca della Missione Urbana_ Part I, ch. iii) puts down the date of Marco’s death as 1495. Although this is evidently wrong, I think it wise to keep at least one of his numbers, which I do by fixing upon 1505.

[152] _Documenti su S. Caterina da Genova_, University of Genoa Library, gives a note by Angelo L. Giovo, based on the Book of the Acts of the Protectors of the Hospital: “1506, Marzo, 16mo. Si vede che detta Catarinetta Adorna haveva cura dell’ Hospitale, ricevendo li figli esposti e li pegni per essi.”

[153] From Dre. Ferretto’s copy of the original in the Archivio di Stato.

[154] The clause in this Will which says, “And Testatrix, knowing that the said Giuliano her husband, left to a certain female Religious £150: Therefore she herewith annuls the said legacy, in virtue of the power given her for this purpose,” reads, at first sight, like a harsh, unjust act. But it follows upon a similar annulation of the legacy to the Hospital; and we may be quite sure that Catherine, who had now loved and served this Institution for thirty-three years, would not treat it unjustly. And in the Will of 1509 Catherine explains that the former legacy has been annulled, “in consideration of the satisfaction or settlement (_solutio_) already effected by Testatrix herself with regard to the said legacy.”

[155] _Documenti_: extracts by Giovo from “Acts of the Protectors.”

[156] From Dre. Ferretto’s copy of the original in the Archivio di Stato, Genoa.

[157] From Dre. Ferretto’s careful copy of the original in the Archivio di Stato, Genoa.

[158] In the printed _Vita_ a passage occurs on p. 10_b_, describing the interior heat which accompanied her great fasts (1476-1499). But the passage is wanting in the MSS., and is no doubt only a gloss to explain how, at those times, she came to drink water mixed with vinegar.

[159] “Operazione”: _Vita_, pp. 106_c_, 117_b_, 121_b_, 143_b_, 148_b_, 149_c_. “Assalto”: pp. 138_b_, _c_ (3); 139_a_; 143, _b_, _c_ (3); 144_a_ (2); 148_a_. “Assedio”: p. 118_b_. “Saetta”: pp. 141_a_, 145_a_. “Ferita”: p. 141_a_, _c_ (2). “Raggio”: pp. 133_b_, 157_c_. “Scintilla”: pp. 132_a_, 148_b_. The “ferita” occurs already (as a “dolce ferita”) in the account of her Conversion, pp. 4, 5; and “saetta,” “ferita,” “raggio” and “scintilla,” appear very often in her own sayings.

[160] The passage in _Vita_, p. 10_b_, which declares that she “felt” (tasted) something sweet within her, upon drinking that salt and sour water during her long fasts, is wanting in the MSS., and is itself an interesting attempt to materialize her saying, on p. 11_b_, as to the “other thing” (_i.e._ the love of God), that she was “feeling” (tasting) within herself.

[161] _Vita_, p. 8_a_.

[162] _Ibid._ p. 9_b_. The present conclusion of the sentence, and all the parallels throughout the rest of the page, show plainly that the sentence originally read as I have given it.

[163] _Vita_, p. 9_b_.

[164] _Ibid._ p. 16_b_.

[165] _Ibid._ p. 5_b_.

[166] _Vita_, p. 98, _a_, _b_. This is the first of three incidents, given in chronological order, all referring to her desire for death, which make up Chapter XXXVIII of the printed _Vita_. The last two are, beyond all doubt, conversations with Vernazza; and this first incident is also probably transmitted to us by him.--I have in my translation left out the numerous glosses by which the various Redactors have desperately attempted to eviscerate this story, attempts based on the double conviction, that Catherine was already absolutely perfect, and that “every desire is imperfect” (p. 100_a_). These changes will be studied later on.

[167] _Vita_, pp. 118, _b_, _c_, 119_b_, 119_a_. This vivid and simple dialogue is followed (p. 119_b_) by a clearly secondary parallel discourse of Catherine. Only the descriptive end of this latter paragraph is no doubt authentic, and has been incorporated in the above translation.

[168] _Vita_, p. 127_a_.

[169] I translate the above from the oldest account of the event, given by MS. “A,” p. 193, at the opening of its Chapter XXIX (the number is accidentally omitted), which is headed: “How in the year 1506, on the 11th of November, there came upon her so great a burning in the heart, that she wondered at her not expiring.” This 1506, repeated in the opening line of the chapter itself, is an undoubted slip; for she is said to be 63 years old (and she was in her 63rd year in 1509), and the place occupied by the corresponding paragraph in the printed _Vita_, p. 133_b_ (within a year of her death, p. 132_b_, and some time before December 1509, p. 138_b_), again clearly marks the date as 1509.

[170] _Vita_, p. 132_a_, _b_. The first eight sentences have been in part fused by R 1 into fewer larger periods. The last sentence is wanting in MSS. “A”and “B”; although clearly formed upon the model and with the material of the previous sentences, it appears in the printed _Vita_ as referring to an “altra vista” (see p. 133_b_).

[171] _Vita_, p. 135_a_. I have, in Catherine’s speech, omitted a final clause, “which burns me entirely within and without,” because it is not necessary to the sense, and violates the rhythm, which is ever present in all Catherine’s authentic sayings.

[172] _Ibid._ pp. 135_c_, 136_a_. I have omitted two glosses introduced by “cioè,” “that is”; and three short amplifications, which introduce a direct conflict between the two parts. There is, within this particular picture and scene, no direct conflict, but, at first, a complete contrariety of aim.

[173] _Vita_, p. 136_c_. This is one out of four or five parallel sayings which are accumulated here. They shall be examined later on.

[174] _Vita_, pp. 98_c_, 99_a_; 99_b_, _c_. I have, in the first conversation, omitted the introductory attribution of her use of the word “giddiness” to humility; and, in the second, suppressed the conclusion which repeatedly declares that never again did any such desire arise within her. For both clauses have got a vague and secondary form, and the second is in direct contradiction with the facts.

[175] _Vita_, 138_c_.

[176] _Vita_, pp. 139_b_, 140_b_, _c_. I have omitted the evidently derivative, transcendentally reflective, second of the three paragraphs in which this story now appears; the explanatory glosses of the same tone as that paragraph; a redundant sentence in Catherine’s speech; and the evidently late and schematic designation of “assalto” for the entire incident, which is, surely, nothing of the sort.

[177] _Vita_, pp. 120_b_; 119_c_, 120_a_. The sequence and date assumed above I think to be, all things considered, the most likely among the possible alternatives. As to her remarks to Marabotto, they appear in the _Vita_ before his three days’ absence. But the interior evidence seems strongly in favour of my inversion of that (evidently, in any case, very loose and quite unemphasized) order.

[178] _Ibid._ pp. 141_c_, 143_c_.

[179] _Vita_, p. 141_c_.

[180] _Ibid._ 142_a_. MSS. “A” and “B” open out their chapter on her last illness with the statement that it was (only) four months before her death that she took to her bed. I take it that from the end of January 1510 onwards, she was often in bed, yet still sometimes out of it; but that from mid-May to the end she no more left it.

[181] _Ibid._ p. 142_b_, _c_. I have, in her prayer, omitted the first seven words of the present text: “(Già sono trentacinque anni in circa, che) giammai, Signor mio …” For she would hardly inform God of the approximate number of years of her convert life; the double “già” points to a gloss; and such a gloss would almost irresistibly find its way into this place, so as to mitigate the absoluteness of the statement.

[182] _Ibid._ p. 143_b_. I have omitted the words: “which (the right shoulder) appeared as though severed from the body; and similarly one rib seemed severed from the others …” They have precisely the same “colour,” and no doubt proceed from the same contributor, as the longer passage relative to her supposed stigmatization, absent from all the MSS., but given in the printed _Vita_ on the authority of Argentina.

[183] _Vita_, pp. 143_c_, 71_c_. The second passage, though occurring in an early chapter of the _Vita_, undoubtedly belongs to these final months and fits well into this particular day.

[184] _Ibid._ p. 144_a_. I have accepted this passage, because of its great vividness. But pp. 139_b_-145_b_ of the printed _Vita_ do not exist in the MSS.

[185] _Ibid._ p. 145_b_. On pp. 145_c_, 146_a_, she is said to have, during this time, seen many visions of Angels, to have laughed in their company, and to have herself recounted this after these occurrences. She is similarly declared to have seen Evil Spirits (_i Demoni_), but only with slight fear. And these passages occur also in the MSS.--But they stand so entirely outside of any context or attribution to any definite days; such general assertions prove, throughout the _Vita_, to be so little trustworthy; and they are such vague and colourless doubles of similar, but definitely dated and characterized, reports to be accepted in their place a little lower down, that I cannot but reject them here.

[186] _Vita_, pp. 144_b_; 145_c_.

[187] _Ibid._ p. 145_c_.

[188] _Ibid._ p. 146_b_.

[189] _Vita_, pp. 146_c_-147_c_.

[190] Lingard’s _History of England_, ed. 1855, Vol. IV, p. 166; James Gairdner, _Henry VII_, London, 1889, p. 208.

[191] The five passages of the _Vita_ concerning Physicians (pp. 71_c_, 72_a_; 145_c_, 146_b_; 146_c_-147_c_; 158_c_, 159_a_) all bear very clear marks of successive additions, glosses, and re-castings,--always in the direction indicated above.

The entire Boerio-episode (pp. 146_c_-147_c_), is wanting in all the MSS. It is, however, most plainly authentic. I believe both the episode and a further passage concerning Boerio to have been furnished by Boerio’s son, a Secular Priest, who died a septuagenarian in 1561; his monument still exists in the Church of the Santa Annunciata, at Sturla, near Genoa. See the _Biografia Medica Ligure_, by Dottore G. B. Pescetto, Genova, 1846, Vol. I, p. 104.--There are some suspicious symptoms connected with that first consultation of Physicians: Boerio’s interviews read as though they had not been quite recently preceded by such an activity--and it is possible that we have here an account produced by a retrogressive doubling of the undoubtedly authentic consultation of the 10th of September, to be described presently. Still, there is nothing intrinsically improbable in the account itself. I have, then, allowed both consultations to stand.

[192] _Vita_, p. 72_a_.

[193] Copies of these six entries in the _Manuale Cartularii_ of the Hospital exist attached to the MS. _Vita_ in the _Biblioteca della Missione Urbana_.

[194] From the copy of the original Codicil in the Archivio di Stato, made for me by Dre. Ferretto. The Inventory exists attached to the MS. _Vita_ just mentioned.

[195] _Vita_, p. 148_b_. It is remarkable that, since January 10, this is the first date given by the _Vita_; that a series of dated days then extends onwards to August 28 (pp. 148_a_-152_a_); that then a gap occurs, filled in with a general but authentic account (pp. 152_b_-153_c_), evidently by another hand, the same writer who gave us the (also dateless) account from mid-January to mid-May (pp. 141_b_-145_b_); and that the dated chronicle is finally carried on from September 2 to the end, September 15 (pp. 153_c_-161_a_). If I am right as to the oneness of authorship as regards these two undated parts, then they are either not by Vernazza; or if they are, then Vernazza must have been about Catherine till September 2.

Now the _Vita_, p. 120_b_, tells us how Marabotto on one occasion left her “for three days,” at a time when she was already suffering much from “accidenti.” It is evident, that this absence fits in admirably with the gap already mentioned. Hence these dateless accounts can hardly be by Marabotto; and indeed their whole tone and point of view are unlike his. They might be by Carenzio: we shall see how strikingly objective and precise are the oldest constituents of the report as to the last three days of her life, during which, or at least at the end of which, Marabotto was as certainly absent as was Vernazza. There is, however, I think, some difference of tone between this latter report, and those dateless passages; whereas those passages are strikingly similar, in form and tone, to the oldest constituents of the _Trattato_, which are undoubtedly the literary work of Vernazza.

The probabilities then are, that these dateless accounts are by Vernazza; and that he left Genoa on September 1 or 2.

[196] _Vita_, p. 148_c_. “Disse molte belle parole al santo Sacramento [e ai circonstanti, con tanto fervore e pietà,] che ognuno ne piangeva per divozione.” I have omitted the bracketed words, as a disfiguring gloss.

[197] _Vita_, p. 149_b_. I have neglected the numerous glosses to this account, and have read “several” instead of “seven” days, since she was again in great distress on August 22, or 23 at latest (_Ibid._ p. 149_c_).

[198] _Ibid._ p. 149_c_. I have here omitted an evidently later insertion and transition between that highly localized paralysis and the death-like sickness of the whole of her; and have made the latter come on after the former, for how otherwise could any one know about that paralysis?

[199] _Ibid._ p. 150_b_. This fact and passage have occasioned an interesting succession of obvious accretions and re-statements.

[200] _Ibid._ p. 151_a_, _b_. I have in the text followed the MSS. as against the printed _Vita_, and have omitted a long clause, which attempts to find the explanation of these words of hers in a subsequent permanent change of attitude towards all those from whom she asked or received a service.

[201] _Vita_, p. 153_b_.

[202] _Vita_, pp. 150_a_, 154_b_, 127_c_, 153_c_.

[203] A copy of this entry exists, in the Priest Giovo’s handwriting, in the collection of Documents prefixed to the MS. _Vita_ of St. Catherine, in the _Biblioteca della Missione Urbana_, Genoa.

[204] _Vita_, p. 154_b_, and the Inventory among the documents in the _Vita_, volume of the _Biblioteca della Missione_.

[205] _Vita_, pp. 153_a_, 155_a_; 157_c_, 158_a_. For this 7th September three heat-and-light impressions are given: (1) “A ray of divine love”; (2) “a vision of fiery stairs”; and (3) this apprehension of the whole world on fire. Perhaps the first also is authentic; the last is certainly so. The middle one seems to be secondary, and to have slipped in to form a transition and link between the other two accounts.

[206] _Ibid._ p. 153_a_.

[207] _Vita_, p. 155_b_, _c_. A third paragraph, pp. 155_c_, 156_a_ (equally wanting in all the MSS. and claiming to be based on the authority of Argentina), follows here, and tells how the latter saw one of her mistress’s arms grow over half a palm in additional length, during the following night; and again how Catherine had told her, Argentina, that she, Catherine, “would before her death bear the stigmata and mysteries of the Passion in her own person.” These “facts” are thoroughly characteristic of the source from which they are no doubt derived.--A fourth paragraph, p. 156_b_, _c_, has also been omitted by me, although it occurs also in the MSS. It contains a long prayer put into Catherine’s mouth, and modelled on our Lord’s High Priestly Prayer in John xvii, 1-13. It is far too long, elaborate, and uncharacteristic to be authentic.

[208] _Ibid._ p. 156_c_.

[209] _Ibid._ p. 158_b_. I have here omitted, after “miseries,” the clause “through which she had passed.” For during her middle period she seems indeed not to have seen her faults till after she herself had got beyond them: yet that particular dispensation was then vouchsafed her because of the excessive pain which the sight of still present imperfections would have caused her; and it is that peculiarity which explains the extreme rarity or absence of Confession during that time. But now we have both the pain and the Confession: and I cannot find any instances, as in this case, of (evidently keen) annoyance, or of Confession, with respect to past and overcome imperfections.--I have also omitted a sentence after “departed from her”: “not that they were matters of any importance, but every slightest defect was intolerable to her.” For this is to judge the Saint by another standard than that of her own conscience, and to make her sanctity consist of scrupulosity.--And I have dropped a further notice for the same day,--a “vista” vouchsafed to her of “a pure and perfect mind, into which only the memory of divine things can still enter,” with her corresponding laugh and exclamation: “O, to find oneself in this degree (of perfection) at the time of death!” For, beautiful as it is, this clause but reproduces, in the softened form of a general and joyous aspiration, what the previous anecdote had given as a particular and depressing consciousness. And the previous anecdote was evidently offensive to both Redactors.

[210] _Vita_, pp. 158_c_, 159_a_, _b_.

[211] _Vita_, p. 159_c_. The Codicil I give from Dre. Ferretto’s copy of the original in the Archivio di Stato, Genoa. I have, in the _Vita_ passage, omitted a sentence which now stands between the drop-of-water incident, and that of the attack at night, which declares: “All this day she remained without speaking, without ever opening her eyes or eating or drinking”; for it would be difficult, if we retain it, to find room for the drawing up of the Codicil, which certainly took place before the attack.

[212] _Vita_, p. 160_a_.

[213] _Vita_, pp. 169_c_, 161_a_.

[214] _Vita_, pp. 161_c_-163_a_.

[215] _Vita_, p. 162_b_.

[216] _Ibid._ pp. 163_b_-164_a_.

[217] _Ibid._ p. 153_a_ (end of August or beginning of September 1510), “through the intense heat of this fire of love she became yellow all over, like the colour of saffron”; p. 161_b_, (“after death) that yellow colour was spread over her whole body, which at first had only been around the region of the heart”; p. 164_c_ (on opening her coffin in the autumn of 1511), “the skin which corresponded to the heart was still red in sign of the ardent love which she had harboured in it, the rest of the body was yellow.”

[218] _Vita_, pp. 17_c_, 18_a_, (97_c_).

[219] _Ibid._ p. 129_b_, (165_c_). In both places there is an explicit reference to Saint Ignatius (of Antioch), “whose heart, when examined after his martyrdom, was found to have written upon it, in letters of gold, the sweet name of Jesus.” Perhaps also two lines of Jacopone da Todi had some influence here. In _Loda_ LXXXVIII, v. 11, he says of the perfected soul: “The heart annihilates itself, undone (melted down) as though it were wax, and finds itself, after this act, bearing the figure (the seal-impression) of Christ Himself.”

[220] _Ibid._ p. 165_c_.

[221] These and similar matters will be found carefully studied in the Appendix.

[222] _Lode_ III, XIII, XXXIII, XXXV, XLV, LVIII (_a_) and (_b_), LXXIII, LXXV (_a_) and (_b_), LXXVII, LXXIX, LXXXI, LXXXIII, LXXXV, LXXXVIII, LXXXIX, LXXXX, LXXXXVII, LXXXXIX.

[223] _Vita_, pp. 32_c_, 33_a_, _b_. I must refer the reader, once for all, to the Appendix, for the explanation of the methods used in the selection and the emendation of the texts presented in this chapter.

[224] _Vita_, pp. 29_c_; 91_c_; 30_b_; 55_c_, 56_a_; 61_a_.

[225] _Ibid._ p. 76_c_.

[226] _Ibid._ pp. 101_b_; 101_a_; 79_c_.

[227] _Vita_, pp. 36_b_; 80_c_, 81_a_; 74_b_.

[228] _Ibid._ pp. 9_b_; _ibid._, 8_c_.

[229] _Vita_, p. 11_c_.

[230] _Ibid._ p. 11_b_.

[231] _Vita_, pp. 22_b_; 25_c_; 26_b_.--105_c_.--25_c_, 26_a_, 80_b_.

[232] _Ibid._ pp. 15_c_, 16_a_.--9_b_; 53_b_; 67_c_.

[233] _Vita_, pp. 26_b_; 50_b_.--36_b_; 36_c_.--36_b_.

[234] _Ibid._ p. 48_b_.

[235] _Ibid._ pp. 23_c_; 27_a_. The fact of “Nettezza” remaining at last her only term for the perfection of God shows plainly how comprehensive, definite, and characteristic must have been the meaning she attached to the word. The history of this conception no doubt begins with Plato’s “the Same”; and this, through Plotinus and Victorinus Afer’s Latin translation of him, reappears as “the Idipsum, the Self-Same,” as one of the names of God in St. Augustine; a term which in Dionysius (largely based as he is upon Plotinus’s disciple Proclus) occurs continually, and can there be still everywhere translated as “Identity” or “Self-Identity” (so also Parker). But with Catherine the idea seems to have been approximated more to that of Purity, although I take it that, with her, “Purità” means the absence of all excess (of anything foreign to the true nature of God’s or the soul’s essence); and “Netezza,” the absence of all defect, in the shape of any failure fully to actualize all the possibilities of this same true nature. I have had to resign myself, as the least inadequate suggestions of the rich meaning of “Netezza” and “Netto,” to alternating between the sadly general terms “fulness” and “full,” and the pedantic-sounding “self-adequation,” with here and there “clear fulness.”

[236] _Vita_, pp. 15_b_, 22_c_; 23_b_; 49_a_; 69_a_.

[237] _Vita_, pp. 31_c_, 32_a_.--66_a_, 66_b_, 87_c_, 107_a_.

[238] _Ibid._ pp. 75_b_, 66_b_.

[239] _Ibid._ pp. 87_c_, 106_a_, 106_c_.

[240] _Vita_, p. 114_a_.

[241] _Ibid._ 28_c_, 29_a_, 29_b_.

[242] _Ibid._ pp. 42_b_, 43_c_.

[243] _Vita_, p. 42_a_.

[244] _Ibid._ pp. 83_c_, 84_a_, 86_b_, 87_a_.

[245] _Ibid._ p. 108_b_.

[246] _Vita_, pp. 81_b_.

[247] _Ibid._ pp. 81_c_; 82_a_; 103_b_.

[248] _Ibid._ p. 31_b_.

[249] _Vita_ p. 54_b_, _c_.

[250] _Ibid._ pp. 52_c_, 53_a_.

[251] _Ibid._ pp. 95_c_, 125_a_; 122_c_; 76_a_.

[252] _Vita_, pp. 9_b_, 15_b_; 11_b_, 8_c_; 155_a_.

[253] _Vita_, pp. 136_b_, 183_c_; 19_b_, 107_b_.

[254] _Ibid._ p. 113_c_.

[255] _Ibid._ pp. 24_b_, 23_b_, 24_b_.

[256] _Vita_, pp. 59_c_, 76_c_, 77_a_.

[257] _Ibid._ p. 37_a_.

[258] _Vita_, pp. 94_a_; 109_b_.

[259] _Ibid._ pp. 87_c_, 53_b_.

[260] _Vita_, pp. 23_c_, 24_a_, 23_c_, 22_c_, 61_c_; 77_b_.

[261] _Ibid._ pp. 34_c_; 175_c_.

[262] _Vita_, pp. 171_c_, 172_a_.

[263] _Ibid._ pp. 30_a_, 29_c_; 43_c_.

[264] _Ibid._ pp. 171_c_, 172_a_.

[265] _Vita_, pp. 52_a_; 51_b_; 106_c_.-94_c_; 95_b_.

[266] _Ibid._ pp. 23_a_; 24_a_.

[267] _Vita_, p. 60_c_.

[268] _Ibid._ pp. 76_b_; 27_a_.

[269] _Ibid._ pp. 8_a_; 15_b_.--8_c_.

[270] _Vita_ (_Trattato_), p. 169_b_. See also _Vita_, Preface, p. viii_b_; and p. 144_b_.

[271] _Vita_, pp. 172_c_; _ibid._--38_b_, _c_; 39_a_.

[272] _Vita_, pp. 173_a_.--173_b_.--33_b_.

[273] _Ibid._ (_Trattato_), pp. 170_b_ (169_c_).

[274] _Vita_ (_T._), p. 175_b_.

[275] _Ibid._ (_T._), p. 177_b_.

[276] _Ibid._ (_T._), p. 176_a_; _Vita_ proper, p. 78_c_.

[277] _Vita_ (_T._), p. 175_a_ (see p. 169_b_).

[278] _Ibid._ (_T._), p. 176_a_.

[279] _Vita_ (_T._), pp. 169_c_, 170_a_.--182_b._

[280] _Vita_ (_T._), pp. 173_c_, 174_a_; 171_b_.--64_b_; 177_b_.--170_c_.

[281] _Ibid._ (_T._), p. 172_b_.

[282] _Vita_ (_T._), p. 172_a_.

[283] _Ibid._ (_T._), p. 174_b_.

[284] _Ibid._

[285] _Vita_ (_T._), p. 174_b_.

[286] _Ibid._

[287] _Vita_ (_T._), p. 182_b_.

[288] _Vita_ (_T._), p. 170_c_.

[289] _Vita_ (_T._), p. 178_b_.

[290] _Vita_ (_T._), p. 178_b_.

[291] _Ibid._

[292] A copy of this document exists prefixed to the MS. _Vita_ of the _Biblioteca delta Missione Urbana_.

[293] Copy in the same volume.

[294] _Vita_, p. 164_b_. This first coffin is still extant: it stands now, empty in a glass case, in the smaller of the two rooms shown in the Hospital as her last dwelling-place. Twice over the _Vita_ talks of a “deposito,” although directly only in connection with its opening “about eighteen months later,” _i.e._ not before March 1512. Now Argentina del Sale declares, in a Will of the year 1522 (a copy, in Giovo’s handwriting, exists in the volume of the _Biblioteca della Missione_), that she desires to be buried “in the Church of the Annunciata, in the monument of the late Giuliano Adorno.” Thus Giuliano’s grave was still generally known and fully accessible twelve years after Catherine’s death; and it was a “monumento,” not a “deposito.” I have been completely baffled in all my attempts to trace the eventual fate of that monument, or even its precise site, or the precise date of its disappearance. I can but offer two alternative conjectures. (1) It stood in the choir-end of the Church. If so, it will have been covered up, promiscuously with many another vault and mortuary slab, when, in 1537, this end was cut off, for the purpose of widening the bastion which still runs behind it and above it, outside. (2) The “monument” was a slab on the floor of the nave or of some side-chapel. The present flooring of all the former, and of a large part of the Chapels, is relatively new; and it is (all but certainly) superimposed upon the old flooring or at least upon the old sepulchral slabs, since not one inscription remains visible in the nave. And if Giuliano’s “monument” lay there, it will still be extant, hidden away under the present flooring.--In either case it remains remarkable that the slight trouble was not taken to shift nave-wards, or to raise to the newer nave- or chapel-flooring, the “monument” of Catherine’s own husband. There are certainly monuments still visible in the Church older than 1497. It is impossible to resist the conclusion that some occasion was gladly seized for _not_ moving or raising this monument, and for thus letting the saintly wife appear entirely alone in the Hospital Church, unattended by any memorial of her very imperfect husband.

[295] The Inventory and this Acceptance both exist, in copy, in the MS. _Vita_ of the _Biblioteca della Missione_. I owe a careful copy of the former to the kindness of Don Giacomo C. Grasso, the Librarian.

[296] From the documents in the MS. _Vita_ of the _Biblioteca della Missione_.

[297] _Vita_, pp. 164_b_, _c_, 165_c_. Great and repeated stress is laid here, with unattractively realistic proofs and details, upon the damage done by the damp to the coffin and grave-clothes, and upon the contrasting spotlessness of the body.

[298] MS. _Vita_ of the _Biblioteca della Missione_.

[299] Even the little engraving of the title-page of the first edition of the _Vita_ (1551), which shows Catherine kneeling before a crucifix, represents her, not indeed with a nimbus, but with a diadem upon her head.

[300] Reprinted in _Vita_, p. 282_b_.

[301] A little Prayer-book marker picture, which will, I think, have been first engraved in 1737, when the body was, as indeed it is to this hour, considered quite incorrupt, already gives the large paper rose which has lain ever since in the place of the mouth and nose, which have perished long ago. But I have been unable to test the claim to incorruption further back than this.

[302] _Vita_, pp. 165_c_, 27_b_, 277_a_. In this last passage Maria Fiesca makes a declaration as to the partial fleshiness and elasticity of the body, _e.g._ of the right shoulder; and as to its extraordinary weight.

[303] All three classes of cases are represented in Padre Maineri’s account, reproduced in the _Vita_, p. 282_b_, _c_.

[304] Maineri, in _Vita_, p. 278, _b_, _c_. The first edition of the _Vita_ calls her “Beata” on its title-page. MS. “A,” of 1547, 1548, has simply “Madonna Catherineta Adorna” on the Franciscan copyist’s own title, and “Beata” on the title copied by him from the MS. used by him.

[305] There is evidence that the many-sided Queen took an interest in Catherine, in the Oratorian G. Parpera’s very careful _Beata Caterina di Genova Illustrata_, Genova, 1682. But the Index of her Latin (and Italian) MSS. in the Vatican Library contains no indication of any MS. “Life” or “Doctrine” possessed by Christina.

[306] The main facts and dates of these paragraphs devoted to the various Processes are derived from Padre Maineri’s very clear account, first published in 1737, and reprinted at the end of the _Vita_, pp. 278-282.

[307] Copy in MS. _Vita_ in the _Biblioteca della Missione_.

[308] So Padre Celesia, _op. cit._ p. 1121.

[309] Copy in the MS. _Vita_ of the _Biblioteca della Missione_.

[310] From twenty-two conclusions concerning Catherine and her circle, constituting one of the papers in the volume, _Documenti_, etc., of the University Library. They were evidently written after 1675 and before 1737 (Catherine is “Beata” throughout), but are, wherever I have been able to test them, as a rule completely right, and never entirely wrong. It is certainly somewhat strange that Argentina should, as is there stated, have “continued in the said Hospital, and was living in it still in 1523,” and should have “similarly continued to be the servant of the Priest Cattaneo (Marabotto).” Still, she may have slept at the Hospital and worked at Marabotto’s. I had thought of concluding from this that Marabotto had been given Catherine’s house in the Hospital, after Don Carenzio’s death there. But the apparently complete absence of any mention of Marabotto in the Hospital books, after July 1512, makes me shrink from doing so.

[311] I am proud of this important discovery, since even Giovo had to leave a blank for this date in his Chapter IV of Part I of his MS. _Vita_, in the _Biblioteca della Missione_, written in 1675. I found the date amongst some notes and copies, in a sprawly handwriting, not Giovo’s, but the same which copied out the entry as to Carenzio’s funeral expenses. It is true that in Marabotto’s case this writer gives no proof or document; yet there is no reason for distrusting his assertion.

[312] Copy from Hospital Cartulary in MS. _Vita_ of the _Biblioteca della Missione Urbana_: “1511, 7 Julii: Hereditas quondam Caterinetae Adurnae, pro Maria, olim famula ipsius et filia Hospitalis, pro legato facto dictae Mariae per dictam q(uondam) Caterinetam, £50.--Maria praedicta pro D. P. Cattaneo Marabotto, qui habuit curam guarnimentorum ipsius Mariae, dedicatae in Monasterio Sanctae Brigidae, £50.”--I take these two successive entries to refer to two successive stages of the same transaction, and to but one and the same sum.

[313] From the documents given in the MS. _Vita_ of the _Biblioteca della Missione Urbana_.

[314] My quotations from this letter are all taken from Giuseppe Morro’s careful address on Vernazza, published in _Inaugurazione della Statua d’Ettore Vernazza_, Genova, 1867, pp. 5-31. It stands _in extenso_ in the fine edition of his daughter’s works: _Opere Spirituale della Ven. Madre Donna Battista Vernazza_, 6 vols., Genoa, 1755; Vol. VI, Letter XXV.

[315] The document is given in fall, and carefully analyzed, in _Inaugurazione_, etc., pp. 61-70.

[316] Battista’s letter, as quoted in _Inaugurazione_, p. 16.

[317] _Inaugurazione_, pp. 17, 18.

[318] Printed in _Inaugurazione_, pp. 71-73.

[319] The present, second and much larger and detached SS. Annunziata, on the square of that name, was not built (for the Capuchins) till 1587. In Giuliano’s and Catherine’s Wills of 1494, 1498, and 1506, the Hospital Church occurs indifferently as “Church of the Annunciation of the Order of Friars Minor of the Observance” with and without the addition of “adjoining the Hospital,” or “adjoining the Hospital of Pammatone.”

[320] This was a Cistercian Convent, founded in the twelfth century, outside one of the Genoese gates. Only its Chapel survived the destruction of the Convent at the time of the Revolutionary secularization. And even this Chapel was in January 1903 in process of demolition, to make room for the new Via Venti Settembre.

[321] The three daughters’ names in Religion all occur in a document of the Bank of St. George printed in _Inaugurazione_, p. 79.

[322] _Inaugurazione_, p. 18, quoting Battista’s letter of 1581.

[323] _Inaugurazione_, pp. 19, 20.

[324] I derive this particular from Professore G. Morro’s _Inaugurazione_, p. 20.

[325] _Inaugurazione_, p. 20.

[326] _Inaugurazione_, p. 21.

[327] _Inaugurazione_, pp. 21, 22. Battista’s account would lead one to place that last Communion on the Feast itself; but the various inscriptions erected by the most careful Committee of 1867, shows that it occurred really on the Eve. See _Inaugurazione_, pp. 37; 39, 40. One more instance of a slight displacement of date effected by a (no doubt unconscious) desire to find a full synchronism between the Feast of the Baptist and the final Communion of one so devoted to that Saint. The Committee evidently shrank from interpreting her “three days after”: it may evidently mean either the 26th or the 27th.

[328] As to the older monuments, see _Inaugurazione_, p. 5. An excellent photograph of Varni’s statue forms the title-picture to this publication.

[329] An engraving of this (now lost) portrait exists in _Ritratti ed Elogii di Liguri Illustri_, Genova, Ponthonier, and appears reproduced here as the Frontispiece to Vol. II.

[330] _Inaugurazione_, p. 26.

[331] Even such a rhetorical apostrophe as occurs in the peroration of Dottore Morro’s speech (_Inaugurazione_, p. 30): “Thou worthy of incense and of altars, as was that Catherine Fieschi, whose friend and confidant and spiritual son thou wast, and who was God-mother to thy own first-born,” stands, I think, alone.

[332] Schmöger: _Leben der gottseligen Anna Katharina Emmerich_, Freiburg, 1867, 1870, Vol. II, pp. 892, 898, 900.

[333] Vallebona, _op. cit._ p. 83: “Santissima mia Diva, | questo mio cor ricevi: | che quando al sole apriva | le luci a giorni brevi, | infin d’allor fei voto, | con animo devoto, | non mai, madre adorata, | esser da Te sviata.” “My most holy Protectress” and “adored Mother” may apply to Catherine. But I have had to punctuate so as to make “che” = “perchè,” as in Jacopone throughout: so that we now have not a declaration of time, as to when she, the Protectress, accepted Tommasa’s heart (which might well have been at Baptism); but a prayer that this Mother may accept her heart, in view of the fact that she, Tommasa, had, from her first opening of her eyes to life (surely, on coming to some degree of reason), vowed never to be parted from this Mother. And thus the application to Catherine remains possible but becomes uncertain.

[334] I feel obliged to put the matter in this hypothetical form because of the several undeniable indications of Catherine’s loss of interest in many, perhaps most, events and occurrences, since, at latest, the beginning of 1509.

[335] See the admirably vivid account of, and wisely-balanced judgment concerning, these events, in the Catholic Alfred von Reumont’s little book, _Vittoria Colonna_, Freiburg, 1881, pp. 117-152; 194-215.

[336] _Acta Sanctorum_, Vol. VI, pp. 192-196.

[337] For Gerson’s “Rigorism,” see J. B. Schwab’s admirable monograph, _Johannes Gerson_, Regensburg, 1858; and for Contarini’s, Morone’s, and the Colonna’s views, see Reumont’s _Vittoria Colonna_.

[338] _Opere_, Vol. VI, p. 192.

[339] See the Preface to the _Opere_, Vol. I, p. 10.

[340] _Opere_, ed. Genoa, 1755, Vol. V, pp. 218-227.

[341] See here, pp. 265, 266; 272; 280; 264, 265; 135; 160, 274-276.

[342] See here, pp. 116; 117, 266.

[343] The last clause here is very obscure in the original: “non voglio meritare te, ma rimeritare lo amore che ti porto”; but I take the above translation to render correctly the substantial meaning.

[344] See here, pp. 265; 262, 263, 261.

[345] See here, pp. 266, 268; 285; 261; 275, 159, 141.

[346] See here, pp. 260, 261, 273, 274.

[347] Ch iv, §§ xiii, xiv, xvi (Parker, pp. 48-50).

[348] See here, pp. 138; 277; 260.

[349] See here, p. 270.

[350] See here, pp. 270; 290; 275, 270.

[351] See here, pp. 138, 139; 265, 260; 272.

[352] _Opere_, ed. 1755, Vol. VI, pp. 247, 248.

[353] See here, pp. 263, 266, 280; 272, 275; 292; 277, 262.

[354] See here, pp. 284; 166-174; 143-145.

[355] See here, pp. 140, 141; 131, 116.

[356] _Inaugurazione_, pp. 26, 27.

[357] _Ibid._ pp. 74, 75, 77, 78. _Ibid._ p. 94.

[358] Here, pp. 319, 320; 140, 141, 268.

[359] Date of death: _Ritratti ed Elogii di Liguri Illustri_, Genova, Ponthenier (Elogio della Ven. Battista Vernazza). Communion: _Opere della Ven. B. Vernazza_, ed. cit., Vol. I, p. 21. The portrait-frontispiece of the second volume of this work is a faithful facsimile of the portrait (a lithograph by F. Scotto) published among the _Ritratti_, between 1823 and 1830. The original picture, which will have hung in the convent of S. Marie delle Grazie, I have not been able to trace. The portrait now in possession of the Nuns of the convent of S. Maria in Passione, the successors of those Canonesses, is a quite conventional, inauthentic likeness.

[360] “A(nno) 1456, 27 Augti, ex Locis Pomerae uxore Bartolomaei de Auria et a de modo Isabellae dedicatae in monasterio S. David, ad instantiam Andreae Auria, unici ejus filii ex heredis, et Franciscae matris Catherinetae filiae Jacobi de Flisco, Loci duo in ratione dictae Catherinetae per ejus maritare et (si) dictae Franciscae fecerit consilio.” From parchment-bound small folio vol.: _Documenti su S. Catherina da Genova MSS._, in R. University Library, Genoa.

[361] From Dre. Ferretto’s copy of original in the Archivio di Stato Genoa.

[362] The originals of both deeds are in the Archivio di Stato, Genoa, Atti del Not. Battista Strata, folie 39, parte II, and 96 (parte III).

[363] Copies of these two entries, in the MS. volume “Documenti … Caterina da Genova,” University Library, Genoa, B VII 31.

[364] The first four documents exist, copied, in the _Vita_ of the _Biblioteca della Missione Urbana_; the last is in the Archivio di Stato, and has been copied out plain for me by Dre. Ferretto.

[365] Ettore Vernazza: _Inaugurazione_, pp. 21, 22; 39, 40. Cattaneo Marrabotto: Don Giovo’s declaration among the “Conclusions” (in his own handwriting) attached to the MS. _Vita_ of St. Catherine in the _Biblioteca della Missione Urbana_, Genoa. Tommasa Fiesca: Fed. Alizieri, in _Atti della Società di Storia Patria_, Vol. VIII, Genoa, 1868, p. 408. Battista Vernazza, _Opere Spirituali della Ven. B. Vernazza_, Genoa, ed. 1775, Vol. I, Preface.

[366] MS. A, pp. 3; 367; 368-398; 399.

[367] _Ibid._ pp. 361-363; 364; 87, 88.

[368] MS. A, p. 160.

[369] _Ibid._ pp. 134; 168; 198-200; 329; in contrast respectively with pp. 62; 124; 76; 161 of the Printed _Life_.

[370] MS. A, p. 193, which appears, in a somewhat modified form, in the Pr. L., p. 97_c_; and, with further transformations, on pp. 139_a_; 139_c_; 140_a_; 140_b_ of the same.

[371] _Ibid._ p. 169, compared with Pr. L., p. 124_c_.

[372] _Ibid._ p. 163, compared with Pr. L., p. 122_c_.

[373] Pr. L., pp. 155_b_-156_a_.

[374] Pr. L., pp. 146_c_-147_c_; 154_b_.

[375] Pr. L., pp. 51_a_-53_b_.

[376] MS. A, p. 168, compared with Pr. L. pp. 123_b_-124_b_.

[377] Pr. L. pp. 116_c_-121_b_; 139_a_-140_c_. Retained lines: MS. p. 40 = Pr. L., p. 116_c_.

[378] Pr. L., p. 119_c_.

[379] MS. ch. iv = Pr. L., ch. ii, pp. 4_a_-5_c_.

[380] MS. ch. v = Pr. L., ch. ii, pp. 5_c_-6_c_.

[381] I purposely leave this sentence in its tell-tale clumsiness of form.

[382] This corresponds, as to its substance, to Pr. L., pp. 5_c_-6_c_.

[383] Pr. L., p. 14_c_.

[384] MS. B. fol. 2_r_ et _v_.

[385] _Ibid._ fol. 19_r_ et _v_.

[386] MS. B: the break, on fol. 30_r_; the abrupt ending, on bottom of fol. 33_v_.

[387] Hence _Dialogo_ (Pr. L.) pp. 185_c_-190_c_ is an expansion of the _Vita_-proper (Pr. L.) p. 31; and _Dialogo_ pp. 191_a_-198_a_ is an expansion of _Vita_-proper p. 33.

[388] Hence _Dialogo_ (Pr. L.) pp. 198_b_-206_b_ corresponds to _Vita_-proper pp. 4_a_-5_a_.

[389] P. 205_c_.

[390] Pp. 206_c_, 207_b_.

[391] _Dialogo_ pp. 207_c_-212_a_ is thus equivalent to _Vita_-proper p. 5_b_.

[392] _Dialogo_, pp. 212_b_-212_c_ is hence equivalent to _Vita_-proper pp. 12_b_-13_c_.

[393] _Dialogo_ pp. 213_c_-225_c_ thus corresponds to _Vita_-proper pp. 9_b_, 15_b_; 13_c_, 14_a_; 20_a_, 21_a_; 123_b_; 13_b_; 96_b_-97_a_.

[394] See here, pp. 353, 354.

[395] _Dialogo_, pp. 215_c_, 216_a_.

[396] _Dialogo_, p. 197_a_.

[397] _Ibid._ p. 209_b_.

[398] _Ibid._ p. 223_c_.

[399] _Ibid._ p. 221_c_.

[400] _Dialogo_, pp. 20_a_, 13_c_, 21_a_, 20_a_.

[401] _Ibid._ pp. 220_c_, 222_c_.

[402] _Ibid._ p. 21_b_.

[403] _Dialogo_, p. 123_b_.

[404] From MS. A, p. 174: “Li buttò le braccie al collo, e, stringendola con singulti, non si poteva saziar di piangere.” The Printed _Vita_, p. 125_b_, has only: “La abbracciò piangendo, per lungo spazio di tempo.”

[405] See here, pp. 169-171.

[406] See here, pp. 185, 186; 194; 205.

[407] _Ibid._ pp. 221, 222_a_.

[408] See here, pp. 363; 346, 347.

[409] _Ibid._ pp. 56_b_, 203_a_; 33_b_, 202_b_.

[410] _Vita_, pp. 32_c_, 26_c_, 58_a_, 48_a_, 135_a_.

[411] _Ibid._ pp. 76_a_, 157_c_; 103_b_.

[412] _Vita_, pp. 212_c_, 213_a_; 222_b_; 220_c_, 221_c_.

[413] See here, p. 146.

[414] See here, pp. 145, 146.

[415] _Vita_, p. 21_a_.

[416] See here, pp. 344-358; 359-364.

[417] Dan. ix, 24.

[418] Gen. xxix, 20; xxx, 27.

[419] See here, pp. 351, 355.

[420] Compare, as to human intercourse, _Dialogo_ p. 221_b_, with Battista’s advice, given here p. 363; and, as to spiritual consolations, _Dialogo_ pp. 215_c_, 216_a_, with Battista’s _Colloquies_, here pp. 346, 347.

[421] Catherine, Pr. _Vita_, p. 209_c_; Battista, in one of the _Colloquii_ given in the _Opere_, _loc. cit._, but not otherwise reproduced here; Catherine, Pr. _Vita_, pp. 209_c_, 211_c_, 211_b_, 32; Battista, here, pp. 359, 360.

[422] Catherine, Pr. _Vita_, p. 97_b_; Battista, Pr. _Vita_, p. 201_b_; here, p. 360; and _Dialogo_, p. 211_a_.

[423] I have not succeeded in finding a copy of this rare book: the six chief libraries of Genoa; the Ambrosian Library, Milan; and the Vatican and Angelica Libraries, Rome, are certainly without it. My general description, and my special reproduction of one passage, of it are taken from a series of very careful accounts of the successive early editions of the book, preserved among the Documents relative to the Process of Catherine’s Beatification of 1630-1675, in the Archiepiscopal Archives, Genoa.

[424] _Vita_, pp. 5_b_, 6_b_, 155_b_-156_a_; 211_b_, 264_b_.

[425] _Vita_, pp. vii_c_, viii_a_; viii_b_.

[426] _Colloquies_, _Opere_, Vol. V, p. 219. _Letters_, _ibid._ Vol. VI, p. 24. _Dialogo_, pp. 187_b_, 215_b_, 220_c_, 223_b_, 237_c_, 247_b_, 248_c_, 273_b_. _Dialogo_, p. 266_b_.

[427] _Vita_: Chapter Second, pp. 226_a_-275_a_. Part Second, pp. 226_a_-245_c_; Part Third, pp. 246_a_-275_a_. The moralizing narrative: last sentence, p. 245_c_.

[428] _Dialogo_ p. 225_c_, paraphrase of _Vita_ p. 6_c_.

[429] “Nine years before her death,” _Vita_, p. 127_a_; “one year before she passed away,” p. 132_b_; Purgatory, pp. 128_c_, 129_a_; 136_c_, 144_b_; “Prison of the Body,” p. 137_a_; emaciation, pp. 144_a_, 160_b_; vomitings, pp. 127_c_, 138_c_, 160_a_, _b_; inability to move, pp. 128_a_, 137_b_.

[430] _Vita_, pp. 227_a_-241_b_; 213_c_-225_c_.

[431] The “scintilla,” “stilla,” and “immersion in the sweetness of Love”: _Dialogo_, p. 252_a_, _b_, _c_. In the Vita-proper “scintilla” is but once (and in a doubtful passage) so used, p. 148_b_; in the other passages “non una minima scintilla” means there “not a glimpse” of this or that, pp. 5_c_, 62_a_. “Stilla” of Blessedness, p. 119_c_; “goccia” of Love, pp. 94_b_-95_c_; “gocciola” of spiritual water (refreshment), p. 135_b_. “Ocean” and immersion therein, pp. 59_b_, 60_b_.

[432] _Vita_, pp. 78_c_, 79_a_.

[433] Thus _Vita_ (_Dialogo_), p. 266_a_ = _Vita_ (proper), p. 117_b_, _c_; and _Vita_ (_Dialogo_), p. 266_c_ = _Vita_ (proper), pp. 120_b_, 117_b_.

[434] _Dialogo_, p. 234_b_.

[435] _Dialogo_, p. 241_b_.

[436] _Ibid._ p. 260_b_.

[437] _Vita_, p. 268_c_.

[438] _Ibid._ p. 269_c_.

[439] _Ibid._ p. 270_b_.

[440] _Dialogo_, p. 212_c_; and here, p. 146.

[441] _Ibid._ p. 273_a_.

[442] _Ibid._ p. 275_a_.

[443] _Dialogo_, p. 250_b_.

[444] _Vita_, p. 97_b_: “This creature would appear with a countenance like unto a Cherub; she gave great consolation to every one who gazed upon her, and those who visited her knew not how to depart from her.” And pp. 94_b_-95_c_. See here, pp. 159-161.

[445] _Ibid._ pp. 231_a_; 242_b_; 248_c_; 249_a_.

[446] See here, pp. 327-329.

[447] See here, pp. 353, 354.

[448] _Dialogo_, pp. 242_b_; 221_b_; 232b; _Vita_-proper, 117_c_, 118_a_.

[449] _Vita_-proper, pp. 101_b_; _Dialogo_, 247_b_.

[450] _Dialogo_, p. 248_c_; _Vita_-proper, 76_a_.

[451] _Dialogo_, p. 259_c_.

[452] _Ibid._ 266_b_.