Chapter L: Tyerman (17)

“Let the serious consideration of hell-torments constrain
you to repent, and live like the devout Cornelius. When the
judgment is over, and this last sad sentence passed, ‘Depart
from me, ye cursed, into everlasting fire,’ the souls of the
damned will immediately be thrust into a ‘lake which burneth
with fire and brimstone;’ ‘where the worm dieth not, and the
fire is not quenched.’ In this doleful prison of darkness and
despair, condemned souls will be tormented with the devil and
his angels; and every part of them be racked with the sharpest
agony. The _whorish and adulterous eye_ will then be put out
in utter darkness. The _tongue_, that was used to _cursing,
swearing, and filthy talking_, will then be scorched with
tormenting flames, and be denied a drop of water to cool its
intolerable heat. The _body_, which used to be defiled with
_drunkenness and uncleanness_, will be burnt up as a firebrand.
And, what is still worse, though the pleasures of sin are but
for a season, yet, the punishment of it will be without end;
for the smoke of the torment of the damned ascends up (saith
the Scripture) for ever and ever. The torments of hell are of a
never-ending duration; ‘and who,’ my friends, ‘can dwell with
everlasting burnings?’ O be wise, and consider these amazing
truths, that, ye may flee from the wrath to come. Bid, from
this hour, a final farewell to swearing, gaming, drunkenness,
and uncleanness. Be sober, be chaste, be temperate, keep holy
the Sabbath-day, flee idleness and bad company. Remember you
are Christ’s soldiers, and were listed under His banner at your
baptism. ‘Turn ye, turn ye, from your evil ways.’ The arms of
Divine mercy are still open to receive and embrace you. God
willeth not the death of sinners, but had rather they should
repent and be saved. Our Lord Jesus Christ is ready to own you,
and wash you from your sins in His own blood: and the Holy
Ghost continually ‘maketh intercession for you, with groanings
which cannot be uttered.’”

Such may be taken as a specimen of Broughton’s preaching, at all events at the commencement of his ministry.

After a five months’ residence in Georgia, Charles Wesley returned to England. Whitefield was ordained, by Bishop Benson, on the 20th of June 1736, and immediately commenced his marvellous career of preaching. At the Christmas following, when only twenty-two years of age, he was fully determined to join Wesley, Ingham, and Delamotte in America. Some of his friends, however, protested against this, and, among others, his friend Broughton, the result of which was, his departure was postponed until the beginning of the year 1738. The following was Broughton’s letter on this occasion:—

“LONDON, _January 28, 1737_.

“DEAREST SIR,—My instruments are ready, and I am sat down to
write to you; but how shall I accost you? With what matter
lengthen out my letter? Surely, I was never more at a loss than
now how to address my friend. And yet, the springs of love,
that issue from the fountain of my heart towards you, are not
dried up. Methinks, I have the same affection and esteem for
you as ever; but the _resolution_ you have taken to leave your
native country, and the melancholy consequences to the cause of
religion, which are likely to ensue therefrom; together with
the barren prospects of my inability to dissuade you from your
hasty undertaking, at least, till you have taken the advice of
a multitude of counsellors (in whom the wise man says there is
safety),—all these things put together, besides the weight and
variety of my own affairs, so entangle and distress me, that I
know not what to communicate to you. But good Mr. Wogan[263]
has expressed my sentiments to you in his own. His reasons
against your going to Georgia are my reasons, and the reasons
of several good men besides; particularly of Sir Erasmus
Philips, who laid his commands upon me to dehort you if I could.

“Dear Mr. Whitefield, let me entreat you to examine the
reasons. Surely, we ought to consider before we resolve, and to
weigh things well before we proceed to put them into execution.
Would you be glad to learn what are my objections against your
going? Alas! I have many things to say unto you upon that
head, but you cannot bear them now. All I would recommend to
you at present, is not to harden yourself against what may be
modestly and fairly alleged to your leaving England. Let not
your friends be accounted your enemies, because they tell you
the truth. Lastly, we all observe the golden rule of our Lord,
‘Judge not according to the appearance, but judge righteous
judgment.’

“My dear friend,—for you are so to me,—pardon my plain
dealing, and, if it deserves a worse name, yet, pardon it. I
conclude my letter with an excellent collect of our Church on
behalf of us both:—

“‘O God, forasmuch as without Thee, we are not able to please
Thee, mercifully grant that Thy Holy Spirit may, in all things,
direct and rule our hearts, through Jesus Christ our Lord.’

“I am, dear sir, your affectionate brother,

“THOMAS BROUGHTON.”[264]

“To the Rev. Mr. WHITEFIELD,

“At Mr. Grenville’s, a Grocer, in Wine Street, at Bristol.”

John Wesley arrived in England on February 1st, 1738. By repeated interviews with Peter Böhler, he was converted to Böhler’s doctrines, 1. That, faith is “a sure trust and confidence which a man hath in God, that, through the merits of Christ, his sins are forgiven, and he reconciled to the favour of God. 2. That, the fruits of this faith are the witness of the Spirit, and the new birth. And, 3. That, this faith is given in a moment, and, that, instantaneously a man may be translated out of darkness into light, out of sin and fear into holiness and happiness.” This, however, was an experience, which Wesley, as yet, had not realized; and, hence, he came to the conclusion, that, notwithstanding all his past piety and devotion, he was still without saving faith. Wesley asked his friend Böhler, whether, being destitute of faith, he “ought not to refrain from teaching others?” Böhler said, “No; do not hide in the earth the talent God hath given you.” Accordingly, when Wesley, his brother Charles, and Broughton met, on April 25, in the house of Mr. Delamotte, at Blendon, the nature and fruits of faith became the subject of discussion. Wesley propounded his new ideas “clearly and fully;” and writes:—

“Mr. Broughton’s great objection was, he could never think,
that, I had not faith, who had done and suffered such things.
My brother was very angry, and told me, I did not know what
mischief I had done by talking thus.”

Charles Wesley’s account of this important meeting, held at five o’clock in the morning, is more minute. He remarks:—

“1738, April 25. Soon after five, as we were met in our little
chapel, Mrs. Delamotte came to us. We sang, and fell into a
dispute whether conversion was gradual or instantaneous. My
brother was very positive for the latter, and very shocking;
and mentioned some late instances of gross sinners believing
in a moment. I was much offended at his worse than unedifying
discourse. Mrs. Delamotte left us abruptly. I stayed, and
insisted, a man need not know when first he had faith. His
obstinacy, in favouring the contrary opinion, drove me at last
out of the room. Mr. Broughton was only not so much scandalized
as myself. After dinner, he and my brother returned to town. I
stayed behind, and read them the ‘Life of Mr. Halyburton:’ one
instance, but only one, of instantaneous conversion.”

Strange to say, within three weeks after this religious fracas, Charles Wesley became a convert to the very opinions which had given him such huge offence; and began to pity and upbraid his friend Broughton for not thinking like himself. Accordingly he writes:—

“May 11. I was carried in a chair to Mr. Bray’s” (the
Moravian), “who is to supply Böhler’s place. I found his
sister” (Bray’s) “in earnest pursuit of Christ; and his wife
well inclined to conversion. I had not been here long, when
Mr. Broughton called. I hoped to find him altered like myself;
but, alas! his time is not yet come. As to M. Turner, he gave
her up; ‘but for you, M. Bray,’ said he, ‘I hope you are still
in your senses, and not run mad after a faith which must be
felt.’ He went on contradicting and blaspheming. I thought it
my duty to withstand him, and to confess my want of faith. ‘God
help you, poor man,’ he replied; ‘if I could think you have not
faith, I am sure it would drive me to despair.’”

Charles Wesley was now as impassioned on the one side, as, three weeks before, he had been on the other. He and Broughton became estranged. Hence the following, in his journal:—

“1738, May 14. Several persons called to-day, and were
convinced of unbelief. Some of them afterwards went to Mr.
Broughton, and were soon made as easy as Satan and their own
hearts could wish.”

A week after this, Charles Wesley believed in Christ to the saving of his soul; and became increasingly anxious for his friend Broughton. He writes:—

“May 27. I was much assisted to intercede for poor Mr.
Broughton, who continues the very life of all those that oppose
the faith.”

“July 11. Tuesday. Mr. Sparks, this morning, asked me whether
I would preach for him at St. Helen’s. I agreed to supply Mr.
Broughton’s place, who is now at Oxford, arming our friends
against the faith. The pain in my side was very violent; but
no sooner did I enter the coach than the pain left me, and I
preached faith in Christ to a vast congregation, adding much
extempore. After sermon, Mrs. Hind, with whom Mr. Broughton
lodges, sent for me; owned her agreement to the doctrine, and
pressed me to come and talk with Mr. Broughton, who, she could
not but believe, must himself agree to it.”

At this period, Charles Wesley was intensely interested in the welfare of half a score of malefactors, under sentence of death, in Newgate prison, all of whom were executed at Tyburn, on the 19th of July. During the last nine days they had to live, besides other visits, and personal conversations with them, he preached to them at least six sermons, and twice administered to them the holy Sacrament. On the day of execution, he, and Broughton, and Mr. Sparks were at the prison as early as six o’clock.[265] At Tyburn, these three earnest ministers ascended the cart where, beneath the hideous gibbet, the ten poor wretches, with ropes round their necks, stood awaiting their ignominious end. Charles Wesley offered prayer, then Sparks, and then Broughton; after which the cart was drawn away, and the lives of the miserable men were ended.

Charles Wesley believed that several of them had found peace with God; and declared, that, the hour he spent beneath the Tyburn gallows “was the most blessed hour of his life.” The alienation, however, between him and Broughton still continued. Three weeks afterwards, they met at Mrs. Hind’s, and resumed their old disputes. The details of the interview are not recorded; but Charles declares, that, Broughton acknowledged, he had never read the Homilies of the Established Church; and adds, “he denied explicitly, that, we are saved by Christ’s imputed righteousness; and affirmed, that, works do justify, and have a share in making us righteous before God.” The two were earnest and eager disputants; but, to use Charles Wesley’s words, they “parted good friends.”

After this, we lose sight of Broughton until the year 1741, when he was chosen lecturer of Allhallows, Lombard Street;[266] and when he also married.

The marriage was to have taken place early in the year; but had to be postponed, in consequence of the death of Mr. Capel (the young lady’s father), only two days before the time primarily appointed. In a long letter, dated April 4, 1741, and addressed to Charles Morgan, Broughton gives full particulars of Mr. Capel’s illness and decease, and relates, that, Mr. C. had been married twenty-five years, and was buried in a vault belonging to St. Peter’s, Cornhill. He then remarks:—

“Immortal and unchangeable God! to what changes is poor,
perishing mortality subjected to here below! To-day we live:
to-morrow we die. The rising sun beholds us fresh and blooming
in life: the setting, motionless, and pale, and sunk into the
arms of death. Though in the secret counsels of a wise and
gracious Providence, I do not doubt, yet, what a disagreeable
turn this melancholy accident has given to my affairs! O, my
more than brother! my virtuous and noble friend! let no earthly
thing, not even the most endearing and lovely Miranda, be too
much the object of your affections. Forgive the preacher. Our
God is a jealous God. He is jealous of His love, which often
causes Him to use mortifying means to wean us from the love of
the creature.

“I can add no more on this too tender subject, except, that,
the ever dear to me and devout Aspasia carries herself with
inimitable discretion, meekness, nay, Christian cheerfulness
and resignation, under this heavy stroke and unpleasant posture
of affairs. We both salute you in the tenderest and most hearty
manner; and, with eager desires, look forward to the next happy
month that promises us the blessing of seeing, and conversing
with so choice, so beloved a friend. Be not afraid to step
into the house of mourning. We will, for awhile, lay aside
our garments of heaviness, and anoint ourselves with the oil
of gladness, to welcome you on your arrival in England; and,
by prayers and best wishes for your future happiness, we will
add our mites to the crown of joy upon a certain affair that
promises you an abundance of happiness.

“I am, my dear Theophilus,[267] your friend,

“THOMAS BROUGHTON.”

It is a well-known fact, that, at this period, the vagaries of the Moravians created great excitement in the religious world. Gambold openly joined the Brethren, as Ingham had already done before him. Fickle Westley Hall was tainted with their heresy; and even Charles Wesley, for a season, was in danger of subsiding into their unscriptural _stillness_. An effort was made to re-unite Wesley’s London Societies with the Moravians at Fetter Lane; and Wesley and Zinzendorf had a memorable conference in Gray’s Inn public promenade. Whitefield, also, for the time being, was so out of favour with the Brotherhood, that James Hutton, who had been his publisher, refused to have any further transactions with him; and, to add to his annoyance, “the people of the world,” he says, “fled from him as from a viper,” because of his “injudicious and too severe expressions against Archbishop Tillotson, the author of the old Duty of Man.” Hooker, the mendacious editor of the _Weekly Miscellany_, in his trenchant style, was attacking both Moravians and Methodists indiscriminately; and a Mr. Hopson, one of the twelve stewards of the Religious Societies, pronounced excommunication, from their fellowship, against all the members who were guilty of the crime of hearing the Moravian Brethren, or Wesley, or Whitefield preach.

In this miserable fracas, Broughton was not an uninterested spectator. It is said, that, Mr. Hopson, just mentioned, was instigated by the Bishop of London, and, that, his lordship also entertained the idea of bringing the Moravian proceedings under the notice of Parliament. It is also alleged, that, Broughton became one of his most active agents; and, that, to accomplish the bishop’s scheme of stamping out the Moravian heresy, he availed himself of the services of Mr. Bray, an ex-Moravian, who “made it his business to go among the Brethren, construing all they did to suit his purpose, and then spreading calumnies concerning them.” Be that as it might, a pamphlet was printed, but not published, against both the Methodists and Moravians, containing, among other things, a letter, which Spangenberg had formerly addressed to Bray, and which was now made to tell against the Brotherhood. With what correctness we know not, the author of the “Memoirs of James Hutton” writes,—

“This pamphlet, which had been chiefly managed by Mr. Broughton,
was not published, but industriously circulated among the
Religious Societies in the metropolis. Broughton is charged
with writing statements in it against the Brethren, altogether
at variance with his personal knowledge and conviction, from
fear lest the world should look upon him as one of the Brethren.
Brother Gambold was deputed to visit him, and point out the
consequences of such duplicity; and the result of Gambold’s
visit appears in the following memorandum of the 2nd of
January, 1742: ‘Mr. Broughton is much prejudiced against us,
and he and Ziegenhagen’ (chaplain at the court of George II.)
‘lay their heads together to find fault, and the pamphlet, now
printed, is read in all the Religious Societies in town.’”

No doubt there is some truth in this. Broughton was incapable of the cowardice and misrepresentation alleged against him; but there can be no question, that, he strongly disapproved of some of the doctrines and usages of the Moravians; and no fault can be found with him for this. Like all new religious movements, Moravianism was inexperienced, excitable, and, to some extent, erratic. Infancy cannot be expected to possess the perfection of manhood. With the best intentions, many of the Brethren said and did foolish things. Broughton censured this, and so also did his old friends, Wesley and Whitefield; but it is possible, that, he was desirous of going further than they. Wesley and Whitefield would have weeded Moravianism; Broughton and the Bishop of London would have totally uprooted it.

Nor is there anything in this to excite surprise. Broughton was full of religious zeal and intensely earnest; but he was a rigid Churchman, and, therefore, not in favour of sectarists. Besides, while firmly holding most of the leading doctrines of the Christian faith, he had a strong antipathy, as already seen, to those dogmas of the Brethren, which the Wesley brothers had been taught by Böhler. To what extent his opposition to Methodism and Moravianism was carried, it is impossible to determine. Neither can it be ascertained, whether he cherished his repugnance to Wesley’s newly-found doctrines to the end of life. Charles Wesley, on visiting Newgate prison, in 1743, observes,—

“I found the poor souls turned out of the way by Mr. Broughton.
He told them, ‘There is no knowing our sins forgiven; and, if
any could expect it, not such wretches as they, but the good
people, who had done so and so. As for _his_ part, he had it
not himself; therefore, it was plain they could not receive
it.’”

And, again, in 1744, he writes, in his Journal:—

“November 11. This evening, I heard of poor Mr. Broughton’s
zeal; but shall not persecute, after his example.”

“November 28. I put out of the Society all the disorderly
walkers; who are, consequently, ready to make affidavit of
whatever Mr. Broughton pleases.”

There is obscurity in the last two extracts. Both were written at Newcastle-on-Tyne; and, yet, it is almost certain, that, Broughton was, not there, but, in London. Probably letters from London had been received by Charles, during his northern tour; but what he means by the “affidavits” and by Broughton’s persecution, there is no evidence to show. On the old principle, that, where there is smoke there is fire, it may be safely inferred, that, though Charles Wesley, impulsive and impassioned, entertained an excessive prejudice against his old Oxford friend, Broughton was still in hostility to the doctrines and the action of the Methodists.

Did this continue to the end of life? We cannot tell. We hope not, and are encouraged in this by a fact which happened soon after the year 1750. The Rev. Henry Venn is well known as having belonged to the party of evangelical clergymen, who sprang up in the days of Wesley, embracing the Revs. Samuel Walker, J. Jones, Dr. Conyers, W. Romaine, J. Berridge, and others who might be mentioned. Mr. Venn commenced his earnest and useful ministry in 1750, by accepting the curacy of a Mr. Langley, who held the livings of St. Matthew, Friday Street, London, and of West Horsley, near Guildford, in Surrey. It was his duty to serve the church in London during part of the summer months, and to reside the remainder of the year at Horsley. In this employment he continued from 1750 to 1754, when he accepted the curacy of Clapham. Such was his activity and zeal at Horsley, that, his family prayer was often attended by thirty or forty of his poorer neighbours; and the number of communicants was increased, while he was curate, from twelve to sixty. The neighbouring clergy stigmatized him as an enthusiast and a Methodist, which presupposes that, in spirit, doctrine, or behaviour, or all combined, he bore a likeness to the branded sect. Up to the present, he was personally unknown to Wesley; but he had frequently been among his auditors, and confesses, in a letter, dated March 21, 1754, that, Wesley’s words had often been “as thunder to his drowsy soul.” All this goes to prove, that, the sympathies of the young curate were with Wesley and his friends; and, yet, presuming that Broughton’s antipathy to the recently risen sect still existed, Venn was the means of conferring a substantial benefit on the man who opposed the principles and party which he himself regarded with affectionate and zealous approbation. The story, as related in the life of Venn, is as follows:—

During the time that Mr. Venn held the curacy of Horsley, Sir John Evelyn had the disposal of the living of Wotton, in the same neighbourhood; a living then worth between £200 and £300 a year, and at present worth double that amount. Sir John was exceedingly anxious to obtain a clergyman of exemplary character, and a man of knowledge and learning. The squire of Horsley strongly recommended Mr. Venn, and Sir John seemed ready to accept the recommendation of his friend; but Venn, who had long been acquainted with Broughton, and had a high respect for his virtues, judged him more in need of preferment than himself, and wrote an anonymous letter to the patron, giving a full and faithful account of Broughton’s character, and urging his appointment to the vacant Rectory. Sir John, after making inquiry concerning Broughton, presented him; nor had he ever reason to repent of following the advice of his anonymous correspondent.[268]

If Broughton retained his objection to the doctrines of the Methodists, is it likely, that Venn, himself a Methodist in point of doctrine, would have recommended him for such a post? Venn was well acquainted with him, and must have known his sentiments, not only past but present. He had no personal interests to serve. In fact, his act was one of generous and rare disinterestedness. He was full of youthful zeal, and ardent longings to promote the spread of Christian truth. Under such circumstances, is it rash to regard the action that he took as evidence that the views of Broughton, who, at the beginning of the Methodist movement, had opposed the Methodist doctrines, were now materially changed, and that, in his ministerial teachings, he was substantially in harmony with the Methodist clergy? The reader must form his own opinion on the subject; but as Broughton has always been represented, not as a friend, but as a somewhat zealous opponent of the Methodists, it is hoped, that this seeming digression may not be deemed irrelevant.

To proceed. In 1743, Broughton was appointed the Secretary of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge; an office which he held until his death in 1777. For thirty-four years the secretarial duties of this Society were the principal employment of Broughton’s life. In the Society’s house, first in Bartlett’s Buildings, Holborn, and afterwards, in Hatton Garden, he spent five hours every day in the week, except on Saturdays and Sundays; and during these five hours, from 9 a.m., till 2 p.m., was accessible to all members and friends of the Society, who had business to transact. Was his life mis-spent? In answering this, some account of the Society itself is needful; and the following is chiefly taken from its own Reports.

It is a well-known fact, that, the useful and popular preaching of Horneck, Beveridge, and Smithies, led to the institution of the Society for the Reformation of Manners, in 1677. Coexistent with this Society, were a large number of Christian brotherhoods, in London and throughout the kingdom, who held private meetings for religious fellowship, set up prayers in many of the city churches, and were most exemplary in their attendance at the monthly Sacrament, and at public services. To some extent, these religious organizations were one; and yet they were distinct and separate. The Society for the Reformation of Manners was intended to suppress vice in others; the religious societies were instituted principally to promote religion among themselves. The Reformation Society was composed of members of the Church of England and of Dissenters unitedly; the religious societies did not admit Dissenters, and consisted entirely of the members of the Established Church.

Things proceeded thus, till about the end of 1698, when a few gentlemen, belonging to these fraternities, formed themselves into a Society “to promote the knowledge of true religion,” on a more extensive scale than had been yet attempted; and “in 1701, at their instance, a charter was obtained, from William III., whereby all the then subscribing members, with other persons of distinction in Church and State, were incorporated for the better carrying on of that branch of their designs, which related to the _Plantations, Colonies, and Factories_ beyond the seas, belonging to the kingdom of England.” This Society was henceforward known as “The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts.”

The incorporation of this Society for foreign missions hardly satisfied the yearnings of many of its members, principally on the ground, that, the British plantations, colonies, and factories beyond the seas, were chiefly in America.

The American colonies were of great importance; but others, besides them, needed sympathy and help. Hence, these godly and earnest workers in the cause of Christ, still continued to carry on, by distinct and separate efforts, other designs for the honour of God, and the good of the human race. The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts was chartered and designated on June 16, 1701. At the end of the same year, the parties making the distinct and separate efforts were called, “The Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge.”

The original designs of the latter Society were two-fold. 1. “The dispersion, both at home and abroad, of Bibles, Prayer-Books, and Religious Tracts.” 2. The promotion of “Charity Schools in all parts of the kingdom; in which, besides receiving religious and useful instruction, the children of the poor might be inured to industry and labour, so as to make them, not only good Christians, but loyal and useful subjects of the realm, and willing, as well as fit, to be employed in trades and services, in husbandry, navigation, or any other business, that should be thought of most use and benefit to the public. With these views, the Society printed and circulated a set of rules for the good order and government of such schools,—rules which had been approved by the archbishops and bishops, who directed that the same should be observed within their respective dioceses.”

“Besides these general designs, the Society undertook, in 1710, the management of such charities as might be put into their hands, for the support and enlargement of the Protestant Mission, then maintained by the King of Denmark, at Tranquebar, in the East Indies, for the conversion of the heathen in those parts.” In the prosecution of this work, the Society assisted the Missionaries, at Tranquebar, “with money, a printing press, paper, and other necessaries.” In 1728, they commenced a new mission, for the conversion of the native population at Madras; and, subsequently, another at Cudulore, an English settlement near Fort St. David; a third at Calcutta; and a fourth at Tirutschinapally, the capital of the kingdom of Madurei, an inland country in East India.

In 1720, the Society extended their work to the Greek Church in Palestine, Syria, Mesopotamia, Arabia, and Egypt; and, by a special fund, towards which King George I. contributed £500, printed, in Arabic, and, by means of correspondents in Russia, ultimately dispersed in the aforesaid countries, 6000 Psalters, 10,000 New Testaments, and 5000 Catechetical Instructions, with an abridgment of the History of the Bible annexed.

In 1725, when workhouses began to be instituted, for employing the poor and their children, the Society used its influence to promote the extension of such establishments, by publishing an account of those already in existence, and by urging, that, “a particular regard ought always to be had to such an education of poor children, as might, by bringing them up in the faith, knowledge, and obedience of the Gospel, prove the most effectual means to make them good men, and useful to their country.”

In 1732, the Society, hearing the melancholy account of the sufferings of the Protestants in Saltzburg, issued two publications on the subject, and raised a fund, out of which, “besides many large remittances to Germany, they sent to the colony of Georgia, in 1733, 1734, 1735, and 1741, four transports, containing more than two hundred of those poor, persecuted Protestants; who, with two missionaries and a schoolmaster, were settled at Ebenezer, and there lived contented and comfortable.”

This brief outline of the ordinary and special work of the Society brings us down to the time when Broughton was made Secretary. The following are extracts from the manuscript Minutes of the Board of Management:—

“Bartlett’s Buildings. Tuesday, June 28, 1743. Agreed, that,
the Rev. Mr. Thomas Broughton and Mr. Watts jointly perform the
office of Secretary to this Society during pleasure.

“Agreed, that, Mr. Broughton come immediately to reside in the
Society’s house, and open, and give proper answers to, all
letters concerning the Society,” &c., &c.

“Tuesday, July 5th, 1743. Ordered, that, Mr. Broughton have
twelve Addresses to Prisoners in Debt, and twelve Addresses to
Prisoners for Crimes, out of the Society’s store, for the use
of poor prisoners.

“July 26, 1746. The Secretary having reported, that, the
Highlanders, under confinement in the Tower, were desirous of
religious books,—_Ordered_, that, Bibles, Testaments, Soldiers’
Monitors, and Morning and Evening Prayers be sent them; and,
that, the Secretary take care to have them distributed in a
proper manner.”

Here is added another field of usefulness,—that of benefiting indebted, criminal, and political prisoners. Remembering the interest which, for years past, Broughton had taken in the welfare of prison inmates, there can be little doubt, that, this proceeding of the Society was adopted at his suggestion. Broughton’s sermon to Soldiers, in 1737, has been already mentioned. So far as can be ascertained, his only other publication was issued at the time referred to in the above extracts from the Society’s Minute Book; and, as will be seen, it had its origin in his anxiety concerning prisons. Its title was as follows,—“A Serious and Affectionate Warning to Servants, more especially those of our Nobility and Gentry: occasioned by the shameful and untimely Death of Matthew Henderson; who was executed April 25, 1746, for the Murder of his Lady, Mrs. Dalrymple,[269] With some Account of his Behaviour under Sentence of Death. By Thomas Broughton, Lecturer of Allhallows, Lombard Street, and late Fellow of Exeter College, Oxford. London. 1746.” 47 pp. Broughton repeatedly visited Matthew Henderson,—who was only nineteen years of age,—in the murderer’s cell, and expressed a hope, that, he found peace with God. “His behaviour,” says he, “at the place of execution, was penitent and devout, and such as moved the compassion of a great crowd of spectators, who came to see him suffer.” Two days before his death, Henderson was also visited by Wesley, who wrote;—

“April 23. At the earnest request of a friend,” (was this
Broughton?) “I visited Matthew Henderson, condemned for
murdering his mistress. A real, deep work of God seemed to be
already begun in his soul. Perhaps, by driving him too fast,
Satan has driven him to God; to that repentance which shall
never be repented of.”

Broughton’s pamphlet,[270] on this melancholy occasion, is characterized by great fidelity, and outspokenness; and, as this is the last time, that, his authorship will be mentioned, three extracts, bearing on questions that are still of profound importance, may be acceptable:—

THE DANGER OF GREAT CITIES TO SERVANTS.—“As these great cities
entertain, so they ruin no small number of servants, who soon
exchange the simplicity of the country for the foppery of the
town. Many of these, if they brought a little religion with
them hither, part with it soon, and quickly arrive at more
wickedness than, perhaps, they will ever get rid of. Thus the
town proves a school of corruption to them, wherein they learn
everything that is evil. Here they lose their good principles;
their morals are stained; their heart grows bad; and they stand
ready prepared for the worst of crimes. With this wretched
furniture of vices, how can they make good servants? Nay, what
can prevent their turning out very bad ones? They are under no
religious restraint; who then will vouch for their veracity?
They have cast off the fear of God; where then is their
reverence for their master?”

ON DRUNKENNESS.—“No person addicted to this vice can answer
for himself, but that, in his liquor, he may commit the most
outrageous acts of violence. Being deprived of his reason, and
the grace of God having forsaken him, he is ripe for the most
daring crimes. If you suffer yourselves to be enflamed with
drink, and overcome thereby, farewell every tender impression!
every spark of humanity and gratitude! You are no longer a man,
but a beast,—mad and furious, fierce, and ungovernable,—and no
fitter to be trusted than a tiger.”

ON LEWDNESS.—“You cannot be a companion of these merciless
destroyers of soul and body without running into great
expense. And, where will you find money to satisfy these
ravenous harpies? How these abandoned wretches assemble, as
it were, in troops, and, with more than masculine boldness,
and no less than hellish assurance, assault the modesty of
every one they meet! How, in contempt of the laws of God and
their country, they attempt to decoy and ruin all such as
have not grace and resolution to withstand them! These are
the instruments of destruction to so many of our raw and
unguarded youth, and cause numbers of them to bring down the
grey hairs of their parents with sorrow to the grave. The
neglect of severe discipline and painful correction, emboldens
these transgressors to sin with a high hand, and even to act
their abominations before the sun. Whence, our streets and
alleys swarm with these execrable servants of the devil, who
are continually carrying on a trade of sin; who make it their
livelihood; and who subsist by the price of slaughtered souls.”

But enough. We return to Broughton as Secretary of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge.

In 1740, Dr. Gibson, Bishop of London, issued a circular letter to the clergy of his diocese, lamenting “the decay of piety and religion, and the increase of sin and vice;” and strongly recommending them to patronize the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, in their work of printing and dispersing Religious Tracts. His Lordship urgently pleaded for the extensive circulation of such publications, on the ground, that, “being short, they were likely to be read; and, being plain, they were likely to be understood; and, being always at hand, and frequently perused, they would naturally make a deeper impression than instructions and admonitions, either from the pulpit, or by word of mouth.”

To furnish an idea of the work of the Society in this department, it may be added, that, the Catalogue, when Broughton became Secretary, embraced, besides Bibles, Psalters, New Testaments, and Prayer-Books—1. Small books and tracts on the Holy Scriptures. 2. On the Church Catechism. 3. On the Christian Religion, Doctrine, and Practice. 4. On the Sacraments and Church Service. 5. On Education and Schools. 6. On Devotion. 7. Miscellanies. 8. On Confirmation. 9. On Particular Duties. 10. On Common Vices. 11. On Charity Schools. 12. On Popery. And, finally, on Enthusiasm, under which heading were two publications only, namely, Bishop Gibson’s “Caution against Enthusiasm,” and “An Earnest and Affectionate Address to the Methodists.” All the Bibles, books, and tracts were sold to the members of the Society at _cost price_. The number of the Society’s publications were about 160. The Treasurers were the Rev. Dr. Denne, Archdeacon of Rochester, and Rector of St. Mary’s, Lambeth; William Tillard, Esq., Holborn; and Benjamin Hoare, Esq., Fleet Street.

The number of Charity Schools, in London and Westminster, in 1744, were 136, containing 3119 boys and 1950 girls; and, since their establishment, 15,250 boys had been apprenticed, sent to service, or to sea, or had been taken out by their respective friends. Of the girls, 1658 had been apprenticed, and 6162 had been employed in domestic service, etc.[271] Besides those in the metropolis, there were, throughout the kingdom, 1703 other charity schools, in which were educated, and “inured to industry and labour,” 31,184 boys, and 4515 girls.

It must not be understood, that, these charity schools were supported by the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge;[272] but the Society had promoted their establishment; and, to some extent, furnished them with books and tracts. Every year also, a sermon was preached, in London, under the auspices of the Society, at “the time of the yearly meeting of the children educated in the charity schools, in and about the cities of London and Westminster;” and all of these sermons (many of them exceedingly able) were published in the Society’s Reports. That, such Schools were needed, there can be no question. The following description is taken from the sermon preached by the Rev. Glocester Ridley, LL.B., in 1757, and is alarmingly true of the “London Arabs” now existing. Speaking of the outcast children of the metropolis, the preacher represents them, as, “A brood of miserable wretches in themselves, and noxious vermin to society; a kind of rational brutes, but worse than savages, being equally beasts of prey, but more mischievous, from their use of reason and resemblance of human kind. They may be the care, the admiration, the triumph of Infidelity; but every generous heart must grieve to see reason so disordered and human nature so in ruins.”

From what has been already written, an idea may be formed of the Society of which Broughton was the Secretary, from 1743 to 1777. It was a Bible, Prayer-Book, Religious Tract, Home and Foreign Mission, and Industrial Society, all in one. The present “British and Foreign Bible Society” was established in the year 1804; the “National Society for Promoting the Education of the Poor in the Principles of the Established Church,” in 1811; the Religious Tract Society, in 1799; the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge was long anterior to the oldest of these.

It had two kinds of members; 1. Those who gave annual subscriptions, lived in or near London, and were called _Residing_ Members; 2. Corresponding Members, being persons, in Great Britain and Ireland, and other Protestant countries, who were chosen to correspond with the Society, on the state of religion in the places where they dwelt, to distribute the Society’s publications, and to remit any occasional benefactions, which they or their friends might be pleased to contribute. No one, however, was elected a corresponding member, who was not “well affected to his Majesty King George and his Government, and to the Church of England as by law established;” and who was not “of a sober, and religious life and conversation, and of an humble, peaceable, and charitable disposition.” The subscribing members were chiefly clergymen and bishops; including the following, who were often called Methodists, the Rev. Thomas Adam, Richard Conyers, Thomas Hartley, Henry Venn, and Vincent Perronet.[273] The last mentioned became a member as early as 1744. Among the few highly respectable lay-members, Sir John Thorold, an early friend of the Oxford Methodists, was the most munificent subscriber. The number of members altogether was, in 1767, upwards of 700; and the income, for that year, including a balance in hand, was £5580. In the same year, the Society sold, 3829 Bibles; 2281 New Testaments; 5416 Prayer-Books; 8902 other bound books; and 58,429 tracts. Of these, 1014 books and tracts were given to the Society, and 19,423 bought by it; the remainder, 58,420, were its own publications.

Such, then, was the Society of which Broughton was the chief manager. Its operations, comparatively speaking, might be small, but it had the honour of being the pioneer of some of the greatest movements of the present day. It distributed Bibles long before the British and Foreign Bible Society existed. The great Religious Tract Society was not formed until twenty-two years after Broughton’s death. Its Foreign Missions were few in number, but were important and successful; one of its missionaries being the celebrated Schwartz, who, as early as 1772, had five native assistants, and was held in such high esteem, by the Hindoos, among whom he laboured, that, the Rajah of Tanjore made him tutor to his son. In the education of the children of the poor, the Society deserves the utmost commendation, for it promoted the work when all others neglected it; and not only gave the children useful and religious instruction, but “inured them to industry and labour,” and prepared them to become useful subjects of the commonwealth.

Little is known of Broughton’s pulpit labours; and, though his parishioners at Wotton numbered not more than about 600, if they had any pastoral visitation at all, their visitor must have been, not Broughton himself, but, a curate employed by him. Five days every week were spent in the Society’s House, in Hatton Garden; Saturday and Sunday, Broughton reserved for other duties. Some will doubt the propriety of his holding the Wotton living, when most of his time was devoted to work, which prevented him residing among his people; and that is a fair subject for discussion. All that we are disposed to say, is, that, Broughton was, unquestionably, a conscientious man, and, though liable to mistakes, there cannot be a doubt, he acted for the best. Broughton had a large family,—fifteen children altogether, five of whom died in infancy; and his official salary was small, the entire payment, by the Society, for “rent, taxes, and salaries” to himself and a “messenger,” being, for the year 1767, not more than £290 8_s._ 9_d._ Was it surprising, that, with such a family and such a pittance, he was willing to accept preferment? It is true, when inducted into the Wotton living, he might have relinquished his secretarial office, and, perhaps, should have done; but, on the other hand, he, doubtless, felt that, as Secretary of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, he had the opportunity of being far more extensively useful than he could be as a village clergyman, whose ministerial labours had to be confined to a population of six hundred souls. The two-fold position that he occupied is open to objection; but, without all the facts, for and against it, to pronounce a decisive judgment might be rash.

One thing is certain, Broughton’s secretaryship was not a sinecure. The supervision of the missions in India and Georgia; the continuous printing and publishing of Bibles, books, and tracts; the charity schools’ affairs; the publication of the annual Sermon and Report; and the correspondence with more than seven hundred subscribing and corresponding members, would find the Secretary quite enough of work, without the claims of Allhallows, Lombard Street, or the parishioners of Wotton, Surrey.

Two facts, connected with Broughton’s term of office, are too important to be omitted.

In 1743, when Broughton became Secretary, Wales was almost without Bibles, and the poverty of vast numbers of the people was such, that, it was impossible for them to buy them. The Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, becoming acquainted with this disgraceful fact, appealed to the public, without delay, for special contributions to publish a new edition of the Bible in the Welsh language, with the Common Prayer, and with the Psalms in Metre. The success of this appeal was such, that, the Society issued an edition, in 1748, of 15,000 copies; in 1752, a second edition of 15,000 Bibles, besides 5000 New Testaments, and as many Prayer-Books; and, in 1768, a third edition, with marginal references, of 20,000 copies. These copies of the Holy Scriptures were not given, but were sold at the lowest price possible.

Again: In 1763, it was ascertained, that, of the twenty thousand inhabitants of the Isle of Man, a very large majority were _entirely_ ignorant of the English language; “and, yet, for many ages, the island had been without the Bible in the vulgar tongue, and congregations were necessitated to receive off-hand translations of the English Bible and Common Prayer, according to the different sense, attention, and ability of the officiating ministers.” To remedy this fearful state of things, the Bishop of the Island began, in 1762, to collect subscriptions; and, in 1763, transferred the matter to the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. The result was, in 1768, the Society had printed in the Manx language, and distributed in the Isle of Man, 1000 copies of the four Gospels and of the Acts of the Apostles; 1500 Prayer-Books; 2000 Catechisms; and 1200 Christian Monitors. They were also proceeding with the translation and printing of the rest of the Holy Scriptures; the Apostolical Epistles being now, _for the first time_, translated into the native language of the island.

Little more remains to be narrated. On Sunday morning, December 21, 1777, in Hatton Garden, Broughton put on his ministerial robes, and, according to his wont, retired into his room till church-time. The bells were ringing, and he continued in his closet. They ceased, but he made no appearance. His friends entered, and found him on his knees,—dead.[274] An original portrait of him hangs in the Board Room of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 67, Lincoln’s Inn Fields; from which the engraving, in the present volume, has been taken.

OTHER OXFORD METHODISTS.

It is difficult to determine the exact number, who, at one time or another, were Oxford Methodists. As early as the year 1733, four had left the brotherhood, three of the seceders being pupils of Wesley, and one under Clayton’s care. Wesley writes:—

“I think, in the year 1735, we were fourteen or fifteen in
number, all of one heart and of one mind.”[275]

The “fourteen or fifteen” included the two Wesleys and Whitefield, Memoirs of whom have been designedly omitted in the present work. There were, also, Clayton, Ingham, Gambold, Hervey, and Broughton, with whom the reader has been made acquainted. Besides these, Robert Kirkham, Charles Morgan, William Smith, and Matthew Salmon, who have been briefly noticed, were, less or more, connected with them. Seven others, standing in the same relationship, must now be mentioned,—namely, Messrs. Boyce, Chapman, Kinchin, Hutchins, Atkinson, Whitelamb, and Hall. This is a greater number than that stated by Wesley; but it must be recollected, that, in 1735, Oxford Methodism was in the seventh year of its existence, and that some of its first members had then left the University.

REV. MR. BOYCE.

Of Mr. Boyce we know nothing, except that his father lived at Barton.[276] Did he subside into an ordinary country parish priest,—pious and plodding, but unenterprising and unknown? To say the least, it would be interesting to know his career, after he left Oxford. Will some one, better informed than the present writer, furnish what is lacking?

REV. WILLIAM CHAPMAN.

The history of William Chapman also is wanting. He was ardently attached to the two Wesleys; but, strangely enough, they never mention him. After their departure from Oxford, he was the nightly companion of Hervey; but, excepting the letter, dated “June 12, 1736,” already given in Hervey’s Memoir (page 208), we possess no epistolary correspondence between the two. Chapman, like all the other Oxford Methodists, was humble, earnest, and devout. The following, hitherto unpublished, letter affords ample evidence of this. It was addressed “To the Reverend Mr. John Wesley, at Savannah, in Georgia, America.”

“PEMBROKE COLLEGE, _September 3, 1736_.

“REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,—Your kind concern and repeated
endeavours for my spiritual good, while at Oxford, will not
suffer me to think, that, you have utterly lost all remembrance
of me, though you have given me no testimony of your affection
since your leaving England. What shall I conjecture this
silence to be owing to? I will not inquire; but rather take
it as a providential punishment and scourge, for my slow and
slender proficiency under the blessed means I enjoyed of
your’s, and your dear brother’s conversation.

“Too, too late, alas! do I see how dreadfully I was wanting to
myself in not heartily embracing so glorious an opportunity
of laying in a stock of spiritual courage, sufficient to have
carried me victoriously on through a host of enemies. How does
my base ingratitude to my Heavenly Benefactor, like a frightful
spectre, present itself before me, for rejecting those kind
offers of health and salvation! And for not disengaging
myself from that bane of our spiritual progress,—_the fear
of the world_,—which was always as fetters upon my feet, and
manacles on my hands! O! through what a waste of uncomfortable,
barren, and dry ground,—through what a wilderness of sorrows,
perplexities, and distress, have I not been led, under the
conduct of this delusive spirit; when the holy and loving
Spirit of God would have led me into pleasant pastures, and
refreshed my thirsty soul with the waters of comfort, and
conducted me into those paths, which are pleasantness and
peace. But, blessed be God! for the sense of these things,
though, indeed, not till driven to it, by the pungency of the
affliction, by the misery and torment of a divided state of
heart, and the perpetual conflicts I endured. Blessed be the
most high God! I am once again, I trust, in the strait and
narrow way, that leadeth to the kingdom of heaven; from which
that I may never stir a foot, till the cord of life is loosed,
I dare say, you will not cease earnestly to request at the
throne of grace.

“I am sorry, I deferred writing till it was too late to say
more; though I cannot help telling you, before I conclude,
that, I sit every evening with Mr. Hervey,—that great champion
of the Lord of Hosts; and, that, I read, five times a week, to
a Religious Society, in St. Ebbs’ parish.

“Dear Sir, God Almighty prosper all your endeavours for the
good of souls! Depend upon it, in due time, you will reap, and
that abundantly, if you faint not. My prayers are with you.
O! that my body was there too, that, I might make up what I
have lost, under such shining examples. Do, dear Sir, write me
a long letter, by the first opportunity. Adieu! God and the
Angels be with you!

“I am yours, my dear Brother, sincerely in Christ,

“W. CHAPMAN.

“My Lady Cocks and sisters are now in Oxford; and they desire
their best services to you, and wish you good luck in the name
of the Lord.”

It is hoped, that, this fragment of the religious experience of the Oxford Methodists will not be unacceptable. The men were intensely earnest and sincere, but not happy.

REV. CHARLES KINCHIN.

Charles Kinchin, a Fellow of Corpus Christi College,[277] left Oxford about the same time the Wesleys did, and became Rector of Dummer, a small village of about four hundred inhabitants, with a benefice, at present, worth more than £400 a year. Like a good Oxford Methodist, he visited from house to house, catechised the children, and had public prayers twice every day,—in the morning, before the people went to work, and, in the evening, after their return.

Towards the end of 1736, being likely to be chosen Dean of Corpus Christi College, he requested Whitefield to supply his place at Dummer, while he was absent on the business of the pending election. Whitefield writes:—

“Mr. Kinchin’s parish, consisting chiefly of poor and
illiterate people, my proud heart, at first, could not well
brook. I would have given all the world for one of my Oxford
friends, and mourned, for lack of them, like a dove. But,
upon giving myself to prayer, and reading Mr. Law’s excellent
character of _Ouranius_, in his _Serious Call to a Devout
Life_, my mind was reconciled to such conversation as the place
afforded me. Mr. Kinchin loved his people, and was beloved by
them. I prosecuted his plan, and generally divided the day
into three parts, eight hours for study and retirement, eight
hours for sleep and meals, and eight hours for reading Prayers,
catechising, and visiting the parish. The profit I reaped, by
these exercises, and conversing with the poor country people,
was unspeakable. I soon began to be as much delighted with
their artless conversation, as I had been formerly with the
company of my Oxford friends; and frequently learnt as much by
an afternoon’s visit, as in a week’s study.”