Chapter XXVIII: Appendix: F (1)

EDITIONS OF WORKS OF SIR THOMAS MORE IN MY POSSESSION.

A.D.

1516. (Dec.) Utopia (First edition).--‘Libellus vere aureus nec minus salutaris quam festivus de optimo reip. statu, deque nova Insula Vtopia authore clarissimo viro Thoma Moro inclytæ Civitatis Londinensis cive et Vicecomite, cura M. Petri Aegidii Antuerpiensis, et arte Theodorici Martini Alustensis, Typographi almæ Louaniensium Academiæ, nunc primum accuratissime editus.’

Without date, but containing a Prefatory Letter from Petrus Aegidius
to Hier. Buslidius, dated MDXVI. cal. Novembris; and a Letter from
Joannes Paludanus to Petrus Aegidius, dated calen. Decemb.

1518. Utopia (Second edition).--‘De Optimo Reip. statu deque nova Insula Vtopia, libellus vere aureus,’ &c. Also,

Epigrammata clarissimi disertissimique viri Thomæ Mori. Also,

Epigrammata Des. Erasmi Rot.

Basileæ apud Jo. Frobenium, mense Martio MDXVIII.

1518. Ditto ditto.

Basileæ apud Joannem Frobenium, mense Novembri MDXVIII. (HANS HOLB.
inscribed in the woodcut on the title-page).

1520. Epigrammata clarissimi disertissimique viri Thomæ Mori, Britanni, ad emendatum exemplar ipsius autoris excusa. (With some additional Epigrams, including More’s Letter to his Children.)

Basileæ apud Joannem Frobenium, mense Decembri M.D.XX.

1557. The Workes of Sir Thomas More, Knyght, sometime Lorde Chauncellorr of England, wrytten by him in the Englysh tongve.

Printed at London, at the costes and charges of John Cawod, John Waly,
and Richarde Tottell. Anno 1557.

1563. Thomæ Mori Angliæ ornamenti eximii Lucubrationes, ab innumeris mendis repurgatæ.

Basil, apud Episcopium F. 1563.

1566. Thomæ Mori Angli ... Omnia, quæ hucusque ad manus nostras peruenerunt, Latina opera....

Lovanii, apud Joannem Bogardum sub Bibliis Aureis. Anno 1566.

1568. Doctissima D. Thomæ Mori clarissimi ac disertiss. viri Epistola, in qua non minus facetè quàm piè, respondet Literis Joannis Pomerani, hominis inter Protestantes nominis non obscuri.

Opusculum ... ex Authoris quidem autographo emendato, dum viveret, exemplari desumptum, nunquam vero ante hac in lucem editum.

Lovanii, ex officina Joannis Fouleri. MD.LXVIII. (Not included in any
of the above collections of More’s works.)

1588. Tres Thomæ ... D. Thomæ Mori ... Vita, authore Thoma Stapletono Anglo.

Dvaci, Ex officina Joannis Bogardi. M.D.LXXXVIII.

1612. Ditto ditto.

Coloniæ Agrippinæ, Sumptibus Bernardi Gualteri. MDC.XII.

(Stapleton had access to a collection of More’s papers, made by
Harris, his private secretary, and has preserved Latin translations of
his letters to his children, &c., not in the collected works.)

INDEX.

_Alcor, Alfonso Fernandez_, Archdeacon of, on the circulation of the
‘Enchiridion’ in Spain, 174

_Amerbach_, printer at Basle, 302.
His sons, _id._

_Ammonius_, 223, 256, 270, 283, 284.
Death of, 458.
Describes More’s family, 256

_Aquinas_, the ‘Summa’ of, 108-110, 440.
On Scripture inspiration, 33, 123.
Erasmus and Colet on, 107 _et seq._

_Augustine_, Colet prefers Origen and Jerome to, 16, 41.
Colet differs from, 36, 82.
Luther’s adherence to, 404, 472.
Eck charges Erasmus with not having read his works, 435 _et seq._
The power of his dogmatic theology, 494.
Difference between the Augustinian standpoint and that of the Oxford
Reformers, 494-497

_Baptista, Dr._, Erasmus takes his sons to Italy, 186

_Battus_, tutor to the Marchioness de Vere.
Kindness to Erasmus, 164-167

_Bembo_, secretary to Leo X., 322

_Bishops_, promotion of, 226-230.
Ignorance of some, 227

_Boville_, at Cambridge, Erasmus writes to, 399

_Cain_, conversation on sacrifice of, 97 _et seq._
Erasmus tells a story about, 99

_Chalcondyles_, 14

_Charles, Prince_ (Charles V.), invites Erasmus to Flanders, 279.
Henry VIII. breaks faith with, 308.
‘Institutio Principis Christiani’ written for, 368.
Connives at Indulgences, 422.
Erasmus loses his faith in, 430.
Election to the Empire, 482

_Charnock_, the Prior, head of the College of St. Mary the Virgin at
Oxford, 94.
His reception of Erasmus, 96.
Dines with Colet, Erasmus, &c., 97.
Mention of, 102, 118, 165, 171

_Colet, Sir Henry_, 14, 113

_Colet, John_, ordained deacon, 2, _n._
His father, 14.
His family, 15.
His mother, 15, _n._, 251, 397.
Graduates at Oxford in Arts, 15.
Enters the Church, _id._
His preferments, _id._
Visits France and Italy, and what he studies there, _id._
At Florence (?), 17.
Whether influenced by Savonarola, 18, 37, _n._, 158.
Studies Pico and Ficino’s works, 21, 22.
Returns to Oxford, 22.
Lectures on St. Paul’s Epistles, 1, 32.
His mode of interpretation not textarian, 33.
Acknowledges human element in Scriptures, 34.
Differs from St. Augustine, 36, 82.
MS. on the ‘Romans,’ 33-42.
Rejects theory of uniform inspiration of Scripture, _id._
Acquaintance with Thomas More, 24.
First hears of Erasmus, 27.
Conversation with a priest on St. Paul’s writings, 42.
Letter to Abbot of Winchcombe, 45.
On the Mosaic account of the Creation--theory of accommodation--
letters to Radulphus on, 43-58.
Pico’s ‘Heptaplus,’ 59.
Abstracts of the Dionysian writings, 60-77.
On the object of Christ’s death, 67.
On priests, 68.
On the sacraments, 70.
On sponsors, 71.
On self-sacrifice, 74.
On the Pope and ecclesiastical scandals, 75.
Lectures on I. Corinthians, 78-89.
Whether convinced that the Pseudo-Dionysian writings were spurious, 91.
His warm reception of Erasmus, 95.
His view of Cain and Abel’s sacrifices, 98.
Erasmus’s admiration of his earnestness, 98.
His position at Oxford, 101.
His appreciation of Erasmus, _id._
Conversation with Erasmus on the Schoolmen, 102-112.
Advice to theological students, 106.
Discussion with Erasmus on Christ’s agony in the garden, 116-118.
His love of truth, 121.
On the theory of ‘manifold senses’ of Scripture, 122.
On Scripture inspiration, _id._
Disappointed at Erasmus leaving Oxford, 126.
Urges him to expound Moses or Isaiah, 128, 131.
Left alone at Oxford, 133.
Dean of St. Paul’s, 137, 138.
His work in London, habits, preaching, &c., 139-142.
More on his preaching, 148.
He advises More to marry, 160.
Preaches and practises self-sacrifice, 206-207.
Succeeds to his father’s property, 206.
Resigns living of Stepney, 208.
Founds St. Paul’s School, 208-210.
Colet’s gentleness and love of children, 211-215.
Preface to his Grammar, 213.
Advice to his masters, 214.
Rejects Linacre’s Grammar, 216.
Writes a Grammar, _id._
On the true method of education, 216-219.
Letter to Erasmus, 218.
Wants an under-schoolmaster, 220.
Sermons liked by the Lollards, 222.
Colet’s preaching, 225.
Sermon to Convocation of 1512, 230 _et seq._
Completes his school, 250.
Letter to Erasmus, 251.
Erasmus in praise of Colet’s preaching and school, 253.
Persecuted by Fitzjames, 254.
Defended by Warham, _id._
Returns to his preaching, 255.
Preaches against Henry VIII.’s wars, 261.
Defended against Fitzjames by the King, 262.
Ditto, ditto, again, Good Friday sermon, 264.
His troubles about property--quarrel with his uncle, &c., 285.
Visits St. Thomas’s shrine with Erasmus, 287 _et seq._
Letter to Erasmus--harassed by Fitzjames, 305.
Sermon on installation of Cardinal Wolsey, 343.
Procures release of a prisoner, 393.
Letter to Erasmus on ‘Novum Instrumentum,’ &c., 394; ditto on
Reuchlin’s speculations, 412.
Attacked by sweating sickness, 461.
Fixes statutes of his school, 462.
His views on marriage, 464.
Makes his will and prepares his tomb, 466.
Interest in passing events, _id._
Letter from Marquard von Hatstein, 468.
Colet’s retirement from public life, 482.
Death of Colet, 503.
Character of, 504.
Colet’s MS. on Romans, extracts from, App. A; MS. on I. Corinthians,
extracts from, App. B.
Colet’s preferments, App. D.

_Colt, Jane_, More’s first wife, 160, 180, 193, 256, 498.
Dies, 256.
Epitaph, 498

_Convocation_ of 1512, 223 _et seq._
Colet’s sermon to, 230 _et seq._

_Coventry_, description of, 414.
Mariolatry there, 416

_Croke, Richard_, at Paris gets first edition of the ‘Praise of Folly’
printed there, 204, _n._

_Dionysius the Pseudo-Areopagit_, his writings, Colet studies, 16.
Translated by Ficino, 21.
Abstracts of his ‘Hierarchies’ made by Colet, 60-73.
Influence of, on Colet, 41, 58, _n._, 82, 84, 91, 345.
Grocyn rejects as spurious, 91

_Dorpius, Martin_, attacks Erasmus, 313.
Reply of Erasmus, 316.
Mention of, by Colet, 395

_Eck, Dr._, controversy with Erasmus, 434-437.
Ditto with Luther, 484

_Education_, satire on prevalent modes of, 194, 211 _et seq._
Colet’s views on, 208, 214.
Erasmus on the true method of, 217.
Schoolmasters looked down upon, 220.
In Utopia, universal, 353.
Four-tenths of English people cannot read, 353

_Eobanus_, 480

‘_Epistolæ Obscurorum Virorum_,’ 407-411

_Erasmus_ at Paris, 28.
Comes to Oxford, 94.
Character and previous history, 94-96.
Object in coming to Oxford, 96.
His reception by Charnock and Colet, _id._
Converses on sacrifices of Cain and Abel, and tells a story about
Cain, 99.
Admires Colet, 101, 102.
Delight with Oxford circle, 102.
Conversation with Colet on the Schoolmen, 106-108.
Studies Aquinas, 108.
Falls in love with Thomas More, 113.
Letter to More, 114.
Delighted with England, 115.
Conversation with Colet on the agony of Christ, 117-120.
Theory of ‘manifold senses’ of Scripture, 121-125.
Correspondence with Colet on leaving Oxford, 126-133.
At Court, 126.
Promises to join Colet someday, 133.
Leaves Oxford, 133.
With More visits the royal nursery, 134.
Leaves England for Italy, 135.
Robbed at Dover by the Custom House officers, 161.
Cannot go to Italy on account of his poverty, 162.
His troubles from poverty and ill-health, 163-165.
Friendship with Battus and Marchioness de Vere, 164-166.
‘Adagia,’ 163.
‘Enchiridion,’ 165.
Remembers his promise to Colet, 167-172.
Letter to Colet, his works, poverty, study of Greek, admiration for
Origen, 168.
His ‘Enchiridion,’ 173.
Its popularity, 174.
Views expressed in it on free-will Anti-Augustinian, 175.
Report of discussion on the ‘agony of Christ,’ 176.
His ‘Adagia,’ 177.
Preface to Valla’s ‘Annotations,’ 177-179.
In England, a second time visits More, 180.
Again starts for Italy, 183.
Is to instruct the sons of Dr. Baptista, &c., 184.
Letter to Colet and Linacre from Paris, 185.
Visits Italy, 186-188.
Description of German inns, 186.
Quarrel with the tutor of his pupils, 187.
Disappointed with Italy, 187.
Returns to England to More’s home on the accession of Henry VIII., 188.
The ‘Praise of Folly,’ 193-204.
When first edition published, 204, _n._
Goes to Cambridge, 205.
His views on schools, 210-212.
His ‘De Copiâ Verborum,’ 216, 251.
‘On the true method of education,’ 217.
Skirmishes with the Scotists, 219.
Defends Colet’s school, 251.
Epigram on battle of Spurs, 271.
At Walsingham, 273.
Work at Cambridge, 276.
Leaves Cambridge, 279.
Invited to the court of Prince Charles, 279.
Letter to Abbot of St. Bertin against war, 280.
Brush with Cardinal Canossa, 282.
Intercourse with Colet, 284 _et seq._
Letter to Colet, 286.
With Colet visits St. Thomas’s shrine, 288 _et seq._
Goes to Basle, 294.
Letter to Servatius, 296 _et seq._
Accident at Ghent, 300.
Reaches Maintz, 301.
Strasburg, _id._
Reaches Basle, _incog._, 302.
At Froben’s office, 234.
Writes to England, 305.
Returns to England, 306.
Letters to Rome, 307.
Supports Reuchlin, _id._
Satire upon kings, 309.
Edition of 1,800 of ‘Praise of Folly’ sold, 312.
On his way to Basle again, 312.
Replies to attack from Dorpius, 316.
Reaches Basle, 318.
The ‘Novum Instrumentum’ and its prefaces--the ‘Paraclesis,’ &c.,
321-335.
St. Jerome, 335.
‘Institutio Principis Christiani,’ 365-377.
‘Paraphrases’ and other works, 392.
Colet reads the ‘Novum Instrumentum’ and encourages him to go on,
394-397.
Reception of the ‘Novum Instrumentum’ in other quarters, 398.
By Luther, 402.
Erasmus mentioned in ‘Epistolæ Obscurorum Virorum,’ 408.
Denounces international scandals and Indulgences, 420 and 425-426 and
433.
Journey to Basle, 433.
Arrival, 434.
Attack from the plague, _id._
Correspondence with Eck, _id._
His labours at Basle, 438.
Letter to Volzius, 438-440.
Second edition of ‘New Testament’ and ‘Ratio Veræ Theologiæ,’ 442-454.
His health gives way--ill at Louvain, 455.
Does not die--letter to Rhenanus, 457.
His opinion of Luther and Melanchthon, 477-481.
Correspondence on the Hussites of Bohemia, 484 _et seq._
On ‘The Church’ and Toleration, 488-491.
Grieves on the death of Colet, 503-504.
His opinion of Colet’s character, _id._
Early editions of works of, App. E

_Ferdinand of Spain_, 260, 308, 361

_Ficino, Marsilio_, 9, 11-14, 19, 20, _n._, 39.
His ‘De Religione Christiana,’ 11-12

_Fisher, Bishop_, Erasmus visits, 399.
Erasmus writes to, 412, 431, 503

_Fisher, Christopher_, More’s host at Paris, 171, 177

_Fisher, Robert_, 116

_Fitzjames, Bishop of London_, zeal against heresy, 222-223, 230, 247.
Promotions, 228.
Mention of, 179.
Hatred of Colet and his school, 241, 253.
Tries to convict Colet of heresy, 254.
Never ceases to harass him, 249, 306, 467

_Flodden_, Battle of, 272

_Florence_, Grocyn and Linacre at, 14.
_See_ ‘Platonic Academy’

_Fox, Bishop of Winchester_, 147.
Praises the ‘Novum Instrumentum,’ 398

_Froben, John_, his printing-press and circle of learned men at Basle,
302.
Reception of Erasmus, 303, 304, 318, _n._
Mention of, in ‘Epistolæ Obscurorum Virorum,’ 410

_Gerson_, ends the schism, 6.
Persecutes Huss, &c.

_Giles’, Peter_, connection with the ‘Utopia,’ 381-382, 389

_Grocyn_, at Florence, 14.
At Oxford, _id._
More studies under, 25.
Opinion of Erasmus of, 115.
Rejects Pseudo-Dionysian writings as spurious, 90, 91.
Writes preface to Linacre’s translation of Proclus, 85.
In London, 142, 149, 170.
Patronises More’s lectures, 143.
Goes with Erasmus to Lambeth, 183

_Grotius, Hugo_, rejects the Machiavellian theory of politics, 369

_Hatstein’s, Marquard von_, letter to Colet, 468

_Henry VII._, zeal for reform, and against dissent, 8.
Presents Colet to the deanery of St. Paul’s, 138.
Avaricious, 144, 161, 189, 190.
More offends him by opposing a subsidy, 145, 147

_Henry VIII._, More and Erasmus visit, when a boy, 134.
Accession of, 190.
More’s verses on, _id._
His continental wars, 223.
His ambition, 259.
His first campaign, 223, 260.
Colet preaches against it, but without offending Henry VIII., 261.
Ditto, ditto, against second campaign, 262-272.
Invades France, 270.
Peace with France, 308.
Evil results of his wars, 338.
Connives at the Pope’s Indulgences, 422.
Change in policy, 428.
Draws More into his service, 429

_Heresy_, on the increase, 222, 223.
Convocation for extirpation of, 223 _et seq._
Colet on, 238.
Discussion on burning of heretics, 248.
Colet accused of, 254

_Holbein, Hans_, woodcut by, in ‘Utopia,’ 389.
Picture of More’s family, 500, and Appendix C

_Howard, Admiral_, 263.
Death of, 269

_Hussites_ of Bohemia.
Luther discovers that he is one, 485.
Their opinions and sects, and Erasmus’s views on the same, 485-491

_Hutten, Ulrich_, 480, 497

_Indulgences_, sale of, 419.
Erasmus denounces, 420, 426, 441.
Luther denounces, 421.
Princes bribed to allow of, 422

_Isabella_ of Spain, zeal for reform, 8.
Persecutes, _id._

_Jerome_, Colet prefers to Augustine, 16, 41.
Erasmus also, 435, 437.
Follows his opinion on the cause of the agony of Christ, 118.
Erasmus opposes it, 120.
Colet adheres to it, 120.
Erasmus quotes, against inspiration of the Vulgate translation, 317.
Erasmus edits works of, 317, 319.
Erasmus in praise of, 437

_Jonas, Justus_, Erasmus writes to, 504

_Julius II._, satire on, by Erasmus, 202, 203.
His ambition, 258.
Holy Alliance, 263.
_Julius de cœlo exclusus_, 426, 427

_Kings_, satire of Erasmus on, 200, 309-311

_Latimer, William_, on the ‘Novum Instrumentum,’ 398

_Lee, Edward_, 470, 504

_Leo X._, a friend of Erasmus, and inclined to peace, 268.
His intellectual sensualism, 321.
Patronises the ‘Novum Instrumentum,’ 336.
His Indulgences, &c., 418 _et seq._
Censure of Erasmus on, 433

_Lilly, William_, in companionship with More, 146, 149, 152, 181.
His grammar, 148.
Master of St. Paul’s School, 215, 250, 466.
Had travelled in the East, 150, 250.
Had a large family, 464, _n._

_Linacre_ at Florence, 14.
At Oxford, _id._
Erasmus admires him, 116.
Translation of Proclus’ ‘De Spherâ,’ 85.
His Latin Grammar, 216.
Letter of Erasmus to, 185

_Lollards_ attend Colet’s sermons, 222.
Many abjure, _id._
Some burned, 223

_Lorenzo de’ Medici_, 9, 11, 14, 17, 18, 20, _n._, 59

_Louis XII._ of France, 259.
At war with Henry VIII.; loses Tournay, &c., 272.
Alliance with England.
Dies, 308

_Lupset_, disciple of Colet’s, 504

_Luther_ reads the ‘Novum Instrumentum,’ 402, 407.
His early history and rigid Augustinian standpoint, 404, 472.
Erasmus’s opinion of, 478, 479.
Finds out he is a Hussite, 484, 485.
The Reform of, contrasted with that of the Oxford Reformers, 492, 497

_Lystrius, Gerard_, 303.
Adds notes to the ‘Praise of Folly,’ 312, 313, 420

_Machiavelli_, his School of Politics.
‘The Prince’ and its maxims, 323, 324, 368, 369

_Mahometanism._
_See_ Turks

_Macrobius_, quoted by Colet, 57.
Mentioned, 10, 58, 59

_Martins, Thierry_, printer at Antwerp, 167, _n._
At Louvain, 366, 379, 389, 419, _n._, 455, 458, 481

_Maximilian_, 259, 482

_Melanchthon_, Ode on Erasmus, 401, 402.
Erasmus’s appreciation of, 476-478

_More, Thomas_, his early history, 23.
Fascinating character, 25.
Comes to Oxford, 25.
His father’s strictness, 26.
Erasmus meets him in London, 113.
Erasmus falls in love with him, 114, 116.
Visits royal nursery with Erasmus and Arnold, 134.
His legal studies, 27, 142.
Oxford friends join him in London, _id._
Lectures on St. Augustine’s ‘De Civitate Dei,’ 143.
Reader at Furnival’s Inn--enters Parliament, 143, 144.
Procures the rejection of part of a subsidy, 145.
Offends Henry VII., 145, 146.
Seeks retirement, _id._
In lodgings near the Charterhouse, 147.
Colet’s influence on him, 148.
He studies Pico’s Life and Works, 151-158.
Erasmus visits him, 181.
His satire upon monks and confession, _id._
Unrelenting hatred of the King’s avarice and tyranny--his epigrams,
182.
Leaves the Charterhouse--marries, 159, 160.
His home in Bucklersbury and three daughters, 193.
Connection with Henry VIII., 190-192.
His practice at the bar, and appointment as undersheriff, _id._
Erasmus visits him and writes the ‘Praise of Folly’ at his house, 193.
More on Colet’s school, 251.
Epigrams against French criticisms on the war, 260.
Public duties, 256, 338.
Writes History of Richard III., _id._
His first wife dies, _id._
His practice at the bar--second marriage, 337.
Sent on an embassy, 343.
Second book of ‘Utopia,’ 346-365.
Introductory book to, 378-390.
Attempt of Henry VIII. to make him a courtier, 380.
Visit to Coventry--strange frenzy there, 414-418.
Second embassy, 427.
Enters Henry VIII.’s service, 429.
At the court of Henry VIII., 458.
Letter to the University of Oxford, 459.
A monk attempts his conversion--More’s reply, 470-475.
His character and domestic life, 497-502.
Opinion of character of Colet, 504.
Date of More’s birth, note on, Appendix C.
Works of, App. F

_Morton, Cardinal_, zeal for reform, and against heretics, 8.
More’s connection with, 24, 256, 386

_Moses_, Colet’s views on; his account of the Creation, 46 _et seq._
Colet urges Erasmus to lecture on Moses or Isaiah, 128, 131

_Mountjoy, Lord_, 94, 115, 134, 165, 170, 205, 295, 469, 471

_Neo-platonists_, 9-13, 39, 41, 61, 77, 158, 159

_Origen_, the works of, Colet studies, and prefers to those of
Augustine, 16.
Erasmus studies, 169.
His method of allegorical interpretation, 174, 445

_Original sin_, allusion to, 403, 492

_Oxford Reformers of 1498._
(_See_ ‘Colet,’ ‘Erasmus,’ and ‘More.’)
Difference between their standpoint and that of Luther and all
Augustinian Reformers, 492-497.
Nature of the Reform urged by, 506.
Result of its rejection, 507-509

_Parliament_ of 1503-4.
Subsidy opposed by More in, 145.
Of 1514, 279.
Of 1515, complaints of results of Henry VIII.’s extravagance and the
wars, 338.
Levy taxes on labourers, 268; and interfere with wages, 340-341.
Statute on pasture-farming, 341.
Rigid punishment of crimes, _id._
Eight years without a Parliament, 346

_Pico della Mirandola_, influenced by Savonarola, 19.
Death of, 18-20.
His ‘Heptaplus,’ 19, _n._, 59.
More translates his life and works, 152-158.
His faith in Christianity, and in the laws of nature, 154.
On prayer, 154.
On the Scriptures, 155.
Study of Eastern languages, 156.
His verses, 157.
On the love of Christ, 152-157

_Platonic Academy_, 9, 13, 17, 19

_Plotinus_, 10, 14, 16, 41

_Pole, De la_, 133

_Politian_, 14, 18

_Pomponatius_, sceptical tendencies of, 323

_Popes_, satire of Erasmus on, 201, 426.
Colet on, 74, 75

_Proclus_, 10

_Pyghards_, of Bohemia.
_See_ Hussites

_Radulphus_ (who?), Colet’s letters to, 41-57

_Reuchlin_, mention of, 301.
Erasmus supports, 307.
His ‘Pythagorica,’ &c. Colet’s opinion of, 411, 413

_Rhenanus, Beatus_, 303, 304, 311, 312, 392, 432, 457

_Sacrifice_, Colet’s views on, 39, 206.
Of Cain and Abel, conversation on, 97 _et seq._

_Sadolet_, secretary to Leo X., 321

_Sapidus, John_, escorts Erasmus to Basle, 302

_Savonarola_, influence of, 17-22.
Do. on Colet (?) _id._ and 37, _n._
Whether any connection between his views and Colet’s, _id._
Indirect connection with the Oxford Reformers through More’s
translation of Pico’s life and works, 158, 159

_Saxony, Frederic_, Elector of, protects Luther, 477-483.
His noble conduct on election of Charles V., _id._

_Schlechta’s, Johannes_, of Bohemia, correspondence with Erasmus, 485-491

_Scriptures_, position of study of, at Oxford, 2.
Do. plenary inspiration, 29.
Interpretation textarian, _id._
Theory of ‘manifold senses,’ 31, 121-124.
Aquinas on do., 30, 122.
Tyndale’s account of, 30, 31.
Scriptures practically ignored, 14.
Colet’s mode of interpretation (_see_ Colet).
The theory of accommodation, 52-57.
‘Manifold senses,’ Colet on inspiration, 124.
Valla’s ‘Annotations,’ preface of Erasmus, 177.
Pico on the Scriptures, 155.
Colet translates portions of, 155.
Dorpius maintains verbal inspiration of Vulgate version, 315.
Eck also, 435.
Erasmus rejects it, 317, 331, 436, 443.
Advocates translation of, into all languages, 327.
Method of study of, 329, 445.
Difference between the Oxford and the Wittemberg Reformers on the
inspiration of, 492-497

_Servatius_, prior of Stein monastery, Holland, correspondence with
Erasmus, 295, 299

_Sherborn, Robert_, Bishop of St. David’s, 138

_Spalatin, George_, writes to Erasmus, 402

_St. Andrews_, Archbishop of, under Erasmus’s tuition, 184.
Killed in battle of Flodden, 272

_St. Bertin_, Abbot of, 165.
Letters of Erasmus to, 280.
Erasmus visits, 299

_St. Paul’s School_, founded by Colet, 209.
Salaries of masters, 209.
Cost of, to Colet, 210.
Completion of, 250.
Jealousy against, 251.
Statutes of, 463-466

_Sweating sickness_, 458, 461

_Taxation_, of clergy, for Henry VIII.’s wars, 247.
Amount of a ‘tenth,’ _id._ _n._
Of labourers, 340.
War taxes, 339.
Erasmus on, 374-376.
Amount of a ‘fifteenth,’ 145

_Tunstal_, More on an embassy with, 343.
Erasmus writes to, 503

_Turks_, five times as numerous as Christians, 6, _n._
Threaten to overwhelm Christianity, 6.
Defeat of the Moors in Spain, 7

_Tyndale_, describes position of Scripture study at Oxford, 3, _n._
Estimate of number of Mahometans and Christians, 6, _n._
On the scholastic modes of Scripture interpretation and the theory of
‘manifold senses,’ 31.
At Oxford before Colet leaves, 136.
Studies Scriptures there, _id._
Translates the ‘Enchiridion,’ 174

_United brethren_, of Bohemia.
_See_ Hussites

_Utopia_, contents of second book of, 347-365.
Introductory book of, 378-390

_Valla, Laurentius_, Erasmus studies the works of, and writes the
preface to his Annotations of, 177

_Vere_, Marchioness de, aids Erasmus, 164-167

_Volzius_, abbot of monastery at Schelestadt, Erasmus’s letter to, 439

_Walsingham_, pilgrimage to, 269-272.
Erasmus visits, 273-275

_Warham_, Erasmus visits, 184, 205.
Gives Erasmus a pension, 205.
Defends Erasmus against Fitzjames, 254

_Wars_, Colet’s sermons against Henry VIII.’s, 261, 264, 468.
Erasmus against, 203, 280, 311.
More’s ‘Utopian’ opinions on, 351

_Winchcombe_, Kidderminster, Abbot of, Colet’s letter to, 45

_Wolsey_, begins continental wars, 223.
His rapid promotion, 229.
Archbishop of York, 306.
Installed Cardinal, 343.
Lord Chancellor, 346

_Ximenes_, zeal for reform, and against dissent, 7

_Zisca, John_, 486

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Mr. Lupton’s volume (_Bell and Daldy_, 1869) has a double interest. Apart from the interest it derives from its connection with Colet, it is also interesting as placing, I believe, for the first time, before the English reader, a full abstract of two of the Pseudo-Dionysian writings, to which attention has recently been called by Mr. Westcott’s valuable article in the _Contemporary Review_.

[2] To avoid any charge of plagiarism I may also state, that a portion of the materials comprised in this volume has been made use of in articles contributed by me to the North British Review, in the years 1859 and 1860.

[3] Where not otherwise stated, all references to these letters and to the collected works of Erasmus (Eras. _Op._), refer to the Leyden edition.

[4] See note on the date of More’s birth in Appendix C.

[5] Of the First Edition. This has since been published by Mr. Lupton.

[6] In a letter written in the winter of 1499-1500, Colet is spoken of as ‘_Jam triennium enarranti_,’ &c. See _Erasmus to Colet_, prefixed to _Disputatio de Tædio et Pavore Christi_, Eras. _Op._ v. p. 1264, A. Colet was in Paris, apparently on his way home from his continental tour, soon after the publication of the work of the French historian Gaguinus, _De Orig. et Gest. Francorum_. (See Eras. Epist. xi.) The first edition, according to Panzer and Brunet, of this work, was that of _Paris_. Prid. Kal. Oct. 1495. Colet may thus have returned home in the spring of 1496, and proceeded to Oxford after the long vacation. Erasmus states, ‘Reversus ex Italia, mox relictis parentum ædibus, Oxoniæ maluit agere. Illic publice et gratis Paulinas Epistolas omnes enarravit.’--_Op._ iii. p. 456, B.

[7] He was ordained deacon December 17, 1497. Knight’s _Life of Colet_, p. 22 (Lond. 1724), on the authority, doubtless, of Kennett, who refers to _Reg. Savage, Lond._

[8] Erasmus Jodoco Jonæ: Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 456, C. ‘In theologica professione nullum omnino gradum nec assequutus erat, nec ambierat.’

[9] ‘The degree of Master in Arts conferred also, and this was practically its chief value, the right of lecturing, and therefore of receiving money for lectures, at Oxford.’--_Monumenta Academica_; Rev. II. Anstey’s _Introduction_, p. lxxxix.

[10] One of the statutes decreed as follows:--‘Item statutum est, quod non liceat alicui præterquam Bachilaris Theologiæ, legere bibliam biblice.’--_Ibid._ p. 394. That the word ‘legere,’ in these statutes, means practically to ‘lecture,’ see Mr. Anstey’s _Introduction_, p. lxxxix.

[11] It is possible also that Colet’s mode of lecturing did not come within the meaning of the technical phrase, ‘legere bibliam _biblice_,’ which is said to have meant ‘reading chapter by chapter, with the accustomed glosses, and such explanations as the reader could add.’--_Observations on the Statutes of the University of Cambridge_: by George Peacock, D.D., Dean of Ely. Lond. 1841, p. xlvi. n. See also Mr. Anstey’s _Introduction_, p. lxxi, on the doubtful meaning of ‘legere _cursorie_.’

[12] See the remarkable letter of Bishop Grosseteste to the ‘Regents in Theology’ at Oxford--date 1240 or 1246--_Roberti Grosseteste Epistolæ_, pp. 346-7, of which the following is Mr. Luard’s summary:--‘Skilful builders are always careful that foundation stones should be really capable of supporting the building. The best time is the morning. Their lectures, therefore, especially in the morning, should be from the Old and New Testaments, _in accordance with their ancient custom_ and the example of Paris. Other lectures are more suitable at other times.’--P. cxxix.

[13] It would not be likely that statutes, framed in some points specially to guard against Lollard views, and probably early in the fifteenth century, should ignore the Scriptures altogether. Thus, before inception in theology, by Masters in Theology (see Mr. Anstey’s _Introduction_, p. xciv), three years’ attendance on biblical lectures was required, and the inceptor must have lectured on some canonical book of the Bible (_Monumenta Academica_, p. 391), according to the statutes. They also contained the following provision:--‘Ne autem lecturæ variæ confundantur, _et ut expeditius_ in lectura bibliæ procedatur, statutum est, ut bibliam biblice seu cursorie legentes quæstiones non dicant nisi tantummodo literales.’--_Ibid._ p. 392. The regular course of theological training at Oxford may be further illustrated by the following passage from Tindale’s ‘Practice of Prelates.’ Tindale, when a youth, was at Oxford during a portion of the time that Colet was lecturing on St. Paul’s Epistles.

‘In the universities they have ordained that no man shall look on the Scripture until he be noselled in heathen learning eight or nine years, and armed with false principles with which he is clean shut out of the understanding of the Scripture.... And when he taketh his first degree, he is sworn that he shall hold none opinion condemned by the Church.... And then when they be admitted to study divinity, because the Scripture is locked up with such false expositions and with false principles of natural philosophy that they cannot enter in, they go about the outside and dispute all their lives about words and vain opinions, pertaining as much unto the healing of a man’s heel as health of his soul. Provided yet ... that none may preach except he be admitted of the Bishops.’--_Practice of Prelates_, p. 291. Parker Society.

What the biblical lectures were it is difficult to understand, for Erasmus wrote (Eras. Epist. cxlviii.): ‘Compertum est hactenus quosdam fuisse theologos, qui adeo nunquam legerant divinas literas, ut nec ipsos Sententiarum libros evolverent, neque quicquam omnino attingerent præter quæstionum gryphos.’--P. 130, C.

[14] Ellis’s _Letters_, 2nd series, vol. ii. pp. 61, 62. Letter of Richard Layton and his Associates to Lord Cromwell, upon his Visitation of the University of Oxford, Sept. 12, 1535.

[15] ‘Provinciam sumsisti ... (ne quid mentiar) et negotii et invidiæ plenam.’--Eras. Coleto: Eras. _Op._ v. p. 1264, A.

[16] ‘The Turks being in number five times more than we Christians.’ And again, ‘Which multitude is not the fifth part so many as they that consent to the law of Mahomet.’--_Works of Tyndale and Frith_, ii. pp. 55 and 74.

[17] See British Museum Library, under the head ‘Garcilaso,’ No. 1445, _g_ 23, being the draft of private instructions from Ferdinand and Isabella to the special English Ambassador, and headed, ‘Year 1498. The King and Queen concerning the correction of Alexander VI.’ The original Spanish MS. was in the hands of the late B. B. Wiffen, Esq., of Mount Pleasant, near Woburn, and an English translation of this important document was reprinted by him in the Life of Valdes, prefixed to a translation of his _CX Considerations_. Lond. Quaritch, 1865, p. 24.

[18] Chap. v.

[19] Chap. vi.

[20] Chap. vii.

[21] Chap. viii.

[22] Chap. ix.

[23] Chap. x.

[24] Chap. xix.

[25] Chap. xx.

[26] Chap. xxii.

[27] Chap. xxiii.

[28] Chaps. xxiv. and xxv.

[29] Chaps. xxvi.-xxxiv.

[30] Chap. xxxvi.

[31] Chap. xxxvii.

[32] _Villari_, in his ‘Life and Times of Savonarola,’ book i. chap. iv., does not seem to me to give, by any means, a fair abstract of the ‘_De Religione Christianâ_,’ though his chapter on Ficino is valuable in other respects. I have used the edition of Paris, 1510.

[33] ‘Chartism,’ chap. x. ‘Impossible.’

[34] _Pauli Jovii Elogia Doctorum Virorum_: Basileæ, 1556, p. 145. The period of the stay of Grocyn and Linacre in Italy was probably between 1485 and 1491. They therefore probably returned to England before the notorious Alexander VI. succeeded, in 1492, to Innocent VIII. See Johnson’s _Life of Linacre_, pp. 103-150. And Wood’s _Athen. Oxon._ vol. i. p. 30. Also _Hist. et Antiq. Univ. Oxon._ ii. 134.

[35] Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 455, F.

[36] Erasmus Jodoco Jonæ: _Op._ iii. p. 455, F. Also Sir Henry Colet’s Epitaph, quoted in Knight’s _Life of Colet_, p. 7.

[37] ‘Et libros Ciceronis avidissime devorarat et Platonis Plotinique libros non oscitanter excusserat.’--Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 456, A.

[38] Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 455, F. ‘Mater, quæ adhuc superest [in 1520], insigni probitate mulier, marito suo undecim filios peperit, ac totidem filias ..., sed ex omnibus ille [Colet] superfuit solus, cum illum nosse cœpissem’ [in 1498].

[39] See list of Colet’s preferments in the Appendix.

[40] ‘Adiit Galliam, mox Italiam.’--Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 456, A.

[41] Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 459, A.

[42] _Ibid._ p. 456, B. The words of Erasmus are the following:--‘Ibi se totum evolvendis sacris auctoribus dedit, sed prius per omnium literarum genera magno studio peregrinatus, priscis illis potissimum delectabatur Dionysio, Origene, Cypriano, Ambrosio, Hieronymo. Atque inter veteres nulli erat iniquior quam Augustino. Neque tamen non legit Scotum, ac Thomam aliosque hujus farinæ, si quando locus postulabat. In utriusque juris libris erat non indiligenter versatus. Denique nullus erat liber historiam aut constitutiones continens majorum, quem ille non evolverat. Habet gens Britannica qui hoc præstiterunt apud suos, quod Dantes ac Petrarcha apud Italos. Et horum evolvendis scriptis linguam expolivit, jam tum se præparans ad præconium sermones Evangelici.’

[43] Savonarola’s first sermon in the Duomo at Florence was preached in 1491.--Villari, i. p. 122.

[44] See Villari, i. 232. Anno 1494.

[45] Lorenzo de’ Medici died in 1492; Pico and Politian in 1494. Colet left England early in 1494 probably, but as he visited France on his way to Italy, the exact time of his reaching Italy cannot be determined.

[46] The influence of Savonarola on the religious history of Pico was very remarkable.

In a sermon preached after Pico’s death, Savonarola said of Pico, ‘He was wont to be conversant with me, and to break with me the secrets of his heart, in which I perceived that he was by privy inspiration called of God unto religion:’ i.e. to become a monk. And he goes on to say that, for _two years_, he had threatened him with Divine judgment ‘if he fore-sloathed that purpose which our Lord had put in his mind.’--More’s _English Works_, p. 9.

Pico died in November, 1494. The intimacy of which Savonarola speaks dated back therefore to 1492 or earlier.

According to the statement of his nephew, J. F. Pico, the change in Pico’s life was the result of the disappointment and the troubles consequent upon his ‘vainglorious disputations’ at Rome in 1486 (when Pico was twenty-three). By this he was ‘wakened,’ so that he ‘drew back his mind flowing in riot, and turned it to Christ!’ Pico waited a whole year in Rome after giving his challenge, and the disappointment and troubles were not of short duration. They may be said to have commenced perhaps after the year of waiting, i.e. in 1487, when he left Rome. He was present at the disputations at Reggio in 1487, and this does not look as though as yet he had altogether lost his love of fame and distinction. There he met Savonarola; and there that intimacy commenced which resulted in Savonarola’s return, _at the suggestion of Pico_, to Florence. (J. F. Pico’s _Vita Savonarolæ_, chap. vi.; Harford’s _Life of Michael Angelo_, i. p. 128; and Villari, i. pp. 82, 83.) In 1490, as the result of his first studies of Holy Scripture, according to J. F. Pico (being twenty-eight), he published his _Heptaplus_, which is full of his cabalistic and mystic lore, and betokens a mind still entangled in intellectual speculations rather than imbued with practical piety. He had, however, already burnt his early love songs, &c.; and it is evident the change had for some time been going on.

About the time when Savonarola commenced preaching in Florence, in 1491 (three years before his death, according to J. F. Pico), Pico disposed of his patrimony and dominions to his nephew, and distributed a large part of the produce amongst the poor, consulting Savonarola about its disposal (J. F. Pico’s _Life of Savonarola_, chap. xi. ‘_De mira Hieronymi lenitate et amore paupertatis_’), and appointing as his almoner _Girolamo Benivieni_, a devout and avowed believer in Savonarola’s prophetic gifts. This was doubtless the time when Pico was wont to break to Savonarola ‘the secrets of his heart;’ the time also to which J. F. Pico alludes when he speaks of him as ‘talking of the love of Christ;’ and adding, ‘the substance I have left, after certain books of mine finished, I intend to give out to poor folk, and fencing myself with the crucifix, barefoot, walking about the world, in every town and castle, I purpose to preach of Christ.’--Vide infra, p. 153. In 1492, a few weeks after Lorenzo’s death, he wrote three beautiful letters to his nephew (Pici _Op._ pp. 231-236. Vide infra, pp. 153-156)--letters as glowing with earnest Christian piety as the _Heptaplus_ was overflowing with cabalistic subtleties. His religion now, at all events, had the true ring about it. It belonged to his heart, not his head only. Then follow the remaining two years of his life when Savonarola exerted his influence (but without success) to induce him to enter a religious order. On Sept. 21, 1494, he was present at Savonarola’s famous sermon, in which he predicted the calamities which were coming upon Italy and the approach of the French army, listening to which Pico himself said that he ‘was filled with horror, and that his hair stood on end’ (narrated by Savonarola in his _Compendium Revelationum_); and lastly in November, as Charles entered Florence, Pico was peacefully dying. He was buried in the robes of Savonarola’s order and within the precincts of Savonarola’s church of St. Mark. In the light of Savonarola’s sermon, and the facts above stated, it can hardly be doubted that whilst, in one sense, brought about by the disappointment of his worldly ambitions, the change of life in Pico was at least, _in measure_, the result of his contact with the great Florentine reformer.

With regard to the history of Savonarola’s influence on _Ficino’s_ religious character, the facts are not so easily traced. In early years he is said to have been more of a Pagan than a Christian. Before writing his _De Religione Christianâ_, he seems to have become fully persuaded of the truth of Christianity. The book itself shows this. And there is a letter of his (Ficini Op. i. p. 640, Basle ed.), written while he was composing it, during an illness, in which he says that the words of Christ give him more comfort than philosophy, and his vows paid to the Virgin more bodily good than medicine. He also says that his father, a doctor, was once warned in a dream, while sleeping under an oak tree, to go to a patient who was praying to the Virgin for aid.

But the religion of a man resting on dreams, and visions, and vows made to the Virgin, was not necessarily of a very deep and practical character. Superstition and philosophy were easily united without the heart taking fire. Schelhorn (in his _Amœnitates Literariæ_, i. p. 73) quotes from Wharton’s appendix to Cave, the following statement, ‘Rei philosophicæ nimium deditus, religionis et pietatis curam posthabuisse dicitur, donec Savonarolæ Florentiam advenientis eloquentiam admiratus, concionibus ejus audiendis animum adjecit, dumque flosculis Rhetorices inhiavit, pietatis igniculos recepit: reliquamque dein vitam religionis officiis impendit.’ Wharton does not give his authority. Fleury (vol. xxiv. p. 363) makes a similar statement; also Brucker (_Historia critica Philosophiæ_, iv. p. 52); also Du Pin; also Harford in his _Life of Michael Angelo_ (i. p. 72) on the authority of Spondanus, who himself gives no contemporary authority. See also Mr. Lupton’s _Introduction_ to Colet’s _Celestial and Ecclesiastical Hierarchies of Dionysius_, where the subject is discussed. I am informed, through the kindness of Count P. Guicciardini, of Florence, that in Ficino’s _Apologia_, which exists in the MSS. _Stroziani_ of _Libr. Magliabecchiana_, class viii. cod. 315, he says of himself that ‘for five years he was one of the many who were deceived by the Hypocrite of Ferrara,’ whom he calls ‘Antichrist.’ The truth therefore seems to be that he was profoundly influenced by Savonarola’s enthusiasm, but only for a time.

[47] Ficino’s editions of his translations of the Dionysian treatises on the ‘Divine Names’ and the ‘Mystic Theology’ seem to have been published at Florence in 1492 and 1496.--Fabricii _Bibliotheca Græca_, vii. pp. 10, 11.

[48] Herzog’s _Encyclopædia_, article on ‘Marsilius Ficinus.’

[49] Mr. Harford, in his _Life of Michael Angelo_, vol. i. p. 57, mentions Colet, among others, as studying at Florence, and cites ‘_Tiraboschi_, vi. pt. 2, p. 382, edit. Roma, 4to. 1784.’ But I cannot find any mention of Colet in Tiraboschi, after careful search.

In opposition to the likelihood of his having been at Florence it may be asked, why Colet never alludes to it in his letters or elsewhere? In reply, it may be said that we have nothing of Colet’s own writing relating to his early life. All we know of it is derived from Erasmus, and the only allusion by Colet to his Italian journey which Erasmus has preserved is the passing remark that he (Colet) had there become acquainted with certain _monks_ of true wisdom and piety.--Eras. _Op._ iii. 459, A. ‘Narrans sese apud Italos comperisse quosdam monachos vere prudentes ac pios.’ Whether Savonarola’s monks were amongst these is a matter of mere speculation.

[50] See marginal note on his ‘Romans,’ in the Cambridge University Library, MS. Gg. 4, 26, leaf 3_a_, in which he refers to him--‘_Hec Mirandula_,’ and cites a passage from Pico’s _Apologia_, Basle edition of _Pici Opera_, p. 117. There is also a long and almost literal extract from Pico in the MS. on the ‘Ecclesiastical Hierarchy,’ in the St. Paul’s School Library. See Mr. Lupton’s translation, p. 161.

[51] See an extract from Ficino in Colet’s MS. on ‘Romans,’ leaf 13_b_. Another is pointed out by Mr. Lupton, p. 36, _n._

[52] ‘Quem ego sermonem ab eo memini, qui colloquentes audiverat, jam tum patri meo renunciatum, cum adhuc nulla proditionis ejus suspicio haberetur.’--Thomæ Mori ‘_Latina Opera_,’ Lovanii, 1566, fol. 46. As to the authorship of the history of Richard III. see Mr. Gairdner’s preface to _Letters of Richard III. and Henry VII._ vol. ii. p. xxi. As More was born in February, 1478, there is no difficulty in accepting the authenticity of this incident, which, when 1480 was assumed as the date of More’s birth, seemed quite impossible, as More would only have been three years old when it occurred, and could not have remembered the conversation.

[53] Roper, Singer’s ed. p. 3. Morton was not made a cardinal till 1493.

[54] Roper, p. 4.

[55] Ibid.

[56] Colet probably left Oxford for the Continent about 1494. The most probable date of More’s stay at Oxford was 1492 and 1493. This leaves 1494 and 1495 for his studies at New Inn, previous to his entry at Lincoln’s Inn, in February, 1496.

[57] Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 477, A. Speaking of More, Erasmus writes: ‘Joannes Coletus, vir acris exactique judicii, in familiaribus colloquiis subinde dicere solet, Britanniæ non nisi unicum esse ingenium.’

[58] Stapleton’s _Tres Thomæ_, Colon. 1612 ed. chap. i. pp. 155-6. ‘Hanc ob causam sic ei necessaria subministravit ut ne quidem teruncium in sua potestate eum habere permitteret, præter id quod ipsa necessitas postulabat. Quod adeò strictè observavit, ut nec ad reficiendos attritos calceos, nisi à patre peteret, pecuniam haberet.’ See also Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 475, A, respecting his father’s motive.

[59] Stapleton’s _Tres Thomæ_, Colon. 1612, p. 156.

[60] ‘Juvenis ad Græcas literas ac philosophiæ studium sese applicuit adeo non opitulante patre ... ut ea conantem omni subsidio destitueret ac pene pro abdicato haberet, quod a patriis studiis desciscere videretur, nam is Britannicarum legum peritiam profitetur.’--Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 475, A.

[61] ‘Sic voluit pater qui eum ad Græcarum literarum et philosophiæ studium omni subsidio destituit, ut ad istud (i.e. English Law) induceret.’--Stapleton’s _Tres Thomæ_, p. 168.

[62] XII. February,--11 Henry VII. Foss’s _Judges of England_, v. p. 207.

[63] Vide supra, p. 1, _n._

[64] Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 456, B. ‘Nullus erat liber, _historiam_ aut constitutiones continens majorum, quod non evolverat.’

[65] Eras. Epist. App. ccccxxxvii.

[66] Eras. Epist. xi.

[67] ‘Ut tribuatur lapsui memoriæ in evangelista gravatim audio. Qui si spiritu sancto inspiratus scripsit, memoria falli non potuit, nisi et ille etiam falli potuerit, quo ductore scripsit. Dicit mihi Ezechiel: Quocunque ibat spiritus, illuc pariter et rotæ elevabantur sequentes eum.’--_Annotationes Ed. Leei in annotationes Novi Testamenti Desiderii Erasmi._ Basil. 1520, pp. 25, 26. Lee studied at Oxford during a portion of the time of Colet’s residence there. Knight states that he was sent to St. Mary Magd. College (the college where Colet is supposed to have taken his degree of M.A.) in 1499.--_Knight’s Erasmus_, p. 286.

[68] ‘Quod dicis (non est nostrum definire, quomodo spiritus ille suum temperârit organum) verum quidem est, sed spiritus ipse in Ezechiele definivit: Rotæ non elevabantur nisi sequentes spiritum.’--_Annotationes Edvardi Leei_, p. 26.

[69] Aquinas, _Summa_, pt. 1, quest. i. article x.

[70] Tyndale’s _Obedience of a Christian Man_, chap. ‘On the Four Senses of the Scriptures.’

[71] Preface to the Five Books of Moses.

[72] Tyndale’s _Obedience of a Christian Man_, chap. ‘On the Four Senses of Scripture.’ That Tyndale was at Oxford during Colet’s stay there (i.e. before 1506), see the evidence given by his biographers. It appears that he was born about 1484. Fox says ‘_he was brought up from a child in the University of Oxford_,’ and there is no reason to suppose that he removed to Cambridge before 1509. See Tyndale’s _Doctrinal Treatises_, xiv. xv. and authorities there cited.

[73] Sir Thomas More in a letter to the University of Oxford (Jortin’s _Erasmus_, ii. App. p. 664, 4to ed.) complains of a Scotist preacher because ‘_neque integrum ullum Scripturæ caput tractavit, quæ res in usu fuit veteribus_ [this was the old method revived by Colet]; neque dictum aliquod brevius e Sacris literis, qui mos apud nuperos inolevit [the scholastic method]; sed thematum loco delegit Britannica quædam anilia proverbia.’ [The practical result of the textarian method when pushed to its ultimate results.]

[74] Eras. Jodoco Jonæ: Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 456, C. ‘Nullus erat illic doctor vel theologiæ vel juris, nullus abbas, aut alioqui dignitate præditus, quin illum audiret, etiam allatis codicibus.’

[75] Eras. Coleto: Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 40, F. Epist. xli.

[76] ‘Tamen certe multum ac diu rogatus a quibusdam amicis, et eisdem interpretantibus nobis Paulum fidis auditoribus, quibuscum pro amicicia quod in superiorem epistolæ partem scriptum est a nobis communicavi, adductus fui tandem ut promitterem, quod est ceptum modo me perrecturum, et in reliquam epistolam quod reliquum est enarrationis adhibiturum.’--Cambridge University Library MS. Gg. 4, 26, fol. 27_b_.

[77] A copy of Colet’s exposition of ‘Romans,’ with corrections apparently in Colet’s handwriting, is in the Cambridge University Library; MS. Gg. 4, 26. A fair copy, apparently by Peter Meghen, is in the Library of Corpus Christi College Cambridge, MS. No. 355.

Amongst the ‘Gale MSS.’ in Trinity Library, Cambridge, is a MS. (O. 4, 44) said to be Colet’s, containing short notes or abstracts of the Apostolic Epistles. Through the kindness of Mr. Wright I had a copy taken of this MS., but on close comparison of passages with the _Annotationes_ of Erasmus, I was obliged to conclude that the writer had before him an edition of the latter not earlier than that of 1522. This MS. cannot, therefore, have been written by Colet. Possibly it may have been written by Lupset, Colet’s disciple. The copy in the Trinity Library is in a later hand.

[78] This appears to have been the character also of the Expositions of Marsilio Ficino. See Fragment on ‘Romans.’--Ficini _Opera_, ed. 1696, pp. 426-472.

[79] The _names_ of Origen, Jerome, Chrysostom, and Augustine are mentioned, but incidentally, and without any quotations of any length being given from them.

[80] ‘--est ex vehementia loquendi imperfecta et suspensa sententia.’--MSS. Gg. 4, 26, fol. 23, _in loco_. Rom. ix. 22.

[81] ‘Ita Paulus mira prudentia et arte temperat orationem suam in hac epistola, et eam quasi librat tam pari lance, et Judeos et Gentes simul, etc.’--Ibid. fol. 26.

[82] MSS. Gg. 4, 26, fols. 59_b_, 61_a_.

[83] Ibid. fol. 60. ‘Sed ille homo magno animo, fide, et amore Christi, fuit paratus non solum ligari,’ &c.

[84] Ibid. fols. 42-45 (_in loco_, Rom. xiii.). In these pages Colet compares with great care the information to be collected from passages in the Epistle to the Romans and in the Acts of the Apostles with what is recorded by Suetonius, and admires St. Paul’s ‘sapientissima admonitio opportune sane adhibita.’--Ibid. fols. 42_b_ and 43_a_. Again, at fol. 44_a_, Colet says, ‘Hæc autem refero ut magna Pauli consideratio et prudentia animadvertatur; qui cum non ignoravit Claudium Cesarem tenuisse rempublicam, qui fuit homo vario ingenio et improbis moribus, &c.’...

[85] In his exposition of Romans (chap. iv.) he says:--‘Sed caute circumspicienda sunt omnia Pauli, antequam de ejus mente aliqua feratur sentencia. Nunquam enim censuisset revocandum ad ecclesiam fornicatorem illum, quem tradidit Sathanæ in prima Epistola ad Corinthios, si peccatoribus post baptismum nullum penitendi locum reliquisset.’--Ibid. fol. 6_b_.

[86] It would be difficult in short quotations to give a correct impression of the doctrinal standpoint assumed by Colet in his exposition of the Epistle to the Romans. But it may be interesting to enquire, whether any connection can be traced between his views and those of Savonarola, on this point.

Now _Villari_ states that a ‘fundamental point’ in Savonarola’s doctrine was his ‘_conception of love_, which he sometimes says is the _same as grace_,’ and that it was through this conception of love that Savonarola, ‘to a certain extent,’ explained the ‘mystery of human liberty and Divine omnipotence.’--Villari’s _Savonarola and his Times_, bk. i. c. vii. p. 110.

Whether there be any real connection between Savonarola’s teaching and the following passages from Colet’s exposition, I leave the reader to judge.

‘Wherefore St. Paul concludes, men are justified by faith, and trusting in God alone by Jesus Christ, are reconciled to God and restored into grace; so that with God they stand, and remain themselves sons of God.... If He loved us when alienated from Him, how much more will He love us when we are reconciled; and preserve those whom He loves. Wherefore we ought to be firm and stable in our hope and joy, and, nothing doubting, trust in God through Jesus Christ, by whom alone men are reconciled to God.’--MS. fol. 5. After speaking of that _grace_ which where sin had abounded did much more abound unto eternal life, Colet proceeds:--‘But here it is to be noted that this _grace_ is nothing else than the _love_ of God towards men--towards those, i.e. whom He wills to love, and, in loving, to inspire with His Holy Spirit; which itself is love and the love of God; which (as the Saviour said, according to St. John’s Gospel) _blows where it lists_. But, loved and inspired by God, they are also _called_; so that accepting this love, they may love in return their loving God, and long for and wait for the same love. This waiting and hope springs from _love_. _This love truly is ours because He loves us_: not (as St. John writes in his 2nd Epistle) as though we had first loved God, but because He first loved us, even when we were worthy of no love at all; but indeed impious and wicked, destined by right to eternal death. But some, i.e. those whom He knew and chose, He also loved, and in loving called them, and in calling them justified them, and in justifying them glorified them. This gracious love and charity in God towards men is _in itself_ the calling and justification and glorification.... And when we speak of men as drawn, called, justified, and glorified by _grace_, we mean nothing else than that men _love in return God who loves them_.’--MS. Gg. 4, 26, fol. 6.

Again: ‘Thus you see that things are brought about by a providing and directing God, and that they happen as He wills in the affairs of men, not from any force from without (_illata_)--since nothing is more remote from force than the Divine action--but by the natural desire and will of man, the Divine will and providence secretly and silently, and, as it were, naturally accompanying (_comitante_) it, and going along with it so wonderfully, that whatever you do and choose was known by God, and what God knew and decreed to be, of necessity comes to pass.’--MS. fol. 18.

The following passage is from Colet’s exposition of the Epistle to the Corinthians (MS. 4, 26, p. 80). ‘The mind of man consists of _intellect_ and _will_. By the _intellect_ we know: by the _will_ we have power to act (_possumus_). From the knowledge of the intellect comes faith: from the power of the will charity. But Christ, the power of God, is also the wisdom of God. Our minds are illuminated to faith by Christ, “_who illumines every man coming into this world_, and He gives power to become the sons of God to those who believe in His name.” By Christ also our wills are kindled in charity to love God and our neighbour; in which is the fulfilment of the law. From God alone therefore, through Christ, we have both knowledge and power; for by Him we are in Christ. Men, however, have in themselves a blind intellect, and a depraved will, and walk in darkness, not knowing what they do.... Those who by the warm rays of his divinity are so drawn that they keep close in communion with Him, are indeed they whom Paul speaks of as called and elected to His glory,’ &c.

For the Latin of these extracts see Appendix (A).

In further proof that Colet’s views (like Savonarola’s) were not Augustinian upon the question of the ‘freedom of the will,’ may be cited the following words of Colet (see _infra_, chap, iv.): ‘But in especial is it necessary for thee to know that God of his great grace hath made thee his image, having regard to thy memory, understanding, and _free-will_.’ Probably both Colet and Savonarola, in common with other mystic theologians, had imbibed their views directly or indirectly from the works of the Pseudo-Dionysius and the Neo-Platonists.

[87] ‘Ex quodam nostro studio et pietate in homines ... non tam verentes legentium fastidium, quam cupientes confirmacionem infirmorum et vacillantium.’--Fol. 22_b_.

[88] MS. Gg. 4, 26, fols. 13_b_ to 15_a_.

[89] Ibid. fol. 3_b_.

[90] Ibid. fols. 28_b_ and 29.

[91] Ibid. fol. 29.

[92] MS. Gg. 4, 26, fol. 30_b_.

[93] Ibid. fol. 59_b_. ‘Elicienda est dulci doctrina prompta voluntas non acerba exaccione extorquenda pecunia nomine decimarum et oblacionum.’

[94] Ibid. fol. 60_a_.

[95] See particularly fol. 27 and 61_b_.

[96] MS. Gg. 4, 26, fol. 3_a_.

[97] Ibid. fol. 7_b_.

[98] Ibid. fol. 15_b_. _Ioannes Baptista Mantuanus_, general of the Carmelites, an admirer of Pico.--See Pici _Opera_, p. 262.

[99] ‘Ibi se totum evolvendis sacris auctoribus dedit.’--Eras. _Op._ iii. p. 456 B.

[100] ‘... conatique sumus quoad potuimus divina gratia adjuti veros illius sensus exprimere. Quod quam fecimus haud scimus sane, voluntatem tamen habuimus maximam faciendi.’--_ffinis argumenti in Epistolam Pauli ad Romanos._ Oxonie.

[101] Cambridge University Library, MSS. Gg. 4, 26, p. 62, _et seq._, and printed in Knight’s _Life of Colet_, App. p. 311.

[102] In the volume of manuscripts marked 355.

[103] ‘In quibus mihi videtur tanta caligo ut totus ille sermo contentus in ipsis tribus capitulis appareat esse ille abyssus super cujus faciem dicit Moises tenebras fuisse.’

[104] ‘Non me latet plures esse sensus, sed unum persequar cursim.’