Chapter XI: Conclusion (5)

Wallon (H.), _Histoire de l’Esclavage dans l’Antiquité_, cited 16 n. 8,
23 n. 1, 47 n. 7

Walter (F. A.), trans. Niebuhr, _History of Rome_, cited 239 n. 2

Walters (H. B.), see _British Museum Catalogue of Terracottas_

Walters (H. B.) and Birch (S.), _History of Ancient Pottery_, cited 323
n. 2

Waltz (P.), _Revue Historique_, cited 22 n. 6

Walzius, _Rhetores Graeci_, cited 51 n. 2

Watson (Mr), 11 n. 2

weaving, 187

Webb (S.), _History of Trade Unionism_, cited 233 n. 6

Wecklein, _Sitzungsberichte d. bayerisch. Akad. d. Wissenschaften zu
Muenchen_, cited 269 n. 2, 326 n. 7, 327 n. 5, 329 n. 8

Wedgwood, 80 n. 6

Weissenborn (H.), _Hellen_, cited 159 n. 2

Welldon (J. E. C.), trans. Aristotle, _Politics_, quoted 35 n. 5

Wells (H. G.), 125 n. 3;
_Anticipations_, cited 306;
_Tono Bungay_, cited 306 n. 5

Westminster, 306 n. 5

wheelwrights, 14, 20

Whiskey Combination, 267

Wiedemann (A.), _Aegyptische Geschichte_, cited 91 n. 4, 95 n. 1, 97 n.
4, 99 n. 5, 125 n. 3, 212 n. 6;
_Geschichte Aegyptens_, 122 n. 4;
_Herodotus II_, cited 87 n. 9, 89 n. 3, 90 n. 4, 91 n. 9, 102 n. 1,
104 n. 6, 106 n. 8, 122 n. 1, n. 4, n. 5, 214 n. 5

Wiegand (Th.), _Abhandlungen_ and _Sitzungsberichte d. preussisch.
Akademie d. Wissenschaften zu Berlin_, cited 76 n. 2, 110 n. 4, 111
n. 3

_Wiener Studien_, see Endt

_Wiener Vorlegeblätter_, cited 323 n. 2

von Wilamowitz-Moellendorf (U.), _Aristotel u. Athen_, cited 173 n. 2,
329 n. 7

Wilisch (E.), _Eumelus_, cited 195 n. 2, n. 4;
_Goettingsche Gelehrte Anzeigen_, cited 180 n. 3, 191 n. 3, 194, 195
n. 1, 196 n. 4;
_Jahresbericht d. Gymnas. Zittau_, cited 46 n. 7, 187 n. 7, 188 n. 1,
191 n. 3, 192 n. 1, n. 4, 242 n. 3;
_Jahrbücher f. Classische Philologie_, cited 180 n. 2, 183 n. 5

Willers (H.), _Geschichte der roemischen Kupferprägung_, cited 156 n.
2, 171 n. 6, 219

Wilson, President Woodrow, cited 5, 290

Wimmer (F.), see Aubert

_Winckelmannsfeste Program_, see Furtwaengler

Winckler (H.), _Altorientalische Forschungen_, cited 143 n. 2

wine trade, 104, 120, 125, 126, 143 n. 1, 286

Winter (F.), _Jahrbuch d. deutsch. archäologischen Instituts_, cited
205 n. 1

Wisbech, 233 n. 6

_Wochenschrift f. klassische Philologie_, see Bluemner, Graef

wolf, Capitoline, 253, 254

women in industry, 20 n. 1;
political status of, 236 n. 2

woollen industry, 2, 3, 21, 69, 74, 79, 265–267, 292

“working girls,” 139

Wyttenbach, 158 n. 3

Xanthias, 68

Xanthus, cited 130 n. 2, 144 n. 1

Xenophanes, cited 129, 131, 133

Xenophon, _Anabasis_, cited 265 n. 6;
_Cyropaedia_, cited 123 n. 3, 144 n. 4;
_Hellenica_, cited 20 n. 4, 27 n. 5, 148 n. 2;
_Hiero_, cited 302 n. 6;
_Memorabilia_, cited 13 n. 3, 17, 18 n. 1, 20 n. 1, 265 n. 3, 267;
_Oeconomicus_, cited 17, 19 n. 4;
_de Republica Lacedaemoniorum_, cited 17;
_de Vectigalibus_, cited 12 n. 4, 18, 44 n. 1, 46, 47, 51 n. 1, 150
n. 6, 308 n. 2, 310

Xerxes, 24 n. 5, 140, 152, 293, 332

ξυλινὴ κιβωτός, 198

_Year’s Work in Classical Studies_, see Lamb (D.)

Young Turks, 270

_Zeitschrift f. aegyptische Sprache_, see v. Stern

_Zeitschrift f. Numismatik_, see Brandis, v. Fritze, Hammer, v. Sallet

_Zeitschrift. f. Socialwissenschaft_, see Beloch

Zenobius, cited 71 n. 1, 73, 78 n. 7, 79 n. 2, 95 n. 1, 308 n. 3

zeugitai, 16, 49

Zeus, 138 n. 9, 198, 303;
Olympios, temple of, 14, 63, 76 n. 5;
Patroos, altars of, 180;
Polieus, temple of, 274, 276

Zimmern (A. E.), _Greek Commonwealth_, cited 309 n. 9;
_Sociological Review_, cited 15 n. 5, 20 n. 6

Zonaras, cited 215 n. 2, 223 n. 5, 337 n. 4.

Zopyrion, 287

-----

Footnote 1:

Aristot. _Pol._ I. 1259_a_. The authenticity of the story may be
questioned, but the fact of its being attached to Thales is in itself
significant.

Footnote 2:

_E.g._ Busolt, _Gr. G._ I.^2 pp. 626–7.

Footnote 3:

_La Lydie_, p. 163; cp. _ibid._ p. 274, “wealth acquires an importance
it had never had.”

Footnote 4:

J. A. Symonds, _Renaissance in Italy, Age of the Despots_^2, pp.
103–4; cp. _ibid._ pp. 65 n. 1, 66, 73, 76, 77–78.

Footnote 5:

Some lecturers at Oxford are inclined to minimize the analogies
offered by the seventh and sixth centuries B.C. to modern industrial
conditions. In so doing they appear to me to be falling into the
commonest of modern fallacies, that of overestimating the importance
of size and numbers. For a better appreciation of the analogies see
_e.g._ Ciccotti, _Tramonto d. Schiavitù n. Mondo ant._ p. 45.

Footnote 6:

E. Meyer, _Jahrb. f. Nationalök._ IX. (1895), p. 713 and below
_passim_.

Footnote 7:

Sieveking, _Viert. f. Soc. u. Wirts._ VII. p. 87.

Footnote 8:

Cobbett, _Paper against Gold_, pp. 5, 6 (Aug. 30th, 1810).

Footnote 9:

Jevons, _Money_^{23}, p. 203; cp. _ibid._ p. 285: “It is surprising to
find to what an extent paper documents have replaced coin as a medium
of exchange in some of the principal centres of business.”

Footnote 10:

Cp. Thos. W. Lawson, _Frenzied Finance_ (published 1906), pp. 33, 35.

Footnote 11:

Cp. Poehlmann, _Sozialismus i. d. ant. Welt_^2, I. p. 170.

Footnote 12:

Hy. D. Lloyd, _Wealth against Commonwealth_ (1894), p. 2.

Footnote 13:

Hy. D. Lloyd, _op. cit._ p. 494; see also pp. 297–8, 311; ch. XXVIII:
(on a Standard Oil secretary of U.S.A. treasury), 434, 511.

Footnote 14:

_New York Daily Commercial Bull._ June 4th, 1894, _ap._ Hy. D. Lloyd,
_op. cit._ p. 450.

Footnote 15:

New York _Sun_, May 27th, 1884, _ap._ Hy. D. Lloyd, p. 387.

Footnote 16:

_Times_, Nov. 4th, 1916.

Footnote 17:

Anatole France, _L’Île des Pingouins_, pp. 242 f., 309.

Footnote 18:

Salvioli, _Capitalisme dans le Monde Antique_ (traduit A. Bonnet), p.
267.

Footnote 19:

von Bernhardi, _Germany and the Next War_, p. 65.

Footnote 20:

See _e.g._ Thos. W. Lawson, _Frenzied Finance_, pp. 6, 35; Hy. D.
Lloyd, _Wealth against Commonwealth_, pp. 341, 353, 386 (quoting the
_National Baptist of Philadelphia_, the Cincinnati _Commercial
Gazette_, and Senator Hoar); J. Ramsay MacDonald, _Unemployment and
the Wage Fund_; I. M. Tarbell, _Hist. Standard Oil Co._ II. pp. 114,
116, 137 (quoting the _Butler County Democrat_, Senator Frye, N.Y.
State Investigation Report, 1888), 124, 126–7, 290, 291; Truth’s
Investigator, _The Great Oil Octopus_, p. 227.

Footnote 21:

Hy. D. Lloyd, _op. cit._ p. 493.

Footnote 22:

von Bernhardi, _loc. cit._

Footnote 23:

Karl Marx objected to applying the words Capital and Capitalism to the
condition of things in antiquity. But see E. Meyer, _Gesch. d. Alt._
III. p. 550.

Footnote 24:

Extant some 300 lines in 35 fragments.

Footnote 25:

Extant 1389 lines of continuous verse.

Footnote 26:

Fr. 2 (13), 5–7.

Footnote 27:

μονάρχου.

Footnote 28:

Fr. 7 (17), 3–4.

Footnote 29:

Fr. 3 (14), 3.

Footnote 30:

For his hatred of tyranny see _e.g._ 1181–2, 1203–4.

Footnote 31:

Cp. of the Greeks in general, Theognis’ contemporary Cyrus (_ap._ Hdt.
I. 153), “these taunts Cyrus flung at the Greeks, because they secure
marketplaces and engage in buying and selling.”

Footnote 32:

679, φορτηγοὶ δ’ ἄρχουσι κ.τ.λ., the “bad” is the regular term in
aristocratic writers for their political opponents.

Footnote 33:

717–8.

Footnote 34:

315.

Footnote 35:

523.

Footnote 36:

699.

Footnote 37:

621.

Footnote 38:

823; cp. Solon quoted above.

Footnote 39:

ὑβριστήν.

Footnote 40:

1081–2.

Footnote 41:

Cp. _e.g._ Hdt. III. 80, ὕβρι κεκορημένος.

Footnote 42:

ὑβρίζῃ, 749–751.

Footnote 43:

47–52.

Footnote 44:

Other interpretations would be possible if in line 51 we read “from
this” (ἐκ τοῦ) instead of “from these” (ἐκ τῶν), but the MSS. all
support ἐκ τῶν.

Footnote 45:

Is it possible to see in Solon, 12 (4). 29–32, a reference to the
fates of the various tyrant families of the seventh century?

Footnote 46:

φορτηγός, Theognis, 679.

Footnote 47:

Soph. _O.T._ 540–542.

Footnote 48:

I. 13.

Footnote 49:

_Olymp._ II. 58–9 (to Thero, tyrant of Acragas).

Footnote 50:

_Olymp._ V. 15–16 (to Psaumis of Camarina). The poem ends with a
warning to Psaumis not to emulate the tyrants (μὴ ματεύσῃ θεὸς
γενέσθαι).

Footnote 51:

_Pyth._ I. 48.

Footnote 52:

ἀλλ’ ὅμως τὸ τοιοῦτον ἔτη δέκα κατέσχεν (Ἀγαμέμνων), οὐ μισθοφοραῖς
μεγάλαις οὐδὲ χρημάτων δαπάναις, οἷς νῦν ἅπαντες δυναστεύουσιν, Isocr.
_Panath._ 82 (249).

Footnote 53:

Jebb, _Attic Orators_^2, II. p. 110.

Footnote 54:

_Pol._ VII. (V.), 1314_b_. Endt, _Wien. Stud._ XXIV. (1901), p. 47,
sees here a reference to Gelo of Syracuse and quotes Diod. XI. 26;
Ael. _V.H._ VI. 11; Polyaen. I. 27, which tell how Gelo appeared naked
before the Syracusans and gave an account of his government and
offered to resign. But the only reference to the Exchequer is in
Polyaenus; and there it is only incidental (εὐθύνας δοὺς τῆς
αὐτοκράτορος ἀρχῆς, τῆς δαπάνης, τῶν καιρῶν, τῶν ὅπλων, τῶν ἵππων, τῶν
τριήρων).

Footnote 55:

See below on Solon, pp. 34–5, and chapter XI. p. 301, and cp. Aristot.
_Pol._ II. 1267; III. 1285_a-b_.

Footnote 56:

_E.g._ Lord James of Hereford, Sir D. Dale, Mr Watson and Mr Mundella,
quoted by W. T. Layton, _Capital and Labour_, p. 198. In a simpler and
smaller state than the modern kingdom or republic, during an epoch of
industrial war between evenly matched parties, it is easy to imagine
individuals in a similar position acquiring or even having thrust upon
them almost autocratic powers.

Footnote 57:

_Pol._ VI. (IV.), 1296_a_.

Footnote 58:

VI. (IV.), 1295–6.

Footnote 59:

Plut. _Sol._ 2, 14.

Footnote 60:

Aristot. _Pol._ I. 1259_a_.

Footnote 61:

Lysias, _c. Frument._ 16 (165). For an oil ring in the Rome of Plautus
see _Captivi_, 489, “omnes conpecto rem agunt quasi in Velabro
olearii.”

Footnote 62:

Xen. _de Vect._ 4. 14–15; cp. Plut. _Nikias_, 4.

Footnote 63:

Lysias, _c. Eratosth._ 19 (121).

Footnote 64:

Dem. _c. Aphob._ A. 9–11 (816, 817); cp. Plut. _Demosth._ 4.

Footnote 65:

Aeschines, _c. Timarch._ 97 (13–14).

Footnote 66:

Dion. Hal. _Isocr._ 1, θεράποντας αὐλοποιούς. For θεράπων = slave, cp.
Aristoph. _Plut._ 518–521.

Footnote 67:

_c. Olymp._ 12 (1170).

Footnote 68:

_E.g._ Xen. _Mem._ II. 7. 3, 6. The contract for building the long
walls of Athens in the days of Pericles is said to have been given to
a single individual, by name Kallikrates (Plut. _Per._ 13): of his
employees we know nothing except that according to the contemporary
comic poet Cratinus they were very slow about their work.

Footnote 69:

Athen. VI. 272_e_ actually speaks of Nikias as a millionaire
(ζάπλουτος) owning slaves as capital (ἐπὶ προσόδοις).

Footnote 70:

Plut. _Sol._ XXII. πρὸς τὰς τέχνας (cp. χειροτέχνης = artizan) ἔτρεψε
τοὺς πολίτας. Note too, _ibid._ (cp. Galen, _Protrept._ 8 init.;
Vitruv. VI. praef.) the law that a son was not obliged to support his
father if the father had not taught him a trade, and further Poll.
VIII. 42 (in the days of Solon a person thrice convicted of
unemployment lost his vote).

Footnote 71:

Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 2. In ch. 12 the _Ath. Pol._ alludes to the
difficulties (ἀπορία) of the poor and of those previously slaves who
were liberated as a result of the σεισαχθεία (Solon’s measure for
dealing with slavery and debt), and proceeds to quote Solon himself.

Footnote 72:

Plut. _Sol._ XXIV.

Footnote 73:

Aesch. _c. Timarch._ 27 (4).

Footnote 74:

_Anth. Lyr._ Solon, 12 (4), 49–50.

Footnote 75:

Notably at Athens and Rome.

Footnote 76:

Aristot. _Pol._ VII. (V.), 1313_b_.

Footnote 77:

Below, pp. 267, 274 f., 279, 223 f.

Footnote 78:

_E.g._ by Endt, _Wien. Stud._ XXIV. (1901), p. 55.

Footnote 79:

Hy. D. Lloyd, _Wealth against Commonwealth_, p. 364.

Footnote 80:

Plut. _Per._ 12.

Footnote 81:

Building of the Erechtheum, 408 B.C. _C.I.A._ I. 321, 324.

Footnote 82:

Plut. _Per._ 16, τὴν δύναμιν αὐτοῦ ... κακοήθως παρεμφαίνουσιν οἱ
κωμικοί, Πεισιστρατίδας μὲν νέους τοὺς ἀμφὶ αὐτὸν ἑταίρους καλοῦντες,
αὐτὸν δ’ ἀπομόσαι μὴ τυραννήσειν κελεύοντες.

Footnote 83:

Cp. Mauri, _Cittadini Lavoratori dell’ Attica_, p. 56.

Footnote 84:

Cp. Thuc. II. 65, of Athens under Pericles, “nominally it was a
democracy, but in fact it was government by the foremost man.”

Footnote 85:

_Arch. Eph._ 1883, pp. 109 f. = _C.I.A._ II. ii. 834_b_ (329–8 B.C.).

Footnote 86:

Zimmern, _Sociological Review_, 1909, p. 166.

Footnote 87:

Cp. Cic. _de Off._ I. 42. 151, mercatura, si tenuis est, sordida
putanda est, sin magna et copiosa ... non est admodum uituperanda;
atque etiam si ... ex portu in agros se possessionesque contulerit,
uidetur iure optimo posse laudari: a view that was doubtless as firmly
held in Greece as it has been since in Rome and England.

Footnote 88:

A fairly complete collection of the authorities for ancient Greek
views on manual labour is to be found in Frohberger, _De Opificum apud
vet. Graec. condit._ chap. II.

Footnote 89:

Hom. _Od._ XXIII. 189; _Il._ VI. 313–5; _Od._ VI. 52 f.; cp. also
_Il._ V. 59 f.; XXI. 37; _Od._ V. 241 f.

Footnote 90:

In Megara the aristocratic Theognis has contempt enough for the
working classes, but he wrote after the overthrow of tyranny in his
city.

Footnote 91:

Plato, _Critias_, 110_c_.

Footnote 92:

Plut. _Thes._ 25.

Footnote 93:

Plut. _Sol._ 2.

Footnote 94:

Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 7.

Footnote 95:

_Laws_, XI. 920_d_. For the character of Athens’ patron deities cp.
Proclus ad Plat. _Timae._ 52_b_, Athena Ergane (so called) as
patroness of the works of craftsmen (δημιουργικῶν ἔργων); cp. Soph.
fr. 844 (Jebb and Pearson); Plato, _Protag._ 321_e_, the common abode
in which they (Athena and Hephaestus) practised their crafts
(ἐφιλοτεχνείτην); Harpocrat. and Suid. s.v. χαλκεῖα, “A feast common
to artizans (χειρώναξι) and especially to smiths”: Suid. adds that it
was originally a public feast, not till later observed only by
artizans (τεχνιτῶν): A. Mommsen, _Heortologie_, p. 313, thinks that
the change may be due to Peisistratus.

Footnote 96:

Wallon, _Histoire de l’Esclavage_, I. 142.

Footnote 97:

Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 13.

Footnote 98:

Xen. _de Rep. Lac._ 7; _Mem._ IV. 2. 22; _Oecon._ IV. 2.

Footnote 99:

Ael. _V.H._ II. 1; so Xen. _Mem._ III. 7. 6.

Footnote 100:

Aristoph. _Ach._ 478; _Thes._ 387; _Frogs_, 840; cp. Plin. _N.H._
XXII. 38; Aul. Gell. XV. 20; Val. Max. III. 4, ext. 2.

Footnote 101:

Hdt. II. 167. Mauri therefore, _Cittadini Lavoratori dell’ Attica_, p.
65, rather postdates when he says that our authorities for Athenian
contempt of manual work are fourth century and later.

Footnote 102:

Isocrat. _Areop._ 32 (146).

Footnote 103:

Mauri, _Cittadini Lavoratori dell’ Attica_, p. 69.

Footnote 104:

Xen. _Mem._ IV. 2. 22.

Footnote 105:

Plato, _Apol._ 22_c-e_; cp. Xen. _Mem._ II. 7, where Socrates strongly
deprecates the prejudice against manual labour.

Footnote 106:

Xen. _de Vect._ V. 4.

Footnote 107:

Plato, _Rep._ VII. 522_b_, IX. 590_c_; _Laws_, V. 741_e_; _Gorg._
517_d_–518_a_; _Alcib._ I. 131_b_; _Amator_, 136_b_, 137_b_.

Footnote 108:

Plato, _Laws_, VIII. 846_d_.

Footnote 109:

_Ibid._ XI. 918.

Footnote 110:

_Ibid._ IV. 705_b_.

Footnote 111:

_Rep._ II. 371_e_.

Footnote 112:

οὔτε βάναυσον βίον οὔτ’ ἀγοραῖον, Aristot. _Pol._ IV. (VII.), 1328_b_;
cp. _Rhet._ I. 9. 27.

Footnote 113:

γεωργοὶ μὲν γὰρ καὶ τεχνῖται καὶ πᾶν τὸ θητικὸν ἀναγκαῖον ὑπάρχειν
ταῖς πόλεσιν, μέρη δὲ τῆς πόλεως τό τε ὁπλιτικὸν καὶ βουλευτικόν,
Aristot. _Pol._ IV. (VII.), 1329_a_; cp. VII. (V.), 1317_a_.

Footnote 114:

_Pol._ III. 1278_a_.

Footnote 115:

_Pol._ IV. (VII.), 1326_a_. The _Politics_ was based on a series of
studies of particular constitutions one of which, the _Constitution of
Athens_, was recovered from an Egyptian rubbish heap some thirty years
ago. When Aristotle says that a city of artizans cannot attain to
greatness we may feel fairly sure that artizans had played no
prominent part in any of the Greek cities since the Persian wars. For
the period before that his information must have been less reliable.

Footnote 116:

_c. Eubulidem_, 32 (1308).

Footnote 117:

Pollux, III. 82; cp. Photius s.v. “θητεία· δουλεία.”

Footnote 118:

See _e.g._ Xen. _Oecon._ IV. 2–3, and cp. the unusually sympathetic
account of the working classes in the sophist Prodicus, a contemporary
of Socrates: “let us proceed to the artizans and mechanics
(χειρωνακτικοὺς καὶ βαναύσους), toiling from night to night and with
difficulty providing themselves with the necessities of life and
bewailing themselves and filling all their sleepless hours with
lamentation and tears.” Mullach, _Frag. Phil. Gr._ II. 139.

Footnote 119:

_Arbeit. u. Comm._ p. 46.

Footnote 120:

Women were of course involved in the consequences of the Peloponnesian
war. “I am told that many women citizens (ἀσταὶ γυναῖκες) became wet
nurses and day labourers and grape pickers (τιτθαὶ καὶ ἔριθοι καὶ
τρυγήτριαι) as a result of the misfortunes of the city in those
times.” Dem. _c. Eubul._ 45 (1313); cp. Xen. _Mem._ II. 7 f.

Footnote 121:

Cp. the trouble that the Romans were always having with their
disbanded troops.

Footnote 122:

Aristoph. _Plut._ 510–525.

Footnote 123:

Plut. _Ages._ 26; Polyaen. II. 1. 7; cp. Xen. _Hell._ VI. 1. 5.

Footnote 124:

Aristot. _Pol._ III. 1278_a_. Aristotle is of course a more valuable
authority for his own days than for his “ancient times.”

Footnote 125:

Plato, _Rep._ II. 371_e_. So Cic. _de Off._ I. 42, “est ipsa merces
auctoramentum seruitutis.” Cp. Zimmern, _Sociological Review_, 1909,
p. 174, who however, when he says that “the Greeks never took kindly
to wage earning” is thinking mainly of the fifth and fourth centuries
B.C. and rather disregarding the evidence for conditions at that
period being of comparatively recent growth.

Footnote 126:

Ciccotti, _Tramonto d. Schiavitù_, pp. 124 f. In the extant fragments
of the Erechtheum accounts for 409 B.C. the payments are partly by the
piece, partly by the day.

Footnote 127:

Cavaignac, _Études Financ._ p. 173. For the large growth of the
servile population in fourth century Attica see Beloch, _Rhein. Mus._
1890, pp. 555 f.

Footnote 128:

Cavaignac, _Études Financ._ p. 172; E. Meyer, _Kleinschrift._ p. 198.

Footnote 129:

See Brants, _Rev. de l’Instruct. Publ. Belg._ XXVI. p. 106.

Footnote 130:

Athen. XII. 540_d_.

Footnote 131:

Cp. on fifth century Athens Xen. (?) _Ath. Pol._ I. 12, “the city
needs resident aliens owing to the number of its handicrafts (δεῖται
μετοίκων διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν τεχνῶν).”

Footnote 132:

Below, p. 192.

Footnote 133:

Cp. Phaleas, Aristot. _Pol._ II. 1267.

Footnote 134:

Hdt. VI. 137, οὐ γὰρ εἶναι τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον σφίσι κω οἰκέτας.

Footnote 135:

Timaeus, _ap._ Athen. VI. 264_c_.

Footnote 136:

Clerc, _Métèques Athén._ pp. 324 f.

Footnote 137:

Ciccotti, _Tramonto d. Schiavitù_, p. 47.

Footnote 138:

Buechsenschuetz, _Besitz u. Erwerb._ pp. 321, 341, 193; cp. Waltz,
_Rev. Hist._ 117 (1914), pp. 5–41.

Footnote 139:

In the oriental Greek states of the Hellenistic period, as also in the
Roman East, the government seems sometimes to have run big industrial
concerns whose employees have been held to have been free men. Beloch,
_Zeits. f. Socialwiss._ II. pp. 24–25. But these establishments belong
to a quite different political order from that with which we are now
concerned.

Footnote 140:

For slave revolts in Greece see Diod. XXXIV. 2. 19 and Athen. VI. 272
f. (Laurium, probably latter part of second century B.C.); Athen. VI.
265_c_ (Chios, apparently later still, _pace_ Boeckh, _Public Econ. of
Athens_, II. pp. 470–471); cp. Wallon, _l’Esclavage_^2, I. pp. 318 f.,
483–484. The movements at Laurium and Chios in the Peloponnesian war,
Thuc. VII. 27, VIII. 40, seem to have been not so much revolts against
slavery as desertions from one set of masters to another. When Holm,
_Hist. Greece_ (English trans.), I. p. 263, says that the essence of
tyranny was that it rested on force he makes a statement which, so far
as it is true, differentiates tyranny from no other ancient form of
government.

Footnote 141:

ἀεὶ ἀτυράννευτος ἦν, Thuc. I. 18.

Footnote 142:

Plut. _Lysander_, 17.

Footnote 143:

Hill, _Handbook of Greek and Roman Coins_, p. 17, quoting Lenormant.
Hill himself inclines to think that the Spartan coinage may have
resembled the iron pieces of Aeginetan weight attributed to Tegea and
Argos. But these latter are not “heavy and hard to carry.”

Footnote 144:

οὐ ξυνοικισθείσης πόλεως ... κατὰ κώμας δὲ ... οἰκισθείσης, Thuc. I.
10.

Footnote 145:

Aristot. _Pol._ II. 1269_a_.

Footnote 146:

Thuc. I. 132.

Footnote 147:

In the days of Plato Thebes contained one citizen of extraordinary
wealth in Ismenias, “the man who had just recently received the wealth
of Polycrates.” Ismenias is classed with Periander, Perdiccas, and
Xerxes as a wealthy man who thought he possessed great power; but he
is not called a tyrant. He had become rich not through his own wisdom
and care, but suddenly as the result of a bequest, so that his wealth
would apparently fall under a different category from that of the
seventh and sixth century tyrants, and he is in fact placed by Plato
in a very miscellaneous company. Plato, _Meno_, 90_a_; _Rep._ I.
336_a_.

Footnote 148:

See below, pp. 30 f.

Footnote 149:

Aristot. _Pol._ VIII. (VI.), 1316_b_.

Footnote 150:

_Thucydides Mythistoricus_, p. 32.

Footnote 151:

Rep. VIII. 562_a_; cp. 564_a_, 565_d_.

Footnote 152:

On tyrants as plunderers cp. Hdt. V. 92: “(Cypselus) deprived many
people of their property.” So Ephorus, _F.H.G._ III. p. 392, “He
banished the Bacchiads and confiscated their possessions.” Cp. Plato,
_Phaedo_, 82_a_; _Rep._ VIII. end. The spoils of victory however are
quite a different thing from the litigious confiscations of fifth and
fourth century demagogues. The way the early tyrants used their wealth
is sufficient proof that it was not mainly plunder. There is nothing
of the condottiere about the typical early tyrant. Cp. H. Sieveking,
_Kapitalist. Entwick. i. d. ital. Städt. d. Mittelalt._ in _Viertelj.
f. Soc. u. Wirts._ VII. pp. 64 f.

Footnote 153:

Pol. VII. (V.), 1305_a_; cp. VII. (V.), 1310_b_, ὁ δὲ τύραννος
(καθίσταται) ἐκ τοῦ δήμου καὶ τοῦ πλήθους.

Footnote 154:

“Pheidon and others became tyrants with a kingship to start from ...
those in the parts about Ionia, and Phalaris, from their offices,”
_Pol._ VII. (V.), 1310_b_; cp. _ibid._, “through starting with power,
some that of kingly office,” and _ibid._, “other (tyrannies) from
kings overstepping their inherited positions”; VII. (V.), 1308_a_,
“attempts at tyranny are made in some places by demagogues, in other
places by dynasts, or those who hold the highest offices when they
hold them for a long time.”

Footnote 155:

Cp. also _Pol._ VII. (V.), 1305_a_, where “modern times” means since
rhetoric developed and demagogues ceased to be soldiers.

Footnote 156:

Or else for no historical period at all. As pointed out to me by my
colleague Professor W. G. de Burgh, Plato’s order is confessedly an
order of ascending injustice (_Rep._ VIII. 545_a_; cp. 344_a_), in
introducing which he invokes the muses of Homer and asks them not to
be too serious (545_e_). Plato’s evidence on this point need not be
taken so literally as that of the historically minded Aristotle.

Footnote 157:

Hdt. III. 82. See also Xen. _Hell._ VII. 1. 44–46; and cp. Porzio,
_Cipselidi_, p. 207, n. 1.

Footnote 158:

Neither the Homeric Thersites nor the “leaders of the people” of Solon
show any of the essential features of the demagogue as known to
Herodotus, Plato, and Aristotle. Individual early tyrants are often
said to have been demagogues, but only by the writers of the fourth
century or later, whose evidence on this point is valueless; cp.
below, pp. 30 f.

Footnote 159:

“The demagogues of the present day win favour with the democracies by
securing many confiscations through the law courts.” Aristotle, _Pol._
VIII. (VI.), 1320_a_.

Footnote 160:

Hdt. VI. 131.

Footnote 161:

πολεμοποιός, Aristot. _Pol._ VII. (V.), 1313_b_; cp. 1305_a_ (οἱ
προστάται τοῦ δήμου, ὅτε πολεμικοὶ γένοιντο, τυραννίδι ἐπετίθεντο) and
Plato, _Rep._ VIII. 566_e_ (πολέμους ἀεὶ κινεῖ).

Footnote 162:

Cp. Thuc. I. 17, δι’ ἀσφαλείας ὅσον ἐδύναντο μάλιστα τὰς πόλεις ὤκουν.
Hermann, _Staatsaltertümer_^5 p. 253, n. 5, notices that this passage
contradicts Plato, _Rep._ VIII. 566_e_ and Aristot. _Pol._ VII. (V.),
1313_b_, 1305_a_, which make the typical tyrant warlike. He does not
realize that Thucydides is describing the tyrants of an earlier age.

Footnote 163:

Below, pp. 257 f.

Footnote 164:

Aristot. _Pol._ VII. (V.), 1315_b_. The same change is recorded in the
tyranny at Corinth: there Cypselus the first tyrant is said to have
been a demagogue, possibly because he became tyrant and was not stated
in Aristotle’s sources to have previously waged any war.

Footnote 165:

Hdt. I. 59; according to the _Ath. Pol._ 17, “it is obvious nonsense
to say that Peisistratus was general in the war for Salamis against
the Megareans.” But this statement based on chronological arguments
can only call in question the date and character of Peisistratus’
warlike achievements, not their whole historicity.

Footnote 166:

_Pace_ E. Meyer, _G. d. A._ II. p. 666, following Justin II. 8 (quasi
sibi non patriae uicisset, tyrannidem per dolum occupat).

Footnote 167:

On the essentially peaceful character of the Athenian tyranny, see
Ciccotti, _Tramonto d. Schiavitù_, p. 49.

Footnote 168:

_Pol._ VII. (V.), 1312_b_.

Footnote 169:

III. 82.

Footnote 170:

Mixed of course with earlier features. _E.g._ in Plato (_Rep._ VIII.
566_a-b_) the banishment and forcible return and the bodyguard are all
genuine Peisistratus.

Footnote 171:

Plato, _Letters_ 1, 2, 3, 4, 7, 8, 13. On the genuineness of the
Platonic letters see Burnet, _Thales to Plato_, pp. 206, 207 and note.

Footnote 172:

Diog. Laert. II. 7. 63; 8. 67 f.

Footnote 173:

Aristotle, _Pol._ VII. (V.), 1307_a_, where Hanno of Carthage,
Aristotle’s contemporary, is also quoted. Both these would-be tyrants
tampered with the slave population (see Thucydides, I. 132
(Pausanias), Orosius, IV. 6 (Hanno)), and may thus have further helped
to obliterate the picture of the peace-loving early tyrant and his
relationship to free labour.

Footnote 174:

Cp. Thuc. I. 20; VI. 54 on the inaccurate accounts of the
Peisistratids prevalent in Athens in the historian’s own days.

Footnote 175:

On the way that Aristotle’s ideas often colour the facts he quotes see
Muretus, _Var. Lect._ I. 14; Koehler, _Sitzungsb. Preuss. Akad._ 1892,
p. 505; Endt, _Wien. Stud._ XXIV. (1901), pp. 50–51, quoted Porzio,
_Cipselidi_, p. 244.

On the general dubiousness of fifth and fourth century explanations of
seventh and sixth century motives, see Macan on the _Athenaion
Politeia_ in _J.H.S._ XII. pp. 34 f.

Footnote 176:

Aristot. _Pol._ VII. (V.) 1313_a_.

Footnote 177:

Aristot. _Pol._ VII. (V.) 1315_b_.

Footnote 178:

Mommsen, _Hist. Rome_ (Eng. trans.), III. p. 333.

Footnote 179:

Cp. Dion. Hal. VII. 1, on the statement in his oldest authorities that
Dionysius sent corn to Rome in the time of Spurius Cassius (492 B.C.).
The name Dionysius appears here a good half century before his birth,
doubtless as the Sicilian tyrant _par excellence_.

Footnote 180:

Beloch, _Gr. G._^2 I. ii. p. 295, is surely underestimating the value
of Thucydides’ express statements about the Peisistratids when he
calls them “merely oral traditions about the relations of a family
that had been expelled from Athens 100 years before.” This way of
putting it hardly suggests that less than 20 years may have separated
the death of Hippias from the birth of Thucydides, and that the
tyrant’s family was still sufficiently flourishing at the end of the
Peloponnesian war to be excluded from the amnesty that restored
Thucydides to Athens (Didymus _ap._ Marcellin. _Vit. Thuc._ 32).

Footnote 181:

See also chapter III, p. 69.

Footnote 182:

Beloch, _Rhein. Mus._ L. (1895), p. 252, n. 1, puts Cylon’s attempt
into the time between Solon and Peisistratus, De Sanctis, _Atthis_^2,
pp. 280 f., into the time of Peisistratus’ exile; O. Seeck, _Klio_,
IV. pp. 318 f., puts it at earliest early in the career of
Peisistratus; Costanzi, _Riv. d. Stor. Ant._ V. pp. 518–19, about 570
B.C.; so also Lenschau _ap._ Bursian, _Jahresbericht_ 176 (1918), p.
190. But see _e.g._ Ledl, _Stud. z. d. ält. ath. Verfassungsges._ pp.
77 f.

Footnote 183:

Thuc. I. 126.

Footnote 184:

Plut. _Solon_, 24.

Footnote 185:

Plut. _Solon_, 2; cp. Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 6, where Solon’s enemies
accuse him of (dishonest) financial speculations. Aristotle dismisses
the charge.

Footnote 186:

Hdt. I. 59; Plut., _Solon_, 13, _Amat._ 18, _Praecept._ 10 (_Moral._
763, 805), imagines this third party as existing at the time of
Solon’s reforms: but his account is inconsistent in itself and
contradicts Hdt. See Sandys, _Ath. Pol._^2 p. 55, Busolt, _Gr. G._^2
(1895), II. p. 302, n. 2, following Diels, _Abh. Berl. Akad._ 1885, p.
20, and Landwehr, _Philol._ Suppl. V. (1889), p. 155.

Footnote 187:

So Isocr. _Panath._ 148 (263); Aristot. _Pol._ VII. (V.), 1310_b_; cp.
Cic. _de Orat._ III. 34; _Brutus_, 27, 41; Val. Max. VIII. 9; Dio
Chrys. XXII.

Footnote 188:

_Pace_ Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 22 (ὅτι Πεισίστρατος δημαγωγὸς καὶ
στρατηγὸς ὢν τύραννος κατέστη).

Footnote 189:

Cp. Plut. _Solon_, 29, “helping the needy” of Peisistratus when first
suspected by Solon of aiming at tyranny: cp. also Aristot. _Pol._ VII.
(V.), 1305_a_ (tr. Welldon), “the ground of this confidence being
their detestation of the wealthy classes. This was the case at Athens
with Peisistratus in consequence of his feud with the (wealthy landed)
proprietors of the plain.”

Footnote 190:

Hdt. I. 64. Grote’s translation, III. (ed. 1888), p. 329, n. 4, which
makes the money come from Athens and the mercenaries from Thrace, is
highly improbable. Amphipolis, the chief fifth century city on the
lower Strymon, is described by Thucydides, IV. 108, as useful to
Athens “from its revenues of money.” Grote’s objections to making
Peisistratus a Thracian mining magnate are met below.

Footnote 191:

So Perdrizet, _Klio_, X. (1910), p. 5.

Footnote 192:

Guiraud, _La Main-d’Œuvre dans l’Ancienne Grèce_, pp. 30, 31; cp. von
Fritze, _Zeits. f. Num._ XX. (1897), p. 154, who notes that Maronea,
the name of the place in the Laurium district mined in the time of
Peisistratus, is also the name of a town in Thrace opposite Thasos
(said by Philochorus, _F.H.G._, I. p. 404, to have been alluded to by
Archilochus; cp. Hom. _Od._ IX. 197). E. Curtius (quoted _ibid._)
regards the Attic Maronea as having been named after the Thracian.

Footnote 193:

Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 15.

Footnote 194:

Hdt. I. 62, 64.

Footnote 195:

Of iron and copper, Steph. Byz. s.v. Αἴδηψος, Χαλκίς, Eustath. _ad
Dion. Perieget._ 764.

Footnote 196:

Svoronos, _Journ. Int. d’Arch. Num._ XV. (1913), pp. 233–4.

Footnote 197:

Cp. Muenzer u. Strack, _Münz. Nord-Griech._ II. i. p. 8, n. 1.

Footnote 198:

Hdt. I. 9; so Dion. Hal. I. 13.

Footnote 199:

Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 13.

Footnote 200:

Plut. _Solon_, 13; _Praecept._ 10 (_Moral._ 805); _Amat._ 18 (_Moral._
763).

Footnote 201:

See _e.g._ Poehlmann, _Grundriss_^4 p. 85; E. Meyer, _G. d. A._ II. p.
663; Sandys, _Ath. Pol._^2 p. 55; Mauri, _Cittadini Lavoratori dell’
Attica_, p. 29; Grundy, _Thucydides and Hist. of his Age_, p. 116;
Haase, _Abhand. Hist. Phil. Gesell. Breslau_, I. p. 105.

Footnote 202:

Below, Appendix A.

Footnote 203:

_J.H.S._ XXVI. pp. 136–8.

Footnote 204:

_A.J.A._ 1889, p. 426; cp. Haase, _Abhand. Hist. Phil. Gesell.
Breslau_, I. p. 69, n. 16.

Footnote 205:

_Ath. Mitt._ XXXV. (1910), p. 286, ll. 18–21, μέταλλον ἀνασάξιμον ἐπὶ
Λαυρέωι ... ὧι γε(ιτνιᾷ ... πρὸς) νότο(ν) ἡ ὁδὸς ἡ ἔξω τοῦ Ῥαγῶνος ἐπὶ
Λαύρεον φέρουσα καὶ τὸ Σημάχειον.

Footnote 206:

Steph. Byz. s.v.

Footnote 207:

_Abh. Berl. Akad._ 1892, p. 37; cp. _ibid._ 47; _Ath. Mitt._ XVII. pp.
422, 424.

Footnote 208:

_Ath. Mitt._ 1910, p. 309. The single tombstone of “Aeschines of
Semachidai, the son of Pamphilus” (_C.I.A._ II. 2534), found at
Brahami, three and a half kilometres South of the Acropolis, is
probably to be classed with _ibid._ 2535–9 as belonging to a Semachid
who died at Athens. So too with the fragment ΙΑΧΙΔΟΥ _C.I.A._ III.
3897, found at Alopeke, the modern Ampelokipi, one of the Eastern
terminuses of the Athenian tramways. Demesmen seem to have been
generally buried either in Athens or in the deme to which they
belonged. The ordinary Attic word for travel, ἀποδημεῖν (lit. “to quit
one’s deme”), seems to have been still appropriate even in the fourth
century.

Footnote 209:

_F.H.G._ I. p. 396.

Footnote 210:

_F.H.G._ I. p. 396.

Footnote 211:

_Ath. Mitt._ XXXV. (1910), p. 277, l. 25; 278, l. 42; 281, l. 46; the
word may have been semi-technical. Appian, _Bell. Civ._ IV. 106,
speaks of a λόφος not far from Philippi, “in which are the gold mines
called the Asyla.”

Footnote 212:

Cp. Hesych. Ἐπάκριος· Ζεὺς ὁ ἐπὶ τῶν ἄκρων τῶν ὀρῶν ἱδρύμενος. ἐπὶ γὰρ
τῶν ὀρῶν τοὺς βωμοὺς αὐτῷ ἵδρυον ὡς ἐπιπολύ.

Footnote 213:

_I.e._ with the hill country of the Cleisthenic Interior. Inscriptions
(_C.I.A._ II. 602, 603), of the fourth century or later, mention men
of the Interior (Mesogeioi) who formed a similar organization to the
Epakrioi of _C.I.A._ II. 570, and were possibly composed of lowlanders
of the Cleisthenic Interior (Mesogeia). The name Mesogeia is now
applied to the “undulating district of hill and plain stretching to
the spurs of Pentelicon on the North, to Hymettus on the West, to the
vicinity of Marcopoulo on the South, and to the coast hills on the
East,” Baedeker, _Greece_, 1905, p. 117.

Footnote 214:

See _e.g._ J. A. R. Munro’s note _J.H.S._ XIX. (1899), p. 187.

Footnote 215:

_Odyss._ III. 278; cp. Steph. Byz. Σούνιον· δῆμος Λεοντίδος φυλῆς.
Ὅμηρος δὲ ἄκρον καλεῖ.

Footnote 216:

Aristoph. _Clouds_, 401.

Footnote 217:

Strabo, IX. 390.

Footnote 218:

Palmerius (Le Paulmier), _Exerc._ p. 4, quoted Schoemann, _de Comit.
Ath._ p. 343, n. 4.

Footnote 219:

Albertus, _Hesych._ s.v. Alii aliter; _e.g._ Casaubon _ad_ _Diog.
Laert._, _Solon_, 58 appears to locate the Diakrioi on the Acropolis.

Footnote 220:

Plato, _Critias_, 110_d_.

Footnote 221:

Strabo, IX. 391; cp. XIV. 632 f. on the Milesian district where Hdt.,
VI. 20, mentions the existence of a Hyperakria: Strabo distinguishes
clearly the ἄκραι on the coast from the ὄρη of the interior.

Footnote 222:

No mines are marked actually at Sunium in the map attached to
Ardaillon’s careful study of the mines of Laurium, but a mine at
Sunium (μέταλλον ἐπὶ Σουνίῳ) is mentioned in the inscription published
by Oikonomos, _Ath. Mitt._ XXXV. (1910), p. 277, l. 9; so also
_C.I.A._ II. 781: cp. also Eurip. _Cycl._ 293–4, “aery Sunium’s
silver-veined crag (ὑπάργυρος πέτρα),” tr. Shelley. Sunium and
Thoricus, also in the mining district (“at Thoricus and Laurium are
mines of silver,” schol. Aesch. _Pers._ 238), are coupled together by
Pliny, _N.H._ IV. 11 (7), as “promontoria.”

Footnote 223:

Hdt. IV. 99.

Footnote 224:

There were Diakrioi in Rhodes (Cavaignac, _Étud. Financ._ pp. xl, xli)
and Euboea (Hesych. s.v.) as well as Attica. Miletus had its
Hyperakrioi (Hdt. VI. 20).

Footnote 225:

Besides its connexion with (_a_) Semachidai and (_b_) the party of
Peisistratus, we find it as (_c_) one of twelve cities founded by
Cecrops (Strabo, IX. 397, Steph. Byz. s.v.), (_d_) one of three groups
of cities founded by Cecrops (Suid. and _Et. Mag._ s.v.), (_e_) a
country near Tetrapolis (Bekker, _Lex. Seguer._ p. 259), (_f_) a
trittys (trittys of the Epakrians: _C.I.A._ II. 1053 and (?) I.
517_b_; cp. Loeper, _Ath. Mitt._ XVII. p. 355, n. 3), and (_g_) the
recipient of payments from Plotheia (_C.I.A._ II. 570, about 420
B.C.). It is recognized by Milchhoefer that the word is used in a
broader and a more restricted sense (_ap._ Pauly Wissowa s.v.
Epakria). Though note _à propos_ of the Epakrian trittys of the
inscriptions that trittyes are generally named after not the district
but the chief place in the district, _e.g._ trittys of the
Eleusinians, of the Peiraeans, _C.I.A._ I. 517. Semachidai and
Plotheia belong to different tribes (Antiochis and Aegeis), and
consequently to different trittyes.

Footnote 226:

Strabo, XI. 499.

Footnote 227:

_E.g._ Oikonomos, _Ath. Mitt._ XXXV. (1910), pp. 277, l. 25; 278, l.
42; 281, l. 46; cp. Xen. _de Vect._ IV. 2, τῶν ὑπαργύρων λόφων; Pliny,
_N.H._ IV. 11 (7), Thoricus promontorium.

Footnote 228:

Bursian, _Gr. Geog._ I. pp. 254–5. Boeckh, _Pub. Econ._ II. p. 416, n.
6, quotes Λαύριον ὄρος, but gives no reference.

Footnote 229:

A site between Kamaresa (Maronea?) and Sunium, which Loeper identifies
with Potamos, is described by him as “im Inneren liegend,” _Ath.
Mitt._ XVII. pp. 333–4.

Footnote 230:

Schol. Ap. Rhod. _Argon._ I. 1129, quoting the _Phoronid_,

ἄνδρες ὀρέστεροι,
οἱ πρῶτοι τέχνην πολυμήτιος Ἡφαίστοιο
εὗρον ἐν οὐρείῃσι νάπαις, ἰόεντα σίδηρον,
ἐς πῦρ τ’ ἤνεγκον καὶ ἀρίπρεπες ἔργον ἔδειξαν.

Footnote 231:

Binder, _Laurion_, p. 25 (cp. de Launay in Saglio, _Dict. d. Ant._
s.v. ferrum, p. 1087), who says this is still the practice in Peru.
Smelting was carried on close by the mines, see Ardaillon in Saglio,
_Dict. d. Ant._ s.v. metalla. The sites of the ancient Siphnian mines
are to this day called Kaminia (furnaces) and Kapsala (slag?), Bent,
_J.H.S._ VI. pp. 196–7.

Note too that at a still earlier epoch gold from mines, as
distinguished from alluvial gold, was known in Egypt as “gold of the
mountain,” Breasted, _Records Anc. Egypt_, IV. 30: so _ibid._ 28,
“electrum of the mountains,” temp. Ramses III.

Footnote 232:

_Abh. Berl. Acad._ _d._ 1892, p. 47.

Footnote 233:

_Ath. Mitt._ XVII.

Footnote 234:

Polyb. XXXIV. 9.

Footnote 235:

Athen. VI. 272_e_; cp. Oros. V. 9, who dates what is apparently the
same revolt in the time of the first Sicilian slave war (139–132
B.C.).

Footnote 236:

Thuc. VII. 27; cp. Bury, _Hist. Greece_, p. 485.

Footnote 237:

Hdt. VII. 144; Plut. _Themist._ 4; Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 22.

Footnote 238:

Ardaillon, _Les Mines de Laurium_ (the best book on the subject), pp.
132, 133; where see also a technical explanation of the veins.

Footnote 239:

Plut. _Themist._ 4.

Footnote 240:

Xen. _de Vect._ IV. 2.

Footnote 241:

F. Cauer, _Parteien in Megara und Athen_, p. 17.

Footnote 242:

Hdt. III. 57; they appear to have been exhausted before 490 B.C.
(Perdrizet, _Klio_, X. (1910), p. 7, quoting Hdt. III. 57 and Paus. X.
11. 2), a fact that suggests an early discovery.

Footnote 243:

Furtwaengler, _Berl. Vas._ 871 B, 639, 831 A: Wilisch, _Jahresb. Gym._
_Zittau_, 1901, figs. 19 (Saglio, _Dict. d. Ant._ fig. 4987), 20 and
p. 20.

Footnote 244:

Hdt. VII. 144.

Footnote 245:

Hdt. III. 57; cp. E. Meyer, _Ges. d. Alt._ II. p. 610, on Theognis,
667 f.

Footnote 246:

_E.g._ Perdrizet, _Klio_, X. (1910), p. 2.

Footnote 247:

Aeschyl. _Persae_, 240 (238).

Footnote 248:

Hdt. VI. 46.

Footnote 249:

_Pace_ Cavaignac, _Viertelj. f. Soc. u. Wirts. Ges._ IX. p. 7.

Footnote 250:

Xen., _de Vect._ IV. 17, advised the Athenian state to buy slaves to
the number of three for each citizen and let them out to work the
mines. The number of Athenian citizens at the time was about 20,000
(cp. Wallon, _l’Esclavage_^2, I. pp. 222 f.), which makes the proposed
number of slave miners about 60,000. This was admittedly many more
than the number actually employed at the time of the proposal, and
Xenophon suggests starting with 10,000, which Wallon, _ibid._ p. 230,
thinks to have been probably the existing number of privately owned
mining slaves. But even so these numbers show how influential a free
mining population might well have been. See also _de Vect._ IV. 14, 15
and _passim_; Andoc. _de Myst._ 38 (6); Hyp. frag. 33 (Blass); and
above, p. 45.

Footnote 251:

Dem. _c. Phaenipp._ 20 (1044–5).

Footnote 252:

Bérard, _B.C.H._ XII. (1888), p. 246, τέχνη δ’ οὔτις ἔριζε.

Footnote 253:

Ardaillon, _Les Mines de Laurium_, p. 91.

Footnote 254:

Solon, Bergk, frag. 12 (4), 49–50,

ἄλλος Ἀθηναίης τε καὶ Ἡφαίστου πολυτέχνεω
ἔργα δαεὶς χειροῖν ξυλλέγεται βίοτον.

Footnote 255:

Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 13.

Footnote 256:

A means of equation would be to accept the reading of the Berlin
papyrus ἀποίκων for ἀγροίκων and then, _pace_ Busolt, _Gr. G._ II.^2
p. 96, n. 1, identify the ἄποικοι (men away from home; cp. the
Milesian ἀειναῦται, men always at sea) with the πάραλοι (men of the
coast). The demiourgoi would then be identified with the Diakrioi, and
it would have to be assumed that the youthful Peisistratus was already
leading his faction. Laurentius Lydus, _de Magistr._ I. 47, makes
Solon import from Egypt a triple division into philosopher nobles,
warrior farmers, and mechanics (τὴν βάναυσον καὶ τεχνουργόν). The
statement appears among the fragments of Diodorus IX. in Dindorf’s
text; but the attribution is disputed, _e.g._ by Landwehr, _Philol._
Suppl. V. (1889), p. 141. The reading ἄγροικοι rather than ἄποικοι is
supported by Dion. Hal. II. 9; see further Gilliard, _Réformes de
Solon_, p. 105, n. 2.

Footnote 257:

Plut. _de Mul. Virt._ 27 (_Moral._ 262).

Footnote 258:

Plut. _Pericl._ 12.

Footnote 259:

Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 13; Plut. _Sol._ 29.

Footnote 260:

Perdrizet, _Klio_, X. (1910), p. 22, quoting Appian, _Bell. Civ._ IV.
106. Cp. above, p. 39, n. 4.

Footnote 261:

Harpocrat. s.v. Ποταμός· “they were lampooned as readily admitting
illegal claims to citizenship (ὡς ῥᾳδίως δεχόμενοι τοὺς
παρεγγράπτους), as others proclaim and particularly Menander in _The
Twins_”; _Potamioi_ was the name of a comedy by Strattis; Athen. VII.
299_b_; Suid. s.v. Ποταμοί.

Footnote 262:

_Ath. Mitt._ XVII. (1892), pl. xii. Inscriptions mention three
Potamioi, see _Ath. Mitt._ XVII. pp. 390–1, Π. καθύπερθεν, Π.
ὑπένερθεν, Π. Δειραδιῶται. The first two are grouped together apart
from the third, and Loeper is probably right, as against Koehler,
_Ath. Mitt._ X. (1885), pp. 105 f.; cp. IV. (1879), p. 102, in
assigning them to the city trittys of Leontis and making P.
Deiradiotai the mining village. καθύπερθεν is therefore no evidence
for an inland mining Potamioi. But “Deiradiotai” means “on the ridge,”
and supports Loeper’s location of Potamioi Deiradiotai, no matter
whether the adjective means “P. on the ridge,” or “P. near
Deiradiotai” (a separate deme, see _C.I.A._ II. 864).

Footnote 263:

Milchhoefer, _Ath. Mitt._ XVIII. (1893), p. 284.

Footnote 264:

_C.I.A._ II. 3343.

Footnote 265:

Hdt. V. 23, “by the river Strymon ... a city ... where are mines of
silver; and a large Greek population dwells around, and a large
barbarian.”

Footnote 266:

Thuc. IV. 105, “Brasidas, ... learning that Thucydides owned workings
in the gold mines in that part of Thrace, and as a result was one of
the most influential men on the mainland”; Marcellinus, _Vit. Thuc._
19, “(Thucydides) married a wife from Skapte Hyle in Thrace, who was
very wealthy and owned mines in Thrace”; Plut. _Cimon_, 4.

Footnote 267:

Xen. _de Vect._ IV. 14.

Footnote 268:

Hdt. I. 60; Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 14; Athen. 609_c_; Polyaen. I. 21. 1;
Val. Max. I. 2. 2 (ext.); Hermog. περὶ εὑρεσ. I. 3. 21 (ed. Spengel);
cp. schol. _ibid. ap._ Walzium, _Rhet. Gr._ V. p. 378. In schol.
Aristoph. _Eq._ 447 Phye appears to be confused with Myrrina who
appears to have been either wife (_ibid._) or daughter (schol. Dem.
_Aristoc._) of Peisistratus or more probably wife of Hippias (Thuc.,
and Hesych. s.v. Βυρσίνης). Athenaeus marries Phye to Hipparchus. The
confusion may possibly be due to the fact that myrrina, as a common
noun, sometimes means garland (_e.g._ Pherecr. _Metall._ I. 25;
Aristoph. _Vesp._ 861; _Nub._ 1364, etc.), while Phye is described as
a garland seller (_Ath. Pol._ and Athen.).

Footnote 269:

See _e.g._ Thirlwall, _Hist._^2 II. pp. 67–8; Babelon, _Journ. Int.
d’Arch. Num._ VIII. (1905), pp. 17, 18; Stein, Hdt. I. 60; Beloch,
_Gr. G._^2 I. i. p. 370; cp. also Beloch, _Gr. G._^2 I. ii. p. 299.

Footnote 270:

Hirschensohn, _Philolog. Obozrenie_, X. (1896), Moscow, pp. 119 f.;
Beloch, _Gr. G._^2 I. ii. pp. 290 f., _Rhein. Mus._ XLV. (1890), p.
469; so De Sanctis, _Atthis_^2, p. 278, n. 5; Costanzi, _Riv. d. Stor.
Ant._ V. pp. 516 f., _Boll. Fil. Class._ IX. pp. 84 f., 107 f.

Footnote 271:

Euseb. _Chron._ Armenian vers. 544/3 B.C., Pisistratus Atheniensibus
iterum imperauit.

Footnote 272:

Jerome, _Chron._ 539 B.C., Pisistratus secunda uice Athenis regnat.

Footnote 273:

Hdt. I. 62.

Footnote 274:

Cp. below, chap. VIII. pp. 237–9.

Footnote 275:

Beloch, _Gr. G._^2 I. ii. pp. 292–3, 297.

Footnote 276:

Hdt. VI. 35, “Peisistratus held supreme power, but Miltiades also had
influence (ἐδυνάστευε)” suggests some sort of co-operation (cp. Hdt.
VI. 39, below, p. 63), though Hdt. VI. 35, “annoyed with the
government of Peisistratus,” shows that it was not cordial.

Footnote 277:

Busolt, _Gr. G._^2 II. p. 316, n. 3.

Footnote 278:

_Journ. Int. d’Arch. Num._ VIII. (1905), p. 19.

Footnote 279:

Six, _Num. Chron._ 1895, pl. VII. 8, 7, 1.

Footnote 280:

_E.g._ P. Gardner, _Earliest Coins of Greece Proper_, p. 28; Hill,
_Hist. Gk. Coins_, p. 17; v. Fritze, _Zeits. f. Num._ XX. (1897), pp.
153–5, emphasizing the connexion of Peisistratus with silver as well
as with Athena; Lermann, _Athenatypen_, pp. 3 f.

For a somewhat earlier date see Head, _Num. Chron._ 1893, pp. 249,
251; Earle Fox, _Corolla Numismat. B. V. Head_, p. 43; Svoronos,
_Journ. Int. d’Arch. Num._ XIV. (1912), p. 3, nos. 1109–1120; Seeck,
_Klio_, IV. (1904), p. 176 (Solon or even Draco).

For a date after Peisistratus see Imhoof-Blumer, Howorth, Six, and
(_Neue Jahrb._ 1896, pp. 537 f.) Gilbert, all completely answered by
Head, _Num. Chron._ 1893, pp. 247 f.; Babelon, _J. I. d’A. N._ 1905,
pp. 12–16. Holwerda, _Album Herwerden_, p. 117, who follows Six, only
adds some inconclusive comparisons with Greek sculpture.

Footnote 281:

There is no need to assume with E. Meyer, _Ges. d. Alt._^1 IV. p. 28,
and others, that Peisistratus’ Pangaion mines were gold. In the days
of Philip and Alexander the Great they were best known for their gold;
but silver was also mined abundantly, see Hdt. V. 17; VII. 112;
Strabo, 331, 34; Livy, XLV. 29; Justin, VIII. 3; Orosius, III. 12.

Footnote 282:

Pollux, IX. 74, 75, quoting Euripides (_d._ 406 B.C.), Hyperides
(_fl._ 350 B.C.), Eubulus Comicus (_fl._ 350 B.C.); cp. Hesych. s.v.
Παλλάδος πρόσωπον, Photius s.v. Παλλάδος πρόσωπον.

Footnote 283:

Schol. Aristoph. _Birds_, 1106, “the tetradrachm was at that time
called an owl.”

Footnote 284:

Cp. Photius s.v. Παλλάδος πρόσωπον, “the staters, from the stamp: for
on one side there was a head of Athena.” The stater is the didrachm.

Footnote 285:

Hill, _Hist. Gk. Coins_, p. 16; _Brit. Mus. Coins Central Greece_, pl.
XXIV. 18, 19.

Footnote 286:

Hdt. IV. 180, “They dress up together on each occasion their fairest
maiden in a Corinthian helmet and full Greek armour, and, mounting her
on a chariot, drive her all round the lake.” See further Macan, _Hdt._
IV.-VI. _ad loc._, who quotes Phye.

Footnote 287:

Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 14; cp. Athen. XIII. 609_c_.

Footnote 288:

Solon, frag. 2 (13), ll. 5–6

αὐτοὶ δὲ φθείρειν μεγάλην πόλιν ἀφραδίῃσιν
ἀστοὶ βούλονται, χρήμασι πειθόμενοι.

Footnote 289:

_E.g._ _B.C.H._ XXX. (1906), p. 69, fig. 2; Brit. Mus. from Bunbury
sale.

Footnote 290:

Archil. frag. 54 (53), τὸν κεροπλάστην ἄειδε Γλαῦκον.

Footnote 291:

Bremer, _Haartracht_, p. 64.

Footnote 292:

Garlands of flowers worn on the head appear in Attica during the
second half of the sixth century; see Pauly Wissowa s.v. Haartracht,
p. 2132; cp. Bremer, _Haartracht_, p. 15, vogue begins with red figure
vase style.

Footnote 293:

Time of Hippias, Head, _Hist. Num._^2 p. 368 (but cp. _ibid._ n. 3);
Seeck, _Klio_, IV. (1904), pp. 173–5; 508 B.C., Holwerda, _Album
Herwerden_, p. 119; 500 B.C. or after, V. Fritze, _Zeits. f. Num._ XX.
(1897), p. 142: Kampanes, _B.C.H._ XXX. p. 75; 490 B.C., Six, _Num.
Chron._ 1895, p. 176: Earle Fox, _Coroll. Num. B. V. Head_, p. 43:
Babelon, _Coroll. Num. B. V. Head_, p. 8: _J. I. d’A. N._ VIII.
(1905), pp. 44 f.; 480 B.C., Howorth, _Num. Chron._ 1893, p. 245:
Lermann, _Athenatyp._ pp. 28 f. As regards a post-Hippias dating, the
ungarlanded head of a coin with Hippias’ name is not decisive. The
coin, which is abnormal, was probably struck by the tyrant in exile,
and the absence of garland may indicate either the exile’s grief or
the local coiner’s incompetence. Or was the embarrassed despot casting
away the ornaments of sovereignty in the hope of retaining or
regaining the reality? “The olive again has been known to lose its
leaves and yet produce its fruit; this is said to have happened to
Thessalos the son of Peisistratos,” Theophrast. _Hist. Plant._ II. 3.
3; cp. Ruehl, _Rhein. Mus._ 1892, p. 460.

Footnote 294:

Just as was probably the case with the flower girls at Naukratis, the
most famous centre of the garland trade, where the Thracian hetaera
Rhodopis won such great fame in the days of Sappho and Aesop. See
Mallet, _Prem. Étab. Gr. en Égypte_, p. 238, who compares the fioraie
of Venice and Florence.

Footnote 295:

Phot., Harpocrat. s.v. στεφανηφόρος; cp. Boeckh, _Pub. Econ._ I. pp.
193 f. Lenormant, _Monnaies et Médailles_, p. 60; Saglio, _Dict. d.
Ant._ s.v. drachmae Stephanephori, p. 403. The inscriptions, however,
in which the expression occurs date only from the end of the second
century B.C., _C.I.A._ II. i. 466–8, 476.

Footnote 296:

Bekker, _Anecd. Gr._ I. 301, 19.

Footnote 297:

Livy, XXXVII. 46, 58, 59; XXXIX. 7; Cic. _ad Att._ II. 6, 16; XI. 1.

Footnote 298:

Diamantaras, _Ath. Mitt._ XIV. (1889), p. 413.

Footnote 299:

The practice of course is not exclusively Greek; cp., _e.g._,

il maledetto fiore
ch’ ha disviate le pecore e gli agni.

Dante, _Paradiso_, IX. 130.

Footnote 300:

Plut. _Apophth. Lac._, _Agesilaus_, 40 (_Moral._ 211); cp. the proverb
τὰν ἀρετὰν καὶ τὰν σοφίαν νικᾶντι χελῶναι (virtue and wisdom are
vanquished by tortoises), alluding to the famous coins of Aegina; cp.
too βοῦς ἐπὶ γλώσσῃ (there’s an ox on my tongue), Theognis 815, Aesch.
_Agam._ 35, Pollux IX. 61, which, whether the ox meant is a gold
stater, on which the ox was one of the commonest types, or, as P.
Gardner suggests, a leather gag, _Num. Chron._ 1881, p. 289, is an
instance of a similar _jeu de mot_ dating from the actual epoch of
Peisistratus.

Footnote 301:

Aristoph. _Birds_, 1106; cp. Schol. _ad loc._ “the tetradrachm was at
that time (_i.e._ of Aristophanes) called an owl”; Suid. s.v. γλαῦκες
Λαυρεωτικαί· “of those who have much money,” is a misunderstanding of
the phrase; cp. his statement that the Laurium mines were gold.

Footnote 302:

Plut. _Lysander_, 16.

Footnote 303:

The modern Liopesi, Milchhoefer, _Abh. Berl. Akad._ 1892, p. 17.

Footnote 304:

Hdt. V. 12.

Footnote 305:

Cp. _e.g._ Hdt. V. 23, 126 (Myrcinus on Strymon called Thracian), VII.
75, 115; Aristoph. _Ach._ 273 (“the Thracian daughter of
Strymodorus”); Diod. XII. 68. 1, “this city (Ennea Hodoi on the
Strymon) Aristagoras the Milesian had tried previously to settle; ...
but he had met his death, and the occupants had been driven out by the
Thracians” (about 500 B.C.); cp. _ibid._ XI. 70. 5; Plut. _Cimon_, 7,
“Eion ... a city in Thrace on the Strymon.” Cp. Suid. s.v. χρυσὸς
Κολοφώνιος; Tzetzes _ad_ Lycoph. _Cass._ V. 417 (Hill, _Sources Gk.
Hist._ p. 87). For Pangaion see Hdt. VII. 112, “Mt Pangaion, in which
are gold and silver mines, which are worked by ... most of all the
Satrai,” with which cp. _ibid._ 110, where the Satrai occur in a list
of Thracian tribes.

Footnote 306:

Hdt. V. 15, 16; Strabo VII. 331.

Footnote 307:

Hdt. V. 1, 13, 98.

Footnote 308:

Meyer, _Ges. d. Alt._ III. p. 297; Macan, _Hdt._ IV.-VI. app. III.,
IV. particularly IV. sect. 8; neither of whom sufficiently emphasizes
the political importance for Hippias of these Northern mines.
Perdrizet, _Klio_, X. (1910), p. 12, denies this removal when he says
that the Peisistratid’s Thracian possessions had perhaps remained in
Athenian hands between 512 and 475.

Footnote 309:

(_a_) The Paianian (Phye): γυνὴ ... μέγαθος ἀπὸ τεσσάρων πηχέων
ἀπολείπουσα τρεῖς δακτύλους καὶ ἄλλως εὐειδής. ταύτην τὴν γυναῖκα
σκευάσαντες, Hdt. I. 60; γυναῖκα μεγάλην καὶ καλὴν ἐξευρών ... τὴν
θεὸν ἀπομιμούμενος τῷ κόσμῳ, Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 14.

(_b_) The Paionian: ἀδελφεὴν μεγάλην τε καὶ εὐειδέα ... σκευάσαντες ὡς
εἶχον ἄριστα, Hdt. V. 12.

Footnote 310:

Nic. Dam. frag. 71, _F.H.G._ III. p. 413, gives the same story, but
calls the woman a Thracian and the king Alyattes. Macan, _ad_ _Hdt._
V. 12 (cp. _ibid._ (_Hdt._ IV.-VI.), app. IV. sect. 7) thinks we
probably have a local story transferred to Darius; but the transport
of Thracians to Asia, recorded also by Nic. Dam., suggests rather that
Hdt. is right in attaching the story to Darius. The Lydian king of the
Nic. Dam. version is perhaps due to Sardis being the scene of the
story.

Footnote 311:

Paionian coins, like Athenian, bore the helmeted head of Athena,
_e.g._ _Boston Mus. Rep._ XXII. (1897), p. 40; Svoronos, _J. I. d’A.
N._ 1913, p. 197 (fourth century).

Footnote 312:

The corkscrew hair of the most archaic looking garland coins, above,
pp. 55–56, is found on an obol, Babelon, _Corolla Num. B. V. Head_,
pp. 1 f., inscribed ΗΙ𐅃, presumably short for Hippias. Probably
it was struck by him in exile, _ibid._ p. 7, but in any case it
associates the corkscrew curls with the tyranny. _Num. Chron._ 1908,
pp. 278 f. shows the same corkscrew curls, and the inscription ΙΠ.
This has been expanded both as Hippias and as Peisistratus, but cp.
Muenzer and Strack, _Münz. Nord-Griech._ II. i. p. 8, n. 1.

Footnote 313:

Hdt. V. 94.

Footnote 314:

Hdt. V. 1.

Footnote 315:

πρῆγμα εὐηθέστατον μακρῷ, Hdt. I. 60; cp. Aristot. _Ath. Pol._ 14,
ἀρχαϊκῶς καὶ λίαν ἁπλῶς.

Footnote 316:

Aristoph. _Birds_, 1106.

Footnote 317:

Schol. Aristoph. _Knights_, 1092.

Footnote 318:

Hdt. V. 11.

Footnote 319:

Hdt. V. 23. Cp. below, p. 271.

Footnote 320:

Above, p. 58; cp. Svoronos, _Journ. Int. d’Arch. Num._ XV. (1913), p.
277.

Footnote 321:

V. 11.

Footnote 322:

Cp. also with the Histiaeus incident the intrigues of Aristagoras with
the deported Paionians whom Darius had settled in Phrygia (a famous
mining country), Hdt. V. 98.

Footnote 323:

Thuc. II. 15; Paus. I. 14. 1.

Footnote 324:

_Brit. Mus. Cat. Vas._ II. B 331, where, however, it is called
Kallirrhoe (more precisely καλιρεκρενε, perhaps a confusion of
Καλλιρρόη and Ἐννεάκρουνος). The aqueduct by which Peisistratus
improved and enlarged the supply of water has been discovered by
Doerpfeld, _Arch. Eph._ 1894, pp. 3 f.; cp. Theagenes (Paus. I. 40),
Polycrates (Hdt. III. 60), and the Corinthian Peirene.

Footnote 325:

E. Gardner, _Gk. Sculp._ fig. 34.