Chapter XVIII: Summary and Conclusion

Let it be granted, as a matter of bare fact, quite apart from any wishes or opinions, that for many years to come we shall retain military and administrative command in India. Rightly or wrongly, we shall retain it, unless we are so overwhelmingly defeated at home that we almost cease to be not only an empire but a nation. Probably it is to our own advantage to retain it, because to withdraw before India is strong enough to stand alone would degrade our national life with a cowardly sense of failure. Personally I think it is to India’s advantage also, because her peoples are so unarmed, undrilled, and unorganized under our rule that if we withdrew our place would easily be taken within a year by Russia, Germany, or Japan; perhaps by all three in conflict. When the very worst that can be said against our rule has been said, the substitution of Russia’s rule for ours would be an incalculable disaster from which India might recover only after many generations, just as Poland, the Caucasus, and Persia may. Nor have Germany and Japan yet given proof of governing subject races with success, much less with humanity. Till India is sufficiently advanced in arms, unity, and knowledge to hold her own (which used to be the hope of our statesmen), it is probably to her advantage that we should retain the ultimate supremacy in government and war. We may not do it particularly well, but the chances are that others would do it incomparably worse. Let it be granted, anyhow, that nothing but overwhelming national defeat will deter us from doing it.

But whilst we shall continue, as far as politics can foresee, to superintend the administration of India and to protect her from external attack, the danger is that our bureaucracy, always the slowest form of government to realize change, should ignore the new spirit arising in the country, or should seek to stifle rather than guide it. It is the conviction of many that India is now standing on the verge of a national renaissance—a new birth in intellect, social life, and the affairs of state. There are unmistakable evidences of this, not only among educated Hindus, but among educated Mohammedans; not only among the educated classes, but throughout the masses of the people. Many things have combined to create a new spirit, and we have ourselves contributed much. The long peace that has made development possible, the easy communication by railways, the wide distribution of newspapers, the visits of highly educated Indians to England, the use of English as a common tongue among educated people of all races and religions, the increasing knowledge of our history and our hard-won liberties, the increasing study of our great Liberal thinkers—all these admirable advantages we have ourselves contributed to the new spirit, and it is useless for startled reactionaries to think of withdrawing them now. We must also take into account the example set to all Oriental nationalities by Japan, and the awakened stirring of Liberalism in England herself, and, no matter how feeble its efforts and how bitter its failure, in Russia, Egypt, Persia, and Turkey.

Most of these beneficent influences move slowly, with a deep and gradual force, and, whatever happens, they will continue to move, though to move slowly. But the outburst of the new spirit which we call the unrest in India was occasioned by a different order of things, for the most part, sudden, external, and pernicious. Such things were the contemptuous disregard of Indian feeling in the Partition of Bengal and Lord Curzon’s University speech upon Indian mendacity; the exclusion of fully qualified Indians from public positions, in contradiction to Queen Victoria’s Proclamation of 1858; several notorious cases of injustice in the law courts, where English criminals were involved; numerous instances of petty persecution for political opinions since 1905; the well-known measures for the suppression of personal liberty and freedom of speech in 1907 and 1908; the espionage of police and postal officials; and the increasing insolence of the vulgar among Anglo-Indians, as shown in ordinary behaviour and in the newspapers which represent their views.

All these obvious and external causes of complaint, crowded into the space of very few years, have been sapping India’s confidence in the justice of our rule and the benevolence of our people. Indians have, no doubt, exaggerated both the injustice and the malevolence. They have taken a few flagrant cases of injustice as typical of our Courts; they have mistaken for malevolence what is only our reckless indifference to far-off responsibilities. But we cannot wonder at their mistakes. Nearly every one generalizes about foreign nations from the one or two specimens he knows; and we, as foreigners in India, must not hope to escape generalizations rapidly founded on the behaviour of every man or woman who may represent us there unworthily. As to our national indifference, I wish we could say that this charge also was founded only on special and notorious instances. But it is not. Our indifference to the Indian peoples, from whom we are continually sucking so much of our wealth, is universal and invariable. Or it is varied only at long intervals after outbreaks of bloodshed and threatenings of revolt. No wonder that a growing party in India believes that only by such means can England’s attention be roused, and any permanent advantage for their country obtained.

Of course, they are inconsiderate. In spite of the ill-manners of a certain type of Anglo-Indian, we are as a whole rather a polite and kind-hearted people, and the mere shadow of injustice makes us seethe with indignation, so long as it is not too far away. If they charge us with indifference, they ought to consider that we are faced with almost insoluble problems of our own; that we are a very busy people, and that our knowledge of what goes on in India is generally limited to one or two speeches which attract little attention, a few Parliamentary questions, and the reports of official or other journalists whose very existence depends on standing well with the Anglo-Indian community. Indians are too apt not to consider these mitigating circumstances. But it does not tend to make people considerate when men, women, and children are dying of a comparatively recent plague by hundreds of thousands every year; when for fifteen years in succession famines have been almost regularly recurrent; when increasing malaria is rotting the population away in body and mind, and when thousands, or probably millions, of people who used to have two meals a day can now afford only one. I do not say these disasters are the fault of the Indian Government or the British people. But it is obvious that they do not tend to make the sufferers under them considerate towards the difficulties of rulers who hardly suffer from them at all. They are likely to be the less considerate because they know that, out of a revenue over which they have no control, at least £20,000,000 a year is withdrawn from their country to be spent in England, partly in the shape of interest on serviceable loans, but largely in incomes, pensions, and other more questionable forms; while, even against the better judgment of the highest Anglo-Indian authorities themselves, the greatest Indian industry is kept depressed by the countervailing excise of 3½ per cent. imposed by the Cotton Duties Act of 1896 on cottons made and sold in India, simply for the benefit of our Lancashire mills.

Considerate or not, the new spirit—the section of it that has time and youth on its side—has begun to despair of further appeals and petitions for English justice or assistance. In spite of the splendid traditions of many noble Englishmen from Sir Thomas Munro down to Lord Ripon, I suppose few representatives of our rule have been popular among the Indian races. That was not usually the fault of our representatives; their position made genuine popularity very difficult, and it is impossible for one race to deny freedom to another and rule it to the true advantage of either. But I think that till lately the verdict of most Indians upon us would have been the same as the schoolboy’s who called Dr. Temple “a beast, but a just beast.” In their verdict to-day the compliment of that saving clause would generally be omitted, and that loss of our high reputation for justice, if it is to be permanent, is the worst loss we could ever suffer—worst for ourselves as patriots who honour our country for her justice, and worst for the Indians, whose position a sense of permanent injustice will render intolerable.

The belief that petitions for the redress of grievances, whether presented to the Indian Government or to the British people, are equally vain, is not so serious a matter for us as the distrust of our justice, but it contributed very strongly to the new spirit in its extreme form. Our disregard of all the public protests against the Partition of Bengal and all the persistent appeals for its withdrawal; our disregard of the reasonable pleading of such men as Mr. Gokhale and Dr. Rash Behari Ghose in the Viceroy’s Council, have perhaps done more than anything else to discredit the methods of the old Congress. I do not mean that the Congress has been useless. It served as a training ground for political knowledge. It afforded a centre for the growing unity of India, and without it the leaders of Indian reform could hardly have formulated their own programme. But in two avowed objects it has failed; it has had no influence upon the action of the Indian Government, and no influence upon English opinion at home. For twenty-two years it was a model of order and constitutional propriety. It passed excellent resolutions, it demanded the redress of acknowledged grievances, in trustful loyalty it arranged deputations to the representatives of the Crown. By the Anglo-Indians its constitutional propriety was called cowardice, its resolutions remained unnoticed, its grievances unredressed, and the representative of the Crown refused to receive its deputation. In England, outside the half-dozen who take some interest in India, no one knew where the Congress met, what language it spoke, what were its demands, or what its object; no one knew, and no one cared.

The new spirit perceived that it was useless addressing pious resolutions to the official waste-paper basket. The cry of “self-reliance, not mendicancy” spread through the country. One last effort to attract British attention to the grievance of India was made by the Swadeshi movement and the boycott on British goods. “Touch the pockets of our rulers, and they will listen”—that was the hope. And the hope was partly realized, for owing to Swadeshi and the local disturbances in Eastern Bengal, Calcutta, and the Punjab, England during 1907 and 1908 has probably paid more attention to India than at any time since the Mutiny.

But the principle of Swadeshi has now been developed by the new spirit for purposes far beyond the immediate object proposed. Swadeshi in manufacture and commerce is now followed for the great economic purpose of restoring the Indian industries, threatened or already ruined by England’s favoured competition. And even this economic Swadeshi is seen to be only a part of a much wider movement in self-reliance. On every side societies and orders are growing up for the promotion of Indian ideals and the development of Indian character, quite independently of our influence, and their members are sometimes inspired by an uncalculating devotion like that of the early Christians. Such are the Arya Samaj in the Punjab and United Provinces; the Servants of India in Poona; the Brahmo Samaj of highly educated Theists in Calcutta; the Order of Ramakrishna on the Ganges above Calcutta; the Hindu College in Benares, with which Mrs. Annie Besant’s name is so closely connected; the Order of the Gangrath Institute near Baroda; to say nothing of the whole Volunteer movement, the object of which is the renewal of organization, courage, and physical power among the youth. None of these movements is political in aim. Their work as societies lies in social and theological reform. But both in aim and method all are distinctly Swadeshi. They take little account of Government or of the Anglo-Indian community. In some of them there is even a tendency to react against reform, lest some taint of Western civilization should be introduced into Indian life. But religious and social as these movements are in origin and object, it is no longer possible to exclude their keener members from politics; for, among educated people, the events of the last few years have given to national politics the place once held by theology, and even social reform cannot now be entirely separated from political reform, since the result of educational and other advance is inevitably an increased demand for self-government.

The question immediately before India now is, which of two courses with regard to ourselves the new spirit as a whole will take. On the one hand, it may follow the line of most resistance. It may proclaim throughout the whole country: “It is useless to trouble about any reforms that these intruding foreigners will give us. Let them go on their way with their Advisory Councils, their Notables, their extended Legislative Councils, and other deceits. They have never paid the smallest attention to our real demands. In Mill’s words, they keep us as a warren or preserve for their own use, a place to make money in, a human farm to be worked for their own profit. It is for us to pursue our own course, disregarding their presence. Beyond paying their taxes, we need have little concern with them. If they imprison us, we will go to gaol silently; if they deport us without trial, we will endure without protest; if they execute us, we know that our souls will be at once re-incarnated to continue the struggle. But we will not notice their Government either by sharing in it or denouncing it. In religion, in education, in industries and common life, we will follow our own national lines just as though no foreigners were pretending to rule us. If enough of us combine, we shall embarrass their position; perhaps we shall make it untenable as well as ridiculous. But whether it is untenable or not, we do not greatly care, till a common Indian nationality has the strength to take freedom into its own hands.”

That is the line of most resistance, always a tempting line to take, and many Indians are taking it now. The temptation must be almost irresistible in a vast population like India’s, where a handful of people from a distant country maintain a predominance unmitigated by social intercourse, marriage, or permanent residence. All the more because this predominance rests on so narrow a basis that for its own maintenance it is inclined to deter the subject race from all initiative, enterprise, or leadership, and so to reduce it to what Dadabhai Naoroji has described as “moral poverty.” Any movement to check this national deterioration must be welcomed on behalf of the Indian peoples, except by those who openly desire those races to remain as flocks of sheep, dependent on the good nature or interested bounty of their appointed shepherds. But that is not the ideal that the best of our statesmen in India have set before themselves, nor is it an ideal that can any longer be maintained. The new spirit has already overthrown it.[72]

But besides this tempting line of most resistance there is another way, and, considering the external dangers that threaten India and her own existing difficulties of race, religion, and inexperience, this other way is probably the way of wisdom. The new spirit may still endeavour to act in harmony with us for the common good, acquiescing in our presence as on the whole tending to justice and advancement, acknowledging the material advantages we have brought, but at the same time persistently pressing for extensions of liberty, taking every opportunity that offers, and never hesitating to grasp at any chance of progress because it falls short of the perfect ideal. I admit that to follow this course requires a sweet reasonableness and a strength of character which few men in any nation possess. But after the defeats of many years, Mr. Gokhale still retains his hope; and after the outrage upon his own freedom and the very basis of our liberties, Lajpat Rai still classes himself with the Moderates. It depends almost entirely on ourselves whether those who, in spite of recent disappointments, still believe in an English feeling for justice and freedom shall be able to make their voices heard. If only the more reasonable and hopeful party had something to point to—some generous and ungrudging act of justice on England’s part—they might still silence the counsels of despair. It is not yet too late. Only, it is no good juggling with sham reforms and half-hearted concessions. Our measures, as Burke said, must be remedial.

The nature of such measures is well known. They should include a modification of the Partition of Bengal, by which the central province would be united under one Governor, having the same status as the Governors of Bombay and Madras, while the contiguous western districts were collected into a new province, and Assam remained isolated as it is by nature and race, under a Chief Commissioner responsible either to the Viceroy or to the Governor of Bengal.[73] They should include the appointment of at least one Indian on each of the Executive Councils (a concession which in the case of the Viceroy’s Council seems likely to be fulfilled), and an enlargement of the Viceroy’s and other Legislative Councils by genuinely elected members up to the number of half the Council. This would leave to the officials a steady but narrow majority, the right of absolute veto remaining with the Viceroy, Governor, or Lieutenant-Governor. It might then be laid down that if a large proportion of the elected members—say, two-thirds—were opposed to a certain measure, it should be suspended for further consideration. Some similar control should be granted over the expenditure of money, for at present the representative members have no voice in the revenue that is scraped off their people year by year, and the papers of protest or suggestion, which they read as they sit round the Viceroy’s council-table, might almost as well remain unread for any effect they have upon the official policy.

These reforms could be followed by a gradual extension of primary education, which might in the end cost us £5,000,000 a year, but would be well worth the price, even if we had to save something off the £20,000,000 now spent on the Army, and something off the other public services. Owing to our present parsimony in education, the census of 1901 reported that there were 104,500,000 males in India who could not read, 826 boys out of every 1000 of school age who had no school to go to, and only 1 in 10 males literate, and 7 in 1000 females. Further, we could be loyal to the late Queen’s Proclamation and admit Indians without prejudice to the positions they had fitted themselves for. We could make the position of the police such that they would be no longer compelled to help out their livelihood by corruption and false evidence. We could resolutely extinguish the system of Begar or forced labour for the benefit of Civilians and other Europeans. And we could make it illegal for any representative of our Government to condescend to the baseness of opening other people’s letters, even on the off-chance of spying upon sedition.

_[Face p. 334._
]

Such measures as these would be remedial. They would serve as an earnest of our country’s goodwill, and of our determination to maintain the principles of freedom and justice in our government. They would cut the ground under the feet of those who, by proclaiming perpetual distrust of our intentions, are fostering a fanatical hatred against us. But I am aware that measures by themselves are insufficient. What is wanted is the difficult thing that our fathers called a “change of heart,” and no legislation can effect that. We need a change that would transform our people’s arrogance towards “natives”; a change that would prevent the ladies and gentlemen whom we send out from degenerating into “bounders” where Indians are concerned, and would make it impossible for an Englishman to display towards Indians the outrageous manners that would exclude him from decent society at home. Such a change must be extremely difficult among ourselves of the upper and middle classes, for we are not born very imaginative or sympathetic, we are educated on a plane of patronizing superiority, and outside our class and nation any claim to equality staggers us like a sudden blow. But there are one or two quite simple points on which we might begin to practise for the change. Except among the baser sort of Anglo-Indians, the word “nigger” has died out, and I would suggest that the word “native” might follow it. If the phrase “rulers and ruled” died too, and if our social philosophers would cease to drone out their weary ineptitude that “East is East, and West is West,” the situation would be much eased. I have sometimes thought also that our reputation would stand higher if English people who insist, quite rightly, on the importance of our prestige, were to abstain now and then, for the sake of our prestige, from games that develop neither courage nor strength, and are regarded by Indians with contemptuous astonishment, and from a mode of dancing which is regarded by Indians as an indescribable abomination.

But the present crisis is too acute to allow of waiting for a change of heart. Upon our immediate action will depend the terms under which we must maintain our position in India: whether we are to hold the new spirit fairly on our side, and to cooperate with it for the progress of the country in enlightenment and self-government; or whether we are to have our rule confronted by impenetrable resentment, and our best efforts thwarted by indifference or suspicion. In any case, India has a long and bitter road to travel. The gulf between her educated and uneducated classes is wider even than in our own country. She has many divisions of thought, and caste, and race to overcome. But, as to the growth of her new spirit, we need have no fear. It is one of the most hopeful signs of our hopeful time. Every act of injustice on our part, and every attempt at political suppression, have only promoted India’s sense of unity and hastened her progress in self-reliance. If injustice and suppression continue, their effect will be the same. Whatever course our action may now take, the new spirit has already breathed a fresh life into large classes of the Indian peoples, and it will continue to afford a high motive for self-devotion, and for the moral courage and love of freedom in which the Indian character has hitherto been lacking. For India herself the present unrest holds out a promise of the highest possibilities, no matter how much she may suffer in realizing them.

But for us the brief interval left for decision is momentous. On our decision it will depend whether, in contempt of the freedom we have with such obstinate labour secured for ourselves, we shall sink, step by step, from suppression into persecution, and from persecution into atrocities that now we should shudder at; or whether we shall display strength enough to welcome the spirit of freedom and nationality which we have done so much to create, and strength enough to advance with it hand-in-hand for the furtherance of India’s welfare as a self-respecting country, and so to redeem our reputation for the love of a freedom which others may enjoy, as we enjoy it.

FOOTNOTES:

[72] This subject of “moral poverty” was treated in a paper Prof. C. F. Andrews of St. Stephen’s College, Delhi, read before the Pan-Anglican Congress in London (1908), and published in “The Indian Review” for June. The success of Prof. Rudra, a Bengali economist and historian, as Principal of that College, with a staff that includes First Class Cambridge men, one of them a Fellow of his College, is one of the many disproofs of the theory that Indians are incapable of initiative and leadership. Even Mohammedan men of learning are glad to serve under him gratuitously.

[73] See Introduction, p. 10.

INDEX

Abkari, excise, 121

Act, Land Alienation, 2;
Official Secrets, 4;
Universities, 4

Adamson, Sir Harvey, 119-171

Afghanistan, agreement with Russia about, 24

Agnew, Mr., Deputy Commissioner, 18

Agra, land question in, 83;
effect of rain at, 279

Agreement with China and Russia about Afghanistan, Lhassa, and
Persia, 24

Agricultural banks, 89

Ahmedabad (Congress, 1902), 215

Ajit Singh, founds “Indian Patriots,” 18;
speaks at Lyallpur, 18;
deported, 19, 304;
released, 126

Akbar, inheritors of, 189;
land of, 236

Aligarh, college at, 199, 321

Allahabad, press of, 230

Allen, Mr., Collector of Dacca, shot, 238;
regrets for assault, 254

_Amrita Bazar Patrika_, M. L. and S. K. Chore, editors of, 211-214

Amritsar, deportations from, 20

“Anandamath,” the Abbey of Joy, 127

Anchorite in cage, 189-190

Andrews, Prof. C. F., on “Moral Poverty,” 331

Anglo-Indians, attitude towards Indians and Lord Curzon, 2, 187,
261, 323, 327;
outrages by, 3;
in journalism, 17, 102, 171;
protected, 17, 102, 171, 229;
courtesy of, 30;
exclusiveness, 42;
lack of sympathy, 42;
deterioration of, 43;
Christianity of, 82;
against education, 102;
manners of, 115 _et seq._, 234, 335;
under criticism, 132;
oppose Partition of Bengal, 167;
tone of press, 171, 230-231, 302;
system, 223;
unrepresentative, 324

Anglo-Russian agreement, 24

Arbitration _v._ law, 223

Artisans, condition of, 284

Arya Samaj, 18, 210, 291;
founder of, 292 _et seq._;
two sections of, 295, 308;
leaders of, 304;
struck at, 303;
defence of, 305

_Asian_, incites to manslaughter, 229

Assam, included in E. Bengal, 11, 16, 166;
backwardness of, 175

Assamese, object to Partition of Bengal, 175

Assessment, land, speeches on, 18 (_v._ land assessment)

Athavale, K. K. (editor, _Punjabee_), fined and imprisoned, 17

Ayerst, Lieut., shot, 35

Baidianath, shrine of, 211

Baker, Sir E. N., Lieut.-Governor, Bengal, financial statement of,
280-281

Bakerganj, proclaimed, 186

Balasore, 140

“Bande Mataram” (Hail to the Motherland) forbidden, 15;
prosecuted, 24;
boy beaten for cry of, 29;
at Vishnu’s Temple, 113;
cigarettes, 122;
heard in Madras, 126;
national song, 127 _et seq._;
at Surat, 237, 249

_Bande Mataram_ newspaper, policy of, 219, 223;
article in, 224-226

Banerjea, Surendra Nath, honoured, 15;
draws up Swadeshi oath, 179;
sketch of, 215 _et seq._;
position of, 216;
as orator, 217, 218, 234;
at National Congress, 243, 255-256

Banerjee, Sir Guru Das, writes Note of Dissent, 3

Banks, agricultural, 89

Bankura, Manchester goods in, 179

Banya, _v._ Money-lenders

Bari-Doab Canal, rates increased on, 17

Barisal, police disperse conference at, 14;
Swadeshi suppressed, 184;
Little Brothers of the Poor, 185-186;
vernacular press at, 288-289

Baroda, D. Naoroji at, 29;
progress under Gaekwar, 221;
Maharajah of, 313-316;
reforms under, 316-318;
policy of, 317;
emancipation of women and education in, 318;
courageous Maharani of, 319;
administration reports of, 319

Batty, Mr., Justice, released Mr. Tilak, 68

“Begar” (forced labour), 17;
abolition of, 334

Behar, 10, 11, 166, 213

Benares, National Congress at, 36

Bengal, Partition of, 10, 11, 36, 44, 160-167;
petitions against, 167, 168, 184;
protests against, 167, 326;
results of, 169-170, 178;
“a settled fact,” 175;
Lord Curzon’s influence on, 191-192;
his letters to _Times_, 193;
nominal excuse for, 213;
turning-point in, 242;
modification of, 332

Bengal, population of, 10;
Mohammedans in, 11;
civil servants in, 11-12;
public meetings in, 11-12;
fast day in, 12;
disturbances in, 14-17;
proclaimed, 21;
Morley on, 26;
Extremists in, 44;
permanent settlement of, 135;
formation of, 160;
richness of, 161;
jute growing in, 163;
war with Manchester and Liverpool, 166;
Chamber of Commerce in, 176;
High Court in, 176;
spread of Swadeshi in, 178;
Legislative Council of, 215;
revival of, 227

_Bengalee_ 9;
editor of, 159, 215

Bengali songs and poets, 127

Bengalis taunted, 224;
duty of, 227

Besant, Mrs. Annie, 328

Bilgrami, S. H. of India Council, 22

Boer war, influence of, 43

Bombay, 6, 10, 46, 68, 70, 77, 236;
death rate in presidency of, 52-53;
social customs in, 62-64;
rates and taxes in, 83;
Swadeshi in, 122;
cotton mills, 182;
corporation, 240;
Moderates, 240, 242, 261

Bomb-throwing, 229-230

Bose, Chunder Nath, on prices, 281-282

“Bounders,” Governor of Bombay on, 116;
manufacture of, 334

Boycott, K. K. Mitra on, 178;
women’s part in, 181;
justification of, 183;
gives impetus to Swadeshi, 184;
with destruction, 185;
penalties for, 185;
_v._ Hindu merchants, 188;
_v._ national industry, 223;
exclusion of, 242;
legitimacy of, 252;
limitation of, 253;
a last effort, 327

Brahmani, sacred river, 135;
in flood, 136;
after flood, 141

Brahmaputra, 205;
source of, 160

Brahmo Samaj, 210, 219

Brailsford, H. N., “Macedonia” by, 110

Braja Mohun Institution, 186

British prejudice and justice, 19;
connection, benefit of, 42;
policy in India, 45;
rule, excuses for, 5-6;
responsibility of, 6;
Mr. Tilak on, 72-73;
levies under, 83;
officials, deterioration of, 72;
domination, uses of, 74-75;
officials criticized, 145;
goods boycotted, 178;
Government, promises of, 261;
people criticized, 301

Brodrick (Lord Midleton) and Partition, 11, 13;
(Secretary of State), 167-168

Buddha, 258

Budget (1907-8), 22;
control of, 45

Buffalo, importance of, 97

Bunds (_vide_ Dams), 276 _et seq._

Burdwan, Commissioner of, 179

Bureaucracy, slowness of, 321

Burke, teaching of, 28, 131;
on remedial measures, 332

Burma, contributes to Exchequer, 96;
rice crop of, 280

Byturni, sacred river, 135

Calcutta, municipality of, 2;
correspondents, 15-16;
disturbances in, 23;
Congress, 30;
High Court respected, 68, 175 _et seq._;
meeting in, 75;
extent of Lieut.-Governor’s authority in, 134;
importance of, 173;
Corporation, 215;
papers, 229, 230;
resolutions of, 239

Canada contrasted with India, 26

Canning, Lord, proposal of, 92

_Capital_, 230

Central Provinces, famine and cholera in, 2, 146

Cesses, application of, 165

Chaitanya, Bengali saint, 211

Chapekar, Demodur, 35

Chatterji, B. C., poet and novelist, 127

Chaudhuri, 234

“Chaukidari,” police tax, 145

Chenab Colony, 17;
a settler promise to, 302

Chief Court, Lahore, _Punjabee_, appeal to, 18

China, agreement with, 24

Cholera, causes of, 2, 140, 186, 272

Chota Nagpur, 10, 166

_Civil and Military Gazette_, 17, 43, 230

Clarke, Sir G., Governor of Bombay, 25, 57-58;
prepares relief works, 95

Clive, 103

Cocanada, 29

Collector and relief problem, 137

Collectors (C. S.), 134

College, Elphinstone, 34;
Fergusson, 35, 37, 42;
Ripon, 179, 215;
at Aligarh, 199;
Presidency (Calcutta), 221, 234;
Anglo-Vedic (at Lahore), 292, 310;
at Benares, 328;
Delhi, St. Stephens, 331

Colonists, 17

Colonization Bill refused, 17

Comilla, riots in, 16

Commerce, Chambers of, 23, 45

Commission, Lord Welby’s, 2;
Education, 3;
on famine, irrigation, plague, police, and universities, 3, 14;
Decentralization, 24, 104;
of inquiry, 120

Commissioners, powers of, 25;
Civil Service, 134;
solicitude of, 138-139

Committee of Imperial Defence, 25

Congress, National, 34, 43, 79, 185;
at Bombay (1885), 7, 30;
at Benares (1905), 36;
at Calcutta (1906), 182-183;
at Surat (1907), 233 _et seq._;
Reception Committee of, 235, 241;
rift in, 239-240;
Subjects’ Committee of, 243;
“printer’s error,” 250;
vital differences, 252;
first principles, 253;
adjournment of, 255;
“note of discord,” 255;
dissolution, 259;
police at, 259;
“a training ground,” 326;
ignored by authorities, 326-327

Congress, Bengal Provincial, dispersed, 14

Constitutional agitation, 44;
Reform Party, 12

Convention of Extremists, 260;
Moderates, 260

“Coronation” of S. N. Banerjea, 16

Cotton, Sir Henry, presides at National Congress, 7;
refused hearing by Lord Curzon, 7

Cotton and Swadeshi, 122;
industry, 179;
trade, _Times_ on, 181;
mills, 182;
failure of, 279

Cotton Duties Act, 325

Council, Viceroy’s, new members on, 13;
held in Simla, 25-26;
Mohammedan represents Hindus on, 104;
of India (Whitehall), additions to, 22;
Imperial Advisory, constitution of, 22;
condemned, 44;
Provincial Advisory, use of, 44

Councils, Executive, reform of, 332;
Legislative, reform of, 332-333

Cromer, Lord, on India, 74

Crops, valuation of, 83;
holdings of, 135;
failure of, 271

Cultivators, pressure on, 87;
persistence of, 88;
resources of, 88;
protection of, 91

Currency, change in, 1-2

Curzon, Lord, political career of, 1;
policy of, 2;
unpopularity of, 2, 3, 4;
office renewed, 4;
attitude towards educated Indians, 5;
Budget speech (1904), 5;
addresses convocation of Calcutta University, 7;
refuses to see Sir H. Cotton, 7;
explains nationality, 8-10;
“Problems of the Far East,” 9;
advocates “efficiency,” 10;
divides Bengal, 10-12;
proclamation of (October, 1905), 12;
cause of resignation, 13;
farewell speech, 13;
resigns, 13;
irritation under, 43;
replies to Mr. Dutt, 83;
grievances under, 132;
his Partition policy, 167;
dislike of Bengalis, 170;
Government of, 176;
promise to Mohammedans, 191;
letter to _Times_, 198;
Calcutta Corporation, 215;
criticized by Anglo-Indian press, 230;
at Durbar, 317

Customs, Imperial, organization of, 14

Cuttack, 135, 136

Dacca, new capital of E. Bengal, 11, 166;
Mohammedan encouraged in, 16;
Lieut.-Governor isolated in, 160;
muslins of, 162;
ruinous condition of, 173;
boycott in, 180;
description of, 189 _et seq._

Dalhousie, Lord, promise of (1853), 167

Dams, construction of, 276

Darjeeling, distance from Calcutta, 160

Datta, Bupendra Nath imprisoned, 219

Datta, Norendra Nath (Vivekananda), 209

Davar, Mr., Justice, tries Mr. Tilak (July 22, 1908), 77

Deccan Club, 48

Deccan, The, rain in, 94

Decentralization Committee, 24, 104

Delhi, mill hands in, 285;
terror in, 288

Deportation Statute, 131

Desai, D.B.A.S. (Chief Justice of Baroda), 241

Deva, _vide_ Ramakrishna

Deva, Rama (Vedic Schoolmaster), 307

Disraeli on youth, 304

District Boards, 165;
powers of, 25;
magistrates, functions of, 118-120

Diwali, festival of, 31

Drink question, 121;
in Madras, 121;
sale of licences, increase in Excise Revenue, 121;
in Poona, 122;
Swadeshi and, 122;
traffic, 122

“Dualist,” 106

Dundee, jute trade with, 163-166

Durga, temple of, 32

Dutt, Aswini Kumar, notable Nationalist, 186-234, 243

Dutt, Romesh Chandra, books on India, 82-83, 86;
as economist, 104;
minister of Baroda, 317

Eden, Sir Ashley, Lieut.-Governor Bengal, 212

Education Commission (1901), 3;
raising standard of, 4;
opposition to, 45;
dangers of, 72-94;
expenditure on, 82

Education, national, 223;
exclusion of, 242;
system of, 251;
defects of, 310;
extension of, 333

Elphinstone, Lord, 72

_Empire_ (newspaper), 230

_Englishman_ (newspaper), 43, 230

Espionage, police and postal, 203, 323

Excise (“abkari”), 121;
privileges of, 334

Extremists, 28, 42, 70;
in Bengal and Poona, 44;
leader of, 62;
meeting of, 127;
at Congress, 183;
courage of, 225;
warning to, 254;
conflict with Moderates, 259

Expenditure, Indian report of, 2;
increase of, 173-174

Factories, increase of, 180

Factory Labour Commission, 24

Famine (1900), terrible season of, 2;
and finger-prints, 93;
preparations for, 94 _et seq._;
in Orissa, 136;
effects of, 142-143, 278, 280, 281;
cause of, 271-273 _et seq._;
statistics of, 275;
recurrency of, 324;
official, 270;
Commissioners, duty of, 275;
district, 289

Finger-print Bureau, 93

Floods in Orissa, 134 _et seq._;
statistics of, 139

Food, increased cost of, 281-282

Forests, Communal, importance of, 95;
denudation and appropriation of, 96;
Laws, 95;
hardships of, 97;
absurdities of, 97-98;
Department, absorbs Communal lands, 96, 97, 99;
Revenue, profit on, 96

France, factories of, 236

Fraser, Sir Andrew, Lieut.-Governor Bengal, 3;
presides over Police Commission, 3;
Lieut.-Governor Calcutta, 12;
over Commission of Inquiry, 120;
providence of, 140;
on relief works, 146-147;
on Partition of Bengal, 175;
attempt on, 238

Freedom, Library of, 39;
claims for, 130;
of speech suppressed, 323

Frontier Province (North-West) created (1901), 3;
Policy, revolution of, 14

Fuel, scarcity of, 97, 99

Fuller, Sir Bampfylde (Lieut.-Governor, Dacca), 12;
difficulties of, 14;
with Mohammedans, 15;
resignation of, 15, 203;
represses Swadeshi, 184;
jest of, 192

Ganges, source of, 160;
description of, 263 _et seq._

Ganjam, part of Madras Presidency, 134

Garlands, use of, 112, 130, 313-314

Gauranga, Bengali saint, 211

Germany, rule of, 320-321

Ghose, Arabindo, sketch of, 220 _et seq._;
plan of campaign of, 223;
on courage and nationality, 225-227;
devotion of, 228;
arrest of, 228;
at National Congress, 238;
as mediator, 242-243;
presides at Extremist Convention, 260

Ghose, Moti Lai, 211 _et seq._, 243

Ghose, Prasad Hemendra, writer of “Swadeshi-cum-Boycott,” 181

Ghose, Dr. Rash Behari, opposes Seditious Meeting Bill, 25;
chosen President of National Congress, 70, 247;
sketch of, 233 _et seq._;
at National Congress, 256;
attacks Extremists, 254-255;
presides at Moderates Convention, 260;
disregarded by Government, 326

Gokhale, Gopal Krishna, and Curzon Budget, 6;
in England as delegate, 12;
opposes Seditious Meetings Act, 25;
founder of “Servants of India,” 34 _et seq._;
at Diwali, 46;
in London, 46;
denounces Sedition Bill, 236;
position at Congress, 243-244;
letter in Bengalee, 250-251;
peacemaker, 257;
unpopularity of, 262;
reasonableness, 331-332;
disregarded by Government, 326

Government, excludes Indians from higher Civil Service, 6;
posts reserved for Mohammedans, 15;
intervention, 21-22;
scheme of reform, 22;
loans unpopular, 89-90;
as protector of poor, 95, 142;
discontent under, 100;
exactions under, 164;
buildings at Dacca, 173;
“Court of Wards,” 191;
responsibilities of, 214;
independence of, 223;
pressure under, 235;
difficulty of, 325

Grand Trunk Road, pilgrims on, 135, 152

Grazing lands, 95;
scarcity of, 97

Gupta, Mr. K. G., on Indian Council, 22

Gurkhas quartered in villages, 14-15, 202

Gurukula (the Master’s Home), 310

_Habeas corpus_, breaches of, 20, 131

Hand-looms, dying out of, 162-163

Hardie, Mr. Keir, misrepresented, 25;
Morley on, 26;
insulted, 230-232

Hardwar, ignorance at, 288;
goal of pilgrims, 306

Hare, Sir Lancelot, succeeds Sir B. Fuller, 15

Hastings, Warren, 127

Hewett, Sir John, relief statistics by, 279

High Courts, respect for, 68

_Hindu Spiritual Magazine_, 211

Hinduism, 108-109

Hindus rejected, 15;
shops looted, 16;
rioting of, 16-17;
outrages on, 16, 29;
workshops damaged, 18;
in Bengal, 166;
exclusion of, 322

_Hindustan_ prosecuted, 303

Hitaishi (Friend), violence of, 228

Hobhouse, Mr. Charles, Under-Secretary for India, 24, 104

Holland, factories of, 236

Hooghly magistrate on weavers, 179-180

Hunter, Sir William, famine statistics of, 94

Ibbetson, Sir Denzil (Lieut.-Governor of Punjab), refuses petitions,
17-18

Imperialism and reaction, 43

Imports, decrease in, 180

_India_ (Lahore paper) prosecuted, 17

India, reduction of expenditure in, 25;
compared with Canada, 26;
Morley’s vision of, 26-28;
impoverishment of, 73;
domestic life in, 78 _et seq._;
education of, 129;
limited knowledge of, 324;
crushed, 325;
unity of, 326;
unrest in, 326

“India in the Victorian Age,” by R. C. Dutt, 86

India, Southern, disturbances in, 29

India Office, expenses of, 3;
Council, additions to, 22

Indian, position in British Empire, 9;
tendency to deceit, 9;
Patriots Association, 17;
defence of policy of idealists, 27;
editors in, 43;
economics, 73;
unity promoted, 74;
“Problems,” by S. M. Mitra, 83;
“Ryot,” the, Sir William Wedderburn, 83;
ignorance of, 88;
Empire, basis of, 93;
disabilities of, 119;
_Trade Journal_ on weavers, 179;
Parliament, 223;
_Daily News_, 230;
people insulted, 230;
Province, industrial organization in, 271;
“Patriotism towards the Empire,” by Lajpah Rai, 300;
temperament, 301;
_Review_ on “Moral Poverty,” 331

Indians, exclusion of, 7, 322;
irritated by Press, 17;
educated, 30;
occupations of, 161;
degeneration of, 222;
in Transvaal, 260;
determination of, 281;
in England, 322;
exaggeration by, 323;
incapability disproved, 331;
contempt for Anglo-Indians, 335

“Industrial Organization of an Indian Province,” by Mr. Theodore
Morison, 280, 284

Industries, ancient, 162

Industry, organization of, 14

Irish Home Rulers, comparison with, 238;
Party, encouragement from, 299

Irrigation, question of dues postponed, 17;
rates increased, 17;
results of, 214;
methods of, 273

James, Prof. William, 106

Janaka, austerity of, 269

Japan, rule of, 320-321;
example of, 322

Japanese War, effect of, 170

Jaswant Rai, Lala, proprietor of Punjabee, 17

Jemalpur, disturbances at, 17

Jenapur, floods near, 136, 141

Jenkins, Sir Lawrence, Chief Justice, 68

Jessore, district of, 212

Judicial and Executive functions, separation of, 46

Juggernath, Temples of, 134 _et seq._;
_v._ sanitation, 154;
worship of, 155 _et seq._;
equality before, 155;
brother and sister of, 156

Jute in Bengal, 163;
prices of, 164;
export of, 165

Kali, worship of, 207 _et seq._;
Temple of, 206, 209

Kalighat, description of, 206, 208 _et seq._

Kangra Valley, earthquake in, 297

Karma, influence of, 107

Kelkar, Mr., editor of _Maharatta_, 42, 62, 249

_Kesari_ (Lion), Mr. Tilak’s paper, 62;
attacks Government, 67, 77

Khaparde, Mr., of Nagpur, chosen representative, 242

Kingsford, Mr., judgment of, 24;
incited to manslaughter, 229

Kitchener, Commander-in-Chief, 3;
differs from Lord Curzon, 13;
reviews in Poona, 92

Kolhapur, Gohkale’s birthplace, 34

Krishna, adventures of, 92

Labour Party, leader of, 25;
(English), encouragement from, 299

Lahore, press abuse and prosecutions in, 17-18;
crime in, 29;
injustice in, 118;
poverty, 283;
superstition, 288

Lajpat Rai (Lala), in England and America as delegate, 12;
speech at Lyallpur, deportation of, 19;
as mediator, 70, 242, 243;
release of, 126;
lament for, 129;
tribute to, 133, 233;
popularity of, 246;
and Arya Samaj, 292;
influence of deportation, 295;
addresses Moderates, 296;
criticizes Congress, 296;
nature of, 296;
sketch of, 296 _et seq._;
pamphlets by, 297-301;
in England, 298;
“Lala Rajpat Rai, the Man in his Word,” 298;
“Story of my Deportation,” by, 302;
reason for deportation, 303;
with Moderates, 332

Lakshmi, goddess of family prosperity, 31

Lancers, 9th, punished, 3

Land Act, 17;
assessment, attempted reform of, 14;
increase in, 17;
remission of, 95;
in Bombay, 85;
limitation of, 85;
increase in, 86, 99;
reclaimed, 17;
Revenue, books on, 82;
Administration Report, 180;
Question in Oude, 83;
Tax, period of, 135;
titles, revision of, 140;
settlement,
scenes at, 140-141;
burden on, 289-290

Landowners on Viceroy’s Council, 45;
ruin of, 45. _See_ Zemindars

Languages in India, 11, 130

Lawrence, Sir H., good influence of, 28

Layard on Mohammedan ignorance, 200-201

Lee, W. H., translation by, 127

Lefroy, Dr. (Bishop of Lahore), 117

Legislative Councils (_see_ Councils);
enlargement of, 23;
disbelief in, 222

Lely, Sir F., on drink traffic, 122

Lhassa, neutralized, 24

Liberal Party disappoints India, 43;
Government satirized, 132

Liverpool boycott in Bengal, 166;
salt, decrease in, 180;
destroyed, 185

Local Government, functions of, 23;
proclaimed districts, 25

Low, Mr. Sidney, “Vision of India,” 83

Lyallpur, meeting at, 17-18

Lytton, Lord, passes Vernacular Press Act, 212

Macaulay, influence of, 234-235

MacDonnell, Sir Antony, Famine Report by, 289

Madhu Sudan Das, 147-149

Madras, standing of, 10;
disturbances in, 29;
High Court, 68;
rates and taxes in, 83;
petition to Governor of, 99-100;
reformers and freedom in, 103;
municipality of, 104;
representation of, 104-105;
religion in, 110;
drink question in, 121;
Swadeshi in, 122 _et seq._;
meeting on beach, 125;
languages in, 130;
presidency, drought in, 141

Magistrates, powers of, 25;
manners of, 147 _et seq._

Mahanadi, The, in flood, 135

_Mahratta_ (Mr. Tilak’s paper), 42;
reports in, 62, 76

Mahratta Nobility, 32;
Shoe, effects of, 233

Mailapur, temple at, 105

Malaria, inroads of, 213-214

Malvi, Tribhovandas, 244-255

Manchester at war with Bengal, 166;
goods in Bankura, 179

_Manchester Guardian_, author correspondent of, 30

Mango fruit the cause of cholera, 272;
blossom, the Indian May, 312

Manu, laws of, 83

Martineau, Mr. A. E., Sessions Judge at Delhi, 19

Maruta, Indian Hercules, 93

Mehta, Sir Pherozeshah, services of, 240-241;
at National Congress, 257-258

Midleton, Lord (Mr. Brodrick), on Partition, 13;
favours devolution, 167

Mill, J. S., 131, 329

Mill hands in Delhi, 285;
in Bombay, 286

Milton, 131

Minto, Lord, succeeds Lord Curzon, 13;
refuses Colonization Bill, 17, 21;
Proclamation of, 21;
Indian opinion of, 43;
Press Act of, 220

Mitra, K. K., starts Swadeshi, 178;
S. M., “Indian Problems” by, 83

Moderates, J. Morley on, 27-28;
G. K. Gokhale on, 44;
conflict with Extremists, 257-259;
unpopularity of, 262

Mohammedan Revival, 192;
Riots, 202

Mohammedans favoured by Sir B. Fuller and Government, 15-16;
and Hindus, 16, 17;
nominated on Indian Council, 22,
on Viceroy’s Council, 23, 45;
in Bengal, 166;
against Partition, 175;
after Partition, 186;
gentility of, 199

Money-lenders (Banya), restriction of, 2;
importance of, 87;
speculations of, 89;
opportunities of, 90;
expelled from Deccan, 91;
indebtedness to, 283

Monist, faith of, 106

Monsoon rains, importance of, 276

Morison, Mr. Theodore, “Industrial Organization of an Indian
Province,” 83, 92, 271-272, 281-284

Morley, Lord, in India Office (Dec. 14, 1905), 14;
Secretary of State, 12;
on Partition of Bengal, 12, 175;
defends deportation, 20;
Budget speech and scheme of reforms, 22;
speech to constituents, 26-27;
on bad manners, 28, 118;
criticized, 36-37;
invites criticism, 44;
complaints of, 46;
satire on, 129;
influence of, 131, 132;
misrepresentations to, 163;
study of, 170;
misleading of, 193;
policy of, 254

Morrison, W. J. (Special Commissioner), 24

Moti Lai Ghose (_see_ Ghose, description of), 212;
petition of, 213;
opinions of, 214

Mourning customs, 109;
in Macedonia, 110

Mulkowal, serum poisoning in, 58

Mullahs revive Islamism, 192

Munro, Sir Thomas, popularity of, 325

Mutiny, anniversary of, 19, 29

Mysore, advancement of, 103;
good government in, 316

Nagpur, meeting at, 70, 233;
Chota, 166

Naoroji, Dadabhai (ex-M.P. Finsbury), sketch of, 29-30;
presides at Calcutta Congress (1906), 183, 235;
on “Moral Poverty,” 330

Nash, Mr. Vaughan, “The Great Famine,” etc., by, 85-86, 90, 96-97

Nath, Dina, imprisonment of, 18

National Congress (_see_ Congress);
unity, Curzon’s sympathy with, 5-6;
renascence, 159, 222;
education, 223;
outlook, 301;
societies, 328;
deterioration, check on, 330

Nationalism, definition of, 225-226

Nationalist Cause, repression good for, 222

Nationalists separate from Moderates, 238

Nationality, Curzon’s explanation of, 8-9

Nautch girl, dancing of, 313 _et seq._

Nawab Salimulla of Dacca, 189 _et seq._

Nawab Syed Mohammed on Viceroy’s Council, 104-105

Nehru, Motilal at National Congress, 256

Newspapers, restricted information of, 4;
Anglo-Indian, protest against Partition, 11;
English, misrepresentations in, 16, 25;
unscrupulousness of correspondents, 37;
Hindu, 215, 219;
advantages of, 321-322

North-West Provinces, 285

Nurses, Indian, in hospitals, 56

Officials, bribery of, 100;
object to change, 138;
remedies of, 166;
zeal and sympathy of, 274

Opium, regulation of traffic, 24

Ordinance, Lord Minto’s, 21

Orissa, in Partition, 10-11, 166;
floods in, 134 _et seq._;
peasantry of, 135;
description of, 135;
famine and drought in, 136, 142, 273 _et seq._;
villages, 144;
“Volunteers” at, 185

Oxford Brethren, 186

Pabna, district of, schools disaffiliated, 15

Pal, B. Chandra, prosecution of, 24

Panchayat (village council) restored, 318

Paralysis from famine, 278

Paranjbye, Mr. (head of Fergusson College), 41

Partition of Bengal, lines of, 11;
protests against, 16;
effects of, 322

Patna, in Partition, 10, 167

Peasants, protection of, 2

Permanent Settlement (1793), 91-92, 135;
landowner under, 164-165

Persecution, 202 _et seq._, 322

Persia divided, 24;
contrasted with India, 320

Peshwas, rule of, 32

Petitions to British Parliament, 12;
uselessness of, 326

Phœnix Park murders, comparison with, 238

Picketing, method of, 184

Pindi Das imprisoned, 17

Pilgrimages, methods of, 152;
time for, 153

Pilgrims to Byturni, 135;
Ganges, 263 _et seq._

_Pioneer_ comment on scholarship, 68;
honourable tradition of, 230

Plague, deaths from (1906-1907), 23, 32;
origin of, 32;
terror of, 32;
Government and, 32;
introduction of, 48;
in Poona, 48 _et seq._;
theory of, 50;
squirrels and, 51;
rats and, 52;
proclamations on, 58;
finger-prints and, 59;
inoculation for, 58-61;
“Bubonic,” 49;
vegetarianism and, 53;
symptoms of, 54-55;
after-effects of, 55-56;
described by Thucydides, Boccaccio, Defoe, 56-57;
statistics of, 58;
official record of, 301-302;
results of, 324

Plague Committee, chairman murdered, 49

Poland, comparison with, 320

Police Commission under Sir A. Fraser, 3;
quartered in villages, 14-15;
scandals, 120;
power of, 184;
District Superintendent, 248

Police spies, 203

Political agent, control of, 134;
freedom, importance of, 303-304

Politics in India, 41

Poona, festival at, 31;
desolation of, 32;
riots at, 35, 49;
Extremists in, 44, 225;
Gokhale in, 37-46;
plague in, 48 _et seq._;
hospital hats in, 53-56;
newspapers in, 62;
irrigation in, 65;
“culture” in, 78 _et seq._;
beauty of, 92;
Finger-print Bureau in, 93;
Kitchener’s reviews in, 93;
education in, 101, 215

Port Said, dividing line at, 118

Potters, craft of, 161-162

Poverty, increase of, 324

Press, English, misrepresentations in, 15-16;
(Indian) prosecutions of, 24

Press Act (1908), 220;
suppression under, 229

“Principles of Psychology,” by Professor William James, 106

Processions forbidden, 15

Proclamation of Queen Victoria (1858), text of, 6;
right of Indians under, 46, 236, 322, 333, 334

Professors and Government intervention, 21-22

Provincial Councils, Legislative, 22;
Advisory, 22-23;
and Home Rule, 72;
Conference broken up, 184,
at Surat, 242

Public meeting, right of, curtailed, 15, 21, 25

Punjab, Land Act in, 2;
disturbances in, 16, 17;
Legislative Council, 17;
Colonization Bill, 17, 21;
proclaimed, 21;
the Tikka Sahib of Nabha, representative of, 25;
press insolence in, 43;
death rate in, 52;
unpopularity of inoculation in, 58;
rates and taxes in, 83;
misery of ryot in, 283-284

_Punjabee_, prosecuted in Lahore, 17

Puri, temple at, 152

Raj, Hans (Principal Anglo-Vedic College), 297

Rajahs, 134, 135;
extravagance of, 150

Raleigh, Sir Thomas (President Education Commission), 3

Rama, legend of, 93, 269

Ramakrishna (Society of), 209.
_See_ Deva and Paramahamsa

Ranade, Justice (social reformer), 34;
tradition of, 40

Ranchi, in Partition, 10

Rand, Mr., shot, 35

Rangoon, British outrage in, 2;
rice, 165

Ratcliffe, Mr. S. K. (late editor of _Statesman_), thanks to, 30

Rates, application of, 165

Rats, spreaders of plague, 48 _et seq._

Rawal Pindi, riots in, 17;
meetings at, 18;
arrests at, 18-19;
death of prisoner at, 19;
false evidence at, 19;
outrages at, 29;
injustice at, 118

Reaction, uselessness of, 322

Reasonableness of Indian speeches, 131

Red Pamphlet (Mohammedan propaganda), 192

Reforms scheme, 22, 34;
promptness needed in, 335-336

Regulations of 1818, deportations under, 20

Relief Problem, 137;
private, 146;
Government, 271 _et seq._

Religion, expenditure on, 82

Religions of Hindus, 209 _et seq._

Remedial measures, 332-335

Remembrancer of Legal Affairs, 93

Rent, 84, 144-145

Rent Acts of 1859 and 1885, 91

Revenue Authorities, seizures by, 90

Revenue from land, 83 _et seq._;
India, 325;
control of, 333

_Review, Indian_, Swadeshi-cum-Boycott, 181

Rice, sacrificed to jute, 164;
export, 165;
failure, 279

Riots in Poona, 49;
in Deccan, 91;
in Comilla and Jemalpur, 193;
Lahore and Rawal Pindi, 18, 19, 302

Ripon, Lord, regretted, 34;
decline after, 43;
attempts at reform of, 119, 241;
popularity of, 325

Risley, Sir H., issues Circular, 21, 304;
announces Partition, 167;
cautious reply of, 176

River, nature and sanctity of, 135;
boats on, 161;
caprices of, 161

Road Cess, 213

Royal Family, devotion to, 213

Rudra, Professor (Bengali economist), 331

Rupee, values of, 2

Rutherford, Dr., at National Congress, 245

Russia, disastrous rule of, 320

Russian bureaucracy, Tilak’s criticism of, 73

Rustamji, Kersasp, Minister at Baroda, 319

Ryot, burden on, 78;
“The Indian Ryot,” by Sir William Wedderburn, 83;
amiability of, 93;
life of, 94;
robbed of forests and grazing lands, 96;
protection of, 98;
grievances, 99;
memorial, 99;
income of, 100

Ryotwari (peasant tenantry) in Madras and Bombay, 91

Salem district, memorial from, 100

Salimulla, Nawab of Dacca, 16;
on Council, 191 _et seq._

Salisbury, Lord, taunts Indian, 30;
on land tax, 84-85

Salt tax, revenue from, 4;
reduction of, 34

Sandhurst, Lord, apology to, 35

_Sandhya_ (“Evening”), policy of, 219;
violence of, 228

_Sanjibani_ suggests boycott, 178

Sanyasi Order, rebellion of, 127

Saraswati, Dayananda, founder of Arya Samaj, 292 _et seq._

Sawhny, Dr. Hansraj, at Rawal Pindi Meeting, 18

Schoolmaster threatened, 21;
communal, 101-102

Schools deprived of grants and scholarships, 15

Scinde, plague in, 53

“Sedition!”, 147

“Seditious,” meaning of, 230

Seditious Meetings Act, 25, 130;
protested against, 36-37;
ignored, 74

Segregation in Poona, 49-50

Self-government, Colonial, 41;
preparations for, 223;
at Congress, 239;
increased demand for, 329

Serajganj, schoolboys punished at, 15;
spies at, 203-204

“Servants of India,” founder of, 34;
rules of, 38 _et seq._;
value of, 300

“Settlement,” meaning of, 83-84;
working of, 84;
officers, discretion of, 85;
duty of, 87;
camps, 140

Shillong, summer residence of Viceroy, 160, 173

Shishir Kumar Ghose (editor of _Hindu Spiritual Magazine_), 211

Shiva, temples of, 32, 269;
festival of, 106, 110 _et seq._;
legend of, 207

Shivaji, Peshwa, heroism of, 69, 246

Sikh regiments and colonization, 17;
representative on Viceroy’s Council, 25;
soldier’s dismissal, 303

Simla, Partition proclaimed from (Sept. 1, 1905), 12;
Curzon’s farewell speech at, 13;
reforms proposed at, 22, 44-45;
Council at, 25;
isolation of, 160

Singarh, fortress of, 65, 69

“Sinn Fein,” universal Swadeshi, 221

Sita, wife of Rama, 93, 269

Small-pox, 186

Spinoza and Monism, 106

Spies, use of, 203-204;
abolition of, 334

Starvation, official report on, 139;
deaths from, 144

_Statesman_, 230

Statistics of Indian life, 79 _et seq._

Sugar, foreign, destroyed, 185;
failure, 279

Surat, chosen for Congress, 70, 183, 233 _et seq._;
Christmas Day in, 236;
decrepitude of, 237;
Provincial Conference at, 242

Surendra Nath Banerjea, influence, 215 _et seq._;
refused hearing, 247;
at Congress, 256-257, 262

Swadeshi, beginning and reason of, 12-14;
movement, 74;
and temperance, 122;
in Madras and Bombay, 122;
true spirit of, 147;
effect on hand-looms, 163;
“Volunteers,” 178 _et seq._;
meeting in Calcutta, 179;
oath, 181;
women and, 181;
good effects of, 180 _et seq._;
English traders and, 182;
official admiration for, 182;
shops, 182;
payment for, 187;
refused, 188;
extension of, 221;
limitations of, 228;
foundation of, 297;
a last effort, 327;
development of, 328 _et seq._

“Swadeshi Movement,” by Lajpat Rai, 301

Swaraj (Home Rule), 129-130

Tahsildars, 145

Takavi (loans), 146

Takka Sahib of Nabha opposes Seditious Meetings Act, 25

Taluka (group of villages), 85

Tamil singer, 127;
poet, 129;
orator, 133

Tanks as social centres, 273

“Tenets of the New Party,” 75

“Test Works,” 274 _et seq._

Tigers, slaughter of, 98-99

Tilak, B. G., an adherent of, 42;
opposed to inoculation, 58;
as editor, 62;
sketch of, 65 _et seq._;
as author, 66;
imprisoned, 67;
sentence quashed, 68;
Extremists’ leader, 70;
attitude of, 71;
statement of aims, 72;
on bureaucracy, 73;
policy of, 73-74;
on moderation, 75;
on “Efficiency,” 76;
on revolution, 76;
influence of, 76-77;
arrest, trial, and sentence, 77;
moderation of, 221;
opposes Dr. Ghose at Congress, 238 _et seq._;
on National Representation, 242;
addresses Extremists, 260

_Times_, the, against education, 102;
Lord Curzon’s letter to, 193

_Times of India_ insults Mr. Keir Hardie and Indians, 230-232

Travancore, education in, 103

Tribhuvaneshwar, temple of, 134

Tributary chiefs, 134-135

“Trust Company” swindle, 108

Turner, Dr., theorizes on plague, 50

Unearned increment, 277

Unitarians of Hinduism, 210

United Provinces, rainfall in, 92-94;
agriculture suspended in, 271;
tranquillity of, 280

Universities, extension of faculties in, 4;
changes in constitution, 5

University, Calcutta, schools disaffiliated from, 15;
senate, S. N. Banerjea’s services in, 215;
brother of Arabindo Ghose on staff of, 221

Unrest, cause of, 170 _et seq._;
meaning of, 322

Uriya people, antiquity of, 134

Vasantha (Spring), 310

Vedantic Order for distributing relief, 146

Vedantists (members of Ramakrishna Society), 210

Vedas, recitation from, 16;
belief in, 210

Vedic hymns and worship, 291;
school, 306 _et seq._;
discipline, 308

Vernacular Press Act, 212

Viceroy, Lord Curzon as, 1, 2, 8, 9;
limits right of public meeting, 21;
rejects Colonization Bill, 17;
Legislative Council of, 23, 45;
passes Seditious Meetings Act, 25;
winter residence of, 208-209;
“Veto” of, 333

Viceroy’s Council, Military Supply member on, 13;
disputes about, 13;
promises of, 119;
Nawab Salimulla on, 191;
member’s letters opened, 220;
Dr. R. B. Ghose on, 235;
financial statement to, 280;
Indians disregarded in, 326;
reform of, 332

Victoria, Queen, Proclamation for India (1858), 6

Village communities, destruction of, 95-96

Villagers, death through forced labour, 17;
poverty of, 90;
homes of, 287

Villages, conditions in, 282-283

Vishnu, Temple of, 32, 111-112;
footprint of, 106;
worship of, 211;
prayer to, 267

“Vision of India,” by Mr. Sidney Low, 83

Vivekananda, follower of Ramakrishna, 219

“Volunteers” in relief work, 146-147;
in Swadeshi movement, 185;
alarm at, 185;
at National Congress, 237

Wacha, Dinshaw Edulji, 240

Wages Table for Public Works, 275;
statistics of, 285

Wales, Prince and Princess of, visit of, 13;
devotion to, 213

Warren Hastings, power of, 127

Weavers, persistence of, 162;
religion of, 162;
increased prosperity of, 179-180;
work and wages of, 285

Wedderburn, Sir William, “The Indian Ryot,” by, 83;
“The Skeleton at the Jubilee Feast,” 83, 91;
Solution given by, 178

Wells, expense of, 273

Widows, abduction of, 193

Women, education of, 38;
examined by soldiers, 49;
against inoculation, 59;
freedom of, 103;
in “Swadeshi,” 123;
sufferings of, 143;
use boycott, 181;
guardians of, 186;
backwardness of, 196

_Yugantar_ (“New Age”), policy of, 219-220

Zemindars (landowners) on Viceroy’s Council, 45;
in Bengal, 91;
subletting by, 134;
ruin of, 165;
hardships of, 174;
increased taxation of, 277

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Transcriber’s Notes

pg 45 Changed: judicial and and executive functions
to: judicial and executive functions

pg 194 Changed: more attached, I I was told
to: more attached, I was told

pg 195 Changed: leaning forward like a diplomast
to: leaning forward like a diplomat

pg 231 Changed: find the god of their idolatory
to: find the god of their idolatry

pg 235 Changed: to which Dadadhai Naoroji had been brought
to: to which Dadabhai Naoroji had been brought