Chapter VII: Astrology and Magic

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Bouché-Leclercq's book _L'astrologie grecque_ (Paris, 1899) makes it unnecessary to refer to the earlier works of Saumaise (_De annis climactericis_, 1648), of Seiffarth (_Beiträge sur Lit. des alten Aegypten_, II, 1883), etc. Most of the facts cited by us are taken from that monumental treatise, unless otherwise stated.--A large number of new texts has been published in the _Catalogus codicum astrologorum Graecorum_ (9 vols. ready, Brussels, 1898).--Franz Boll, _Sphaera_ (Leipsic, 1903) is important for the history of the Greek and barbarian constellations (see _Rev. archéol._, 1903, I, p. 437).--De la Ville de Mirmont has furnished notes on _L'astrologie en Gaule au V^e siècle_ (_Rev. des Etudes anciennes_, 1902, pp. 115 ff.; 1903, pp. 255 ff.; 1906, p. 128). Also in book form, Bordeaux, 1904. The principal results of the latest researches have been outlined to perfection by Boll, _Die Erforschung der {271} antiken Astrologie_ (_Neue Jahrb. für das klass. Altert._, XI), 1908, pp. 104 ff.--For the bibliography of magic, cf. _infra_, notes, 58 ff.

1. Stephan. Byzant. (_Cat. codd. astr._, II, p. 235), I, 12: [Greek: Exochôtatê kai pasês epistêmês despoina]. Theophil. Edess., _ibid._, V, 1, p. 184: [Greek: Hoti pasôn timiôtera technôn]. Vettius Valens, VI, proem. (_ibid._, V, 2, p. 34, 7 = p. 241, 19, Kroll ed.): [Greek: Tis gar ouk an krinai tautên tên theôrian pasôn prouchein kai makariôtatên tunchanein].

2. Cf. Louis Havet, _Revue bleue_, Nov., 1905, p. 644.

3. Cf. _supra_, p. 146, p. 123.

4. Kroll, _Aus der Gesch. der Astrol._ (_Neue Jahrb. für das klass. Altertum_, VII), 1901, pp. 598 ff. Cf. Boll, _Cat. codd. astr._, VII, p. 130.

5. The argumentation of Posidonius, placed at the beginning of the Tetrabiblos, inspired the defense of astrology, and it has been drawn upon considerably by authors of widely different spirit and tendencies, see Boll, _Studien über Claudius Ptolemäus_, 1894, pp. 133 ff.

6. Suetonius, Tib., 69.

7. Suetonius, _Othon_, 8; cf. _Bouché-Leclercq_, p. 556, n. 4.

8. On these edifices, cf. Maass, _Tagesgötter_, 1902. The form "Septizonia" is preferable to "Septizodia"; cf. Schürer, _Siebentägige Woche_ (Extr. _Zeitschr. neutestam. Wissensch._, VI), 1904, pp. 31, 63.

9. Friedländer, _Sittengesch._, I, p. 364. It appears that astrology never obtained a hold on the lower classes of the rural population. It has a very insignificant place in the folklore and healing arts of the peasantry.

10. Manilius, IV, 16.--For instance _CIL_, VI, 13782, the epitaph of a Syrian freedman: "L. Caecilius L. l(ibertus) Syrus, natus mense Maio hora noctis VI, die Mercuri, vixit ann. VI dies XXXIII, mortuus est IIII Kal. Iulias hora X, elatus est h(ora) III frequentia maxima." Cf. Bucheler, _Carm. epigr._, 1536: "Voluit hoc astrum meum."

11. Chapter [Greek: Peri deipnou]: _Cat. codd. astr._, IV, p. 94. The precept: "Ungues Mercurio, barbam Iove, Cypride crinem," {272} ridiculed by Ausonius, (VII, 29, p. 108, Piper) is well known. There are many chapters [Greek: Peri onuchôn, Peri himatiôn], etc.

12. _Cat. codd. astr._, V, 1 (Rom.) p. 11, cod. 2, f. 34: [Greek: Peri tou ei echei megan rhina ho gennêtheis. Poteron pornê genêtai hê gennêtheisa.]

13. Varro, _De re rustica_, I, 37, 2; cf. Pliny, _Hist. nat._, XVI, 75, § 194. Olympiod, _Comm. in Alcibiad Plat._, p. 18 (ed. Creuzer, 1821): [Greek: Tous hieratikôs zôntas estin idein mê apokeiromenous auxousês tês selênês]. This applies to popular superstition rather than to astrology.

14. _CIL_, VI, 27140 = Bücheler, _Carmina epigraph._, 1163: "Decepit utrosque | Maxima mendacis fama mathematici."

15. Palchos in the _Cat. codd. astr._, I, pp. 106-107.

16. Manilius, IV, 386 ff., 866 ff. _passim_.

17. Vettius Valens, V, 12 (_Cat. codd. astr._, V, 2, p. 32 = p. 239, 8, Kroll ed.); cf. V, 9 (_Cat._, V, 2, p. 31, 20 = p. 222, 11 Kroll ed.).

18. Cf. Steph. Byz., _Cat. codd. astr._, II, p. 186. He calls both [Greek: stochasmos entechnos]. The expression is taken up again by Manuel Comnenus (_Cat._, V, 1, p. 123, 4), and by the Arab Abou-Mashar [Apomasar] (_Cat._, V, 2, p. 153).

19. The sacerdotal origin of astrology was well known to the ancients; see Manilius, I, 40 ff.

20. Thus in the chapter on the fixed stars which passed down to Theophilus of Edessa and a Byzantine of the ninth century, from a pagan author who wrote at Rome in 379; cf. _Cat. codd. astrol._, V, 1, pp. 212, 218.--The same observation has been made in the manuscripts of the Cyranides, cf. F. de Mély and Ruelle, _Lapidaires grecs_, II, p. xi. n. 3.--See also _Mon. myst. Mithra_, I, pp. 31 ff.; Boll, _Die Erforsch. der antiken Astrologie_, pp. 110 ff.

21. In Vettius Valens, III, 12 (p. 150, 12 Kroll ed.) and IX, prooem. (p. 329, 20); cf. VI, prooem. (p. 241, 16); Riess, _Petosiridis et Necheps. fragm._, fr. 1.

22. Vettius Valens, IV, 11 (_Cat. codd, astr._, V, 2, p. 86 = p. 172, 31 ff., Kroll ed.), cf. V, 12, (_Cat._, _ibid._, p. 32 = p. 238, 18 ff.), VII prooem. (_Cat._, p. 41 = p. 263, l. 4, Kroll ed. and the note). {273}

23. Firmicus Maternus, II, 30, VIII, prooem. and 5. Cf. Theophilus of Edessa, _Cat._, V, 1, p. 238, 25; Julian of Laod., _Cat._, IV, p. 104, 4.

24. _CIL_, V, 5893.--Chaeremon, an Egyptian priest, was also an astrologer.

25. Souter, _Classical Review_, 1897, p. 136; Ramsay, _Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia_, II, p. 566, 790.

26. On the Stoic theory of sympathy see Bouché-Leclercq, pp. 28 ff., _passim_. A brilliant account will be found in Proclus, _In remp. Plat._, II, 258 f., Kroll ed. Cf. also Clem. Alex., _Strom._, VI, 16, p. 143 (p. 504, 21, Stähelin ed.)--Philo attributed it to the Chaldeans (_De migrat. Abrahami_, 32, II, p. 303, 5, Wendland):

[Greek: Chaldaioi tôn allôn anthrôpôn ekpeponêkenai kai diapherontôs dokousin astronomian kai genethlialogikên, ta epigeia tois meteôrois kai ta ourania tois epi gês harmozomenoi kai hôsper dia mousikês logôn tên emmelestatên sumphônian tou pantos epideiknumenoi têi tôn merôn pros allêla koinôniai kai sumpatheiai, topois men diezeugmenôn, sungeneiai de ou diôikismenôn.]

27. Riess in Pauly-Wissowa, _Realenc._, s. v. "Aberglaube," I, col. 38 f.

28. (_No note with this number in original book--Transcriber._).

29. _Cat._, V, 1, p. 210, where a number of other examples will be found.

30. See Boll, _Sphaera_ (_passim_), and his note on the lists of animals assigned to the planets, in Roscher, _Lexikon Myth._, s. v. "Planeten," III, col. 2534; cf. _Die Erforsch. der Astrologie_, p. 110, n. 3.

31. _Cat._, V, 1, pp. 210 ff.

32. Cf. _supra_, ch. V. pp. 128 ff.

33. Cf. _supra_, ch. V, n. 87.

34. On worship of the sky, of the signs of the zodiac, and of the elements, cf. _Mon. myst. Mithra_, I, pp. 85 ff., 98 ff., 108 ff.

35. The magico-religious notion of sanctity, of _mana_, appeared in the idea and notation of time. This has been shown by Hubert in his profound analysis of _La représentation du temps dans la religion et la magie_ (_Progr. éc. des Hautes-Etudes_), 1905 = _Mélanges hist. des rel._, Paris, 1909, p. 190.

36. On the worship of Time see _Mon. myst. Mithra_, I, pp. 20, {274} 74 ff.; of the seasons: _ibid._, pp. 92 ff. There is no doubt that the veneration of time and its subdivisions (seasons, months, days, etc.) spread through the influence of astrology. Zeno had deified them; see Cicero, _Nat. D._, II, 63 (= von Arnim, fr. 165): "Astris hod idem (i. e. vim divinam) tribuit, tum annis, mensibus, annorumque mutationibus." In conformity with the materialism of the Stoics these subdivisions of time were conceived by him as bodies (von Arnim, _loc. cit._, II, fr. 665; cf. Zeller, _Ph. Gr._, IV, p. 316, p. 221). The later texts have been collected by Drexler in Roscher, _Lexikon_, s. v. "Mên," II, col. 2689. See also Ambrosiaster, _Comm. in epist. Galat._, IV, 10 (Migne, col. 381 B). Egypt had worshiped the hours, the months, and the propitious and adverse years as gods long before the Occident; see Wiedemann, _loc. cit._ (_infra_, n. 64) pp. 7 ff.

37. They adorn many astronomical manuscripts, particularly the _Vaticanus gr._ 1291, the archetype of which dates back to the third century of our era; cf. Boll, _Sitzungsb. Akad. München_, 1899, pp. 125 ff., 136 ff.

38. Piper, _Mythologie der christl. Kunst_, 1851, II, pp. 313 f. Cf. _Mon. myst. Mithra_, I, p. 220.

39. Bidez, _Bérose et la grande année_ in the _Mélanges Paul Fredericq_, Brussels, 1904, pp. 9 ff.

40. Cf. _supra_, pp. 126, 158 f.

41. When Goethe had made the ascent of the Brocken, in 1784, during splendid weather, he expressed his admiration by writing the following verses from memory, (II, 115): "Quis caelum possit, nisi caeli munere, nosse | Et reperire deum, nisi qui pars ipse deorum est?"; cf. _Brief an Frau von Stein_, No. 518, (Schöll) 1885, quoted by Ellis in _Noctes Manilianae_, p. viii.

42. This idea in the verse of Manilius (n. 41, cf. IV, 910), and which may be found earlier in _Somnium Scipionis_ (III, 4; see Macrobius, _Comment._ I, 14, § 16; "Animi societatem cum caelo et sideribus habere communem"; Pseudo-Apul., _Asclepius_, c. 6, c. 9. Firmicus Maternus, _Astrol._, I, 5, § 10). dates back to Posidonius who made the contemplation of the sky one of the sources of the belief in God (Capelle, _Jahrb._ {275} _für das klass. Altertum_, VIII, 1905, p. 534, n. 4), and it is even older than that, for Hipparchus had already admitted a "cognationem cum homine siderum, animasque, nostras partem esse caeli" (Pliny, _Hist. nat._, II, 26, § 95).

43. Vettius Valens, IX, 8 (_Cat. codd. astr._, V, 2, p. 123 = p. 346, 20, Kroll ed.), VI, prooem. (_Cat._, ibid. p. 34, p. 35, 14 = p. 242, 16, 29, Kroll ed.); cf. the passages of Philo collected by Cohn, _De opificio mundi_, c. 23, p. 24, and Capelle, _loc. cit._

44. Manilius, IV, 14.

45. Cf. my article on _L'éternité des empereurs_ (_Rev. hist. litt. relig._, I), 1898, pp. 445 ff.

46. Reitzenstein, to whom belongs the credit of having shown the strength of this astrological fatalism (see _infra_, n. 57), believes that it developed in Egypt, but surely he is wrong. In this connection see the observations of Bousset, _Götting. gel. Anzeigen_, 1905, p. 704.

47. The most important work is unfortunately lost: it was the [Greek: Peri heimarmenês] by Diodorus of Tarsus. Photius has left us a summary (_cod._ 223). We possess a treatise on the same subject by Gregory of Nyssa (_P. G._, XLV, p. 145). They were supported by the Platonist Hierocles (Photius, _cod._ 214, p. 172 b.).--Many attacks on astrology are found in St. Ephraim, _Opera syriaca_, II, pp. 437 ff.; St. Basil (_Hexaem._, VI, 5), St. Gregory of Nazianzen, St. Methodus (_Symp., P. G._, XVII, p. 1173); later in St. John Chrysostom, Procopus of Gaza, etc. A curious extract from Julian of Halicarnassus has been published by Usener, _Rheinisches Mus._, LV, 1900, p. 321.--We have spoken briefly of the Latin polemics in the _Revue d'hist. et de litt. relig._, VIII, 1903, pp. 423 f. A work entitled De Fato (Bardenhewer, _Gesch. altchr. Lit._, I, p. 315) has been attributed to Minucius Felix; Nicetas of Remesiana (about 400) wrote a book _Adversus genethlialogiam_ (Gennadius, _Vir. inl._, c. 22), but the principal adversary of the _mathematici_ was St. Augustine (_Civ. Dei_, c. 1 ff.; _Epist._, 246, ad Lampadium, etc.). See also Wendland, _Die hellenistisch-römische Kultur_, p. 172, n. 2.

48. The influence of the astrological ideas was felt by the Arabian paganism before Mohammed; see _supra_, ch. V, n. 57. {276}

49. Dante, _Purg._, XXX, 109 ff.--In the _Convivio_, II, ch. XIV, Dante expressly professes the doctrine of the influence of the stars over human affairs.--The church succeeded in extirpating the learned astrology of the Latin world almost completely at the beginning of the Middle Ages. We do not know of one astrological treatise, or of one manuscript of the Carlovingian period, but the ancient faith in the power of the stars continued in secret and gained new strength when Europe came in contact with Arabian science.

50. Bouché-Leclercq devotes a chapter to them (pp. 609 ff.).

51. Seneca, _Quaest. Nat._, II, 35: "Expiationes et procurationes nihil aliud esse quam aegrae mentis solatia. Fata inrevocabiliter ius suum peragunt nec ulla commoventur prece." Cf. Schmidt, _Veteres philosophi quomodo iudicaverint de precibus_, Giessen, 1907, p. 34.--Vettius Valens, V, 9, (_Catal. codd. astr._, V, 2 p. 30, 11 = p. 220, 28, Kroll ed.), professes that [Greek: Adunaton tina euchais ê thusiais epinikêsai tên ex archês katabolên k. t. l.], but he seems to contradict himself, IX, 8 (p. 347, 1 ff.).

52. Suetonius, _Tib._, 69: "Circa deos ac religiones neglegentior, quippe addictus mathematicae, plenusque persuasionis cuncta fato agi." Cf. Manilius, IV.

53. Vettius Valens, IX, 11 (_Cat. codd. astr._, V, 2, p. 51, 8 ff. = p. 355, 15. Kroll ed.), cf. VI, prooem. (_Cat._, p. 33 = p. 240, Kroll).

54. "Si tribuunt fata genesis, cur deos oratis?" reads a verse of Commodianus (I, 16, 5). The antinomy between the belief in fatalism and this practice did not prevent the two from existing side by side, cf. _Mon. myst. Mithra_, I, pp. 120, 311; _Revue d'hist. et de litt. relig._, VIII, 1903, p. 431.--The peripatetic Alexander of Aphrodisias who fought fatalism in his [Greek: Peri heimarmenês], at the beginning of the third century, and who violently attacked the charlatanism and cupidity of the astrologers in another book (_De anima mantissa_, p. 180, 14, Bruns), formulated the contradiction in the popular beliefs of his time (_ibid._, p. 182, 18):

[Greek: Pote men anthrôpoi to tês heimarmenês humnousin hôs anankaion, pote de ou pantêi tên sunecheian autês pisteuousi sôzein; kai gar hoi dia tôn logôn huper autês hôs ousês anankaias diateinomenoi sphodra kai panta anatithentes autêi, en tais kata ton bion praxesin ouk eoikasin autêi pepisteukenai;] {277} [Greek: Tuchên goun pollakis epiboôntai, allên homologountes einai tautên aitian tês heimarmenês; alla kai tois theois ou dialeipousin euchomenoi, hôs dunamenon tinos hup' autôn dia tas euchas genesthai kai para tên heimarmenên; ... kai manteiais ouk oknousi chrêsthai, hôs enon autois, ei promathoien, phulaxasthai ti tôn heimarmenôn ... apithanôtatai goun eisin autôn hai pros tên toutôn sumphônian heurêsilogiai.] Cf. also _De Fato_, c. 2 (p. 165, 26 ff. Bruns).

55. Manilius, II, 466: "Quin etiam propriis inter se legibus astra | Conveniunt, ut certa gerant commercia rerum, | Inque vicem praestant visus atque auribus haerent, | Aut odium, foedusque gerunt," etc.--Signs [Greek: bleponta] and [Greek: akouonta]: cf. Bouché-Leclercq, pp. 139 ff.--The planets rejoice ([Greek: chairein]) in their mansions, etc.--Signs [Greek: phônêenta], etc.: cf. _Cat._, I, pp. 164 ff.; Bouché-Leclercq, pp. 77 ff. The terminology of the driest didactic texts is saturated with mythology.

56. Saint Leo, _In Nativ._, VII, 3 (Migne, _P. L._, LIV, col. 218); Firmicus, I, 6, 7; Ambrosiaster, in the _Revue d'hist. et litt. relig._, VIII, 1903, p. 16.

57. Cf. Reitzenstein, _Poimandres_, pp. 77 ff., cf. p. 103, where a text of Zosimus attributes this theory to Zoroaster. Wendland, _Die hellenistisch-röm. Kultur_, 1907, p. 81. This is the meaning of the verse of the _Orac. Chaldaïca_: [Greek: Ou gar huph' heimartên agelên piptousi theourgoi] (p. 59 Kroll). According to Arnobius (II, 62, Cornelius Labeo) the magi claimed "deo esse se gnatos nec fati obnoxios legibus."

58. _Bibliography._ We have no complete book on Greek and Roman magic. Maury, _La magie et l'astrologie dans l'antiquité et au moyen âge_, 1864, is a mere sketch. The most complete account is Hubert's art. "Magia" in the _Dict. des antiquités_ of Daremberg, Saglio, Pottier. It contains an index of the sources and the earlier bibliography. More recent studies are: Fahz, _De poet. Roman. doctrina magica_, Giessen, 1903; Audollent, _Defixionum tabulae_, Paris, 1904; Wünsch, _Antikes Zaubergerät aus Pergamon_, Berlin, 1905 (important objects found dating back to the third century, A. D.); Abt, _Die Apologie des Apuleius und die Zauberei_, Giessen, 1908.--The superstition that is not magic, but borders upon it, is the subject of a very important article by Riess, "Aberglaube," in the _Realenc._ of Pauly-Wissowa. An essay by Kroll, _Antiker Aberglaube_, Hamburg, 1897, deserves mention.--Cf. Ch. Michel {278} in the _Revue d'hist. et litt. rel._, VII, 1902, p. 184. See also _infra_, nn. 64, 65, 72.

59. The question of the principles of magic has recently been the subject of discussions started by the theories of Frazer, _The Golden Bough_, 2d ed., 1900 (cf. Goblet d'Alviella, _Revue de l'univ. de Bruxelles_, Oct. 1903). See Andrew Lang, _Magic and Religion_, London, 1901; Hubert and Mauss, _Esquisse d'une théorie générale de la magie_ (_Année sociologique_, VII), 1904, p. 56; cf. _Mélanges hist. des relig._, Paris, 1909, pp. xvii ff.; Jevons, _Magic_, in the _Transactions of the Congress for the History of Religions_, Oxford, 1908, I, p. 71. Loisy, "Magie science et religion," in _A propos d'hist. des religions_, 1911, p. 166.

60. S. Reinach, _Mythes, cultes et relig._, II, Intr., p. xv.

61. The infiltration of magic into the liturgy under the Roman empire is shown especially in connection with the ritual of consecration of the idols, by Hock, _Griechische Weihegebräuche_, Würzburg, 1905, p. 66.--Cf. also Kroll, _Archiv für Religionsw._, VIII, 1905, Beiheft, pp. 27 ff.

62. Friedländer, _Sittengeschichte_, I, pp. 509 f.

63. Arnobius, II, 62, cf. II, 13; Ps.-Iamblichus, _De Myst._, VIII, 4.

64. Magic in Egypt: Budge, _Egyptian Magic_, London, 1901; Wiedemann, _Magie und Zauberei im alten Aegypten_, Leipsic, 1905 [cf. Maspero, _Rev. critique_, 1905, II, p. 166]; Otto, _Priester und Tempel_, II, p. 224; Griffith, _The Demotic Magical Papyrus of London and Leiden_, 1904 (a remarkable collection dating back to the third century of our era), and the writings analyzed by Capart, _Rev. hist. des relig._, 1905 (Bulletin of 1904, p. 17), 1906 (Bull. of 1905, p. 92).

65. Fossey, _La magie assyrienne_, Paris, 1902. The earlier bibliography will be found p. 7. See also Hubert in Daremberg, Saglio, Pottier, _Dict. des antiq._, s. v. "Magia," p. 1505, n. 5. Campbell Thomson, _Semitic Magic, Its Origin and Development_, London, 1908.

Traces of magical conceptions have survived even in the prayers of the orthodox Mohammedans; see the curious {279} observations of Goldziher, _Studien, Theodor Nöldeke gewidmet_, 1906, I, pp. 302 ff. The Assyrio-Chaldean magic may be compared profitably with Hindu magic (Victor Henry, _La Magie dans l'Inde antique_, Paris, 1904).

66. There are many indications that the Chaldean magic spread over the Roman empire, probably as a consequence of the conquests of Trajan and Verus (Apul., _De Magia_, c. 38; Lucian, _Philopseudes_, c. 11; _Necyom._, c. 6, etc. Cf. Hubert, loc. cit.) Those most influential in reviving these studies seem to have been two rather enigmatical personages, Julian the Chaldean, and his son Julian the Theurge, who lived under Marcus Aurelius. The latter was Considered the author of the [Greek: Logia Chaldaika], which in a measure became the Bible of the last neo-Platonists.

67. Apul., _De Magia_, c. 27. The name [Greek: philosophos], _philosophus_, was finally applied to all adepts in the occult sciences.

68. The term seems to have been first used by Julian, called the Theurge, and thence to have passed to Porphyry (_Epist. Aneb._, c. 46; Augustine, _Civ. Dei_, X, 9-10) and to the neo-Platonists.

69. Hubert, article cited, pp. 1494, n. 1; 1499 f.; 1504. Ever since magical papyri were discovered in Egypt, there has been a tendency to exaggerate the influence exercised by that country on the development of magic. It made magic prominent as we have said, but a study of these same papyri proves that elements of very different origin had combined with the native sorcery, which seems to have laid special stress upon the importance of the "barbarian names," because to the Egyptians the name had a reality quite independent of the object denoted by it, and possessed an effective force of its own (_supra_, pp. 93, 95). But that is, after all, only an incidental theory, and it is significant that in speaking of the origin of magic, Pliny (XXX, 7) names the Persians in the first place, and does not even mention the Egyptians.

70. _Mon. myst. Mithra_, I, pp. 230 ff.--Consequently Zoroaster, the undisputed master of the magi, is frequently considered a disciple of the Chaldeans or as himself coming from Babylon. The blending of Persian and Chaldean beliefs appears clearly in Lucian, _Necyom._, 6 ff. {280}

71. The majority of the magical formulas attributed to Democritus are the work of forgers like Bolos of Mendes (cf. Diels, _Fragmente der Vorsokratiker_, I^2, pp. 440 f.), but the authorship of this literature could not have been attributed to him, had not these tendencies been so favorable.

72. On Jewish magic see: Blau, _Das altjüdische Zauberwesen_, 1898; cf. Hubert, _loc. cit._, p. 1505.

73. Pliny, _H. N._, XXX, 1, § 6; Juvenal, VI, 548 ff. In Pliny's opinion these magicians were especially acquainted with _veneficas artes_. The toxicology of Mithridates goes back to that source (Pliny, XXV, 2, 7). Cf. Horace, _Epod._, V, 21; Virgil, _Buc._ VIII, 95, etc.

74. Cf. _supra_, pp. 151 ff.

75. Minucius Felix, _Octavius_, 26; cf. _supra_, ch. VI, p. 152.

76. In a passage outlining the Persian demonology (see _supra_, n. 39), Porphyry tells us (_De Abst._, II, 41):

[Greek: Toutous] (sc. [Greek: tous daimonas]) [Greek: malista kai ton proestôta autôn] (c. 42, [Greek: hê proestôsa autôn dunamis] = Ahriman) [Greek: ektimôsin hoi ta kaka dia tôn goêteiôn prattomenoi k. t. l.] Cf. Lactantius, _Divin. Inst._, II, 14 (I, p. 164, 10, Brandt ed.); Clem. of Alexandria, _Stromat._, III, p. 46 C, and _supra_, n. 37. The idea that the demons subsisted on the offerings and particularly on the smoke of the sacrifices agrees entirely with the old Persian and Babylonian ideas. See Yasht V, XXI, 94: What "becomes of the libations which the wicked bring to you after sunset?" "The devas receive them," etc.--In the cuneiform tablet of the deluge (see 160 ff.), the gods "smell the good odor and gather above the officiating priest like flies." (Dhorme, _Textes religieux assyro-babyloniens_, 1907, p. 115; cf. Maspero, _Hist. anc. des peuples de l'Orient_, I, p. 681.).

77. Plut., _De Iside_, c. 46.

78. The _druj Nasu_ of the Mazdeans; cf. Darmesteter, _Zend-Avesta_, II, p. xi and 146 ff.

79. Cf. Lucan, _Phars._, VI, 520 ff.

80. Mommsen, _Strafrecht_, pp. 639 ff. There is no doubt that the legislation of Augustus was directed against magic, cf. Dion, LII, 34, 3.--Manilius (II, 108) opposes to astrology the {281} _artes quorum haud permissa facultas_. Cf. also Suet., _Aug._, 31.

81. Zachariah the Scholastic, _Vie de Sévère d'Antioche_, Kugener ed. (_Patrol. orientalis_, II), 1903, pp. 57 ff.

82. Magic at Rome in the fifth century: Wünsch, _Sethianische Verfluchungstafeln aus Rom_, Leipsic, 1898 (magical leads dated from 390 to 420); _Revue hist. litt. relig._, VIII, 1903, p. 435, and Burchardt, _Die Zeit Constantin's_, 2d ed., 1880, pp. 236 ff.