Chapter IX: Part 9

Ser, ze sent to me a letter conteynyng the substaunce of the processe off Mr. Robert Ippyswell for the mater off the codicill of Nicholas Pykeryng, &c. Me mervelyt gretly off the certificat off Mr. Robert in that be halve, for this is the truthe as forth forth as I kan remembre me. The codicill had nether day nor place lymyte, qwer or qwan it xuld a ben mad; qwerfor to a reprovyd that that nether was qualifyid with day nor place it had be gret foly, &c. Therfor I askyd off the juge hys accounts, and specyally the deposicionys and attestacionys off the wytteness that wer swor in the seyd codicill, &c.; by the qwyche it mowth appere clerly qwan and qwere this codicill xuld a be made and wrete. And this sen I mad protestacion to for the seyde Mr. Robert that I wolde impugne the mater as lawe requiryd. The qwych peticion I made diverse tyme to fore moche recorde, judicialy syttyng the seyde M. R.,[177.2] &c. The qwyche peticion he wold not her, but seyde expresse that nether Will. Pykeryng nor non other man xuld sen his accounts nor knowe qwat the deposicion wer in that parte; this mater was comownyd to for Mr. John Selet and my mayster and yours diverse tymys, and ever he seyde we xuld not sen the seyde deposicions. And so qwat sum ever he hath certyfyid, this is the truthe, God to wetenesse and all Seynts, qwo preserve zow evermore.

And I pray zow to declare this to my mayster and zours; and comende me hertly to hys good maysterchep. And God sende hym victorye off all hys elmyes, and so pray all hys well wyllers at Norwich.

JOHN ESTGATE.

[Footnote 177.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The writer of this
letter is reported to be dead in No. 604, which was written on the
18th August 1465. We have little doubt, however, that this belongs
to the same year, as the names of Robert Ippeswell and John Salet
occur in the correspondence more than once about this time.]

[Footnote 177.2: Master of the Rolls.]

603

WILL OF NICHOLAS PICKERING[178.1]

[Sidenote: 1465]

To alle trewe Cristen pepill the wiche these present letteres schall se or here, Roberd Banyngham, confessour to Nicholas Pekeryng of Filby, Alson the wyfe of the seide Nicholas, Roger Silveryn, John Herte of Cowteshall, Robarde Yoxsale, Richarde Hawe, Robarde Manufrac (?), John Case, servaunt of the forseid Nicholas, and Henry Becham, servaunt of the seide Nicholas, and Thomas Page of Beston, sende gretyng in oure Lorde. Where it is merytory nedefull to bere wytenesse of troughthe, alle ye mot knowe us that we herde the forseide Nicholas Pekeryng seyn, lying on his dede bedde, these wordes folwyng, as we willen answere before God, that whanne William Pekeryng, sone of the seide Nicholas rekenyd with his fadir for xx. quarteres barly that the seid William cleymed of his faderys yifte to his mariage; and for vij. dayes cariage of corne in hervest, and for als a thousande waltyle that his fadir had fro ye seide Williams wyfes place, the wiche reknyng greved the seide Nicholas his fadir, and seide, ‘Thou comyst in with many bak rekenyngges. Remembre the that thou hast be the costlyest childe that evere I hadde, and how that I yaf ye x. acres of fre londe, and[178.2] a place in mariage, and many othir thyngges that is muche better than all thi bak rekinyngges. And I have now yove ye other x. acres of fre londe aftir my discesse; and me thynketh be the thou heldest the not lowest, but woldest have all. But on thyng I shall sey to the; if thou trouble John, thy brother, or ony of myn executores, or cleyme ony more londes or goodys that evere were myne, I shal yeve ye Goddys curse and myn, for thou hast be ever frowarde to me.’ In witnesse and recorde herof we have sette oure sealys.

* * *

To alle trewe Cristen pepill the qwiche these presente letters shal see or here, John Herte of Couteshale, Roberd Yoxhale, Roger Silveryn, Thomas Dawes, and Thomas Drye, sende gretyng in oure Lorde. Where it is merytory, nedefull and medefull to bere witnesse of trought, all ye mot knowe us, that we herde William Pekeryng, sone of Nicholas Pekeryng, seyn that his fadir wolde he shulde have but x. acres of fre londe aftir his decesse be syde other x. acres of fre londe that he yaf hym in maryage. In wittenesse and recorde heer of we have setto oure seales.

* * *

_Endorsed:_ A Testymonyall.

[Footnote 178.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] From the contents of the
preceding letter it is probable that this document was drawn up in
1465. Blomefield, indeed, states (vol. ii. p. 221) that Nicholas
Pickering was buried in the steeple of Filby church in 1466. But
the date may be an error, for he certainly seems to have been dead
in or before 1465.]

[Footnote 178.2: _and_ repeated in MS.]

604

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[179.1]

_To my ryght wyrshypfull mayster, John Paston, be thys letter delyveryd in haste._

[Sidenote: 1465 / AUG. 18]

Ryght wyrshypfull husbond, I recomaund me to you. Please it you to wyte that the cause that I wrote to you non er [_earlier_] than I dyde after the sessyons was by cause that Yelverton held sessyons at Dyrham and Walsyngham the next wyke after the assyses, and to have knowlech what labour that was made ther, and to have send yow werd therof. Ther was grete labours made by the bayly of Coshay and other for to have endytyd your men both at Dyrham and at Walsyngham, but I purvayd a mene that her [_their_] purpose was lettyd at thos ij. tymes.

Hugh a Fen ys in Flegge. Richard Call spake with hym thys wyke, and he sayd to Richard that he and his wyff wold be with me here thys wyke toward a place of hys that he hath purchasyd of Godehreds. Yf he come I shall make hym gode chyre, for it ys told me of dyvers folks that have spoke with hym sythen he com in to Norffolk as thay fele by hys sayng that he awyth you ryght gode wyle.

Item, as for my comyng to you, yf it please you that I come, y hope I shull purvey so for al thyngs or I com that it shull be sayff y nogh by the grace of God tyll I com ayen; but at the reverens of God, yf ye may purvey a mene that ye may com hom your sylf; for that shall be most profortabell to you, for men cut large thongs here of other mens lether. I shull wryte to you ayen as hastely as I may. God have you in Hys kypyng. Wryten in haste at Haylesdon, the Sonday next after the Assumpsyon of our Lady.

Item, my cosyn Elysabeth Clere ys at Ormesby and your moder purposyth to be at her place at Caster thys wyke, for the pestylens ys so fervent in Norwych that thay ther [_dare ?_] no lenger abyde ther, so God help; me thynkyth by my moder that she wold ryght fayn that ye dyde well and that ye myght spyde ryght well in your mater. And me thynkyth by my cosyn Clere that she wold fayn have youre gode wyll, and that she hath sworyn ryght faythfully to me that ther shall no defaute be founde in her, nor noght hath be yf the trogh myght be understond, as she hopyth it shull be herafter. She sayth ther ys no man a lyff that she hath put her truste in so moch as she hath doon in you. She sayth she wote well such langage as hath be reportyd to you of her other wyse then she hath deservyd causyth you to be other wyse to her then ye shuld be. She had to me thys langage wypyng, and told me of dyvers other thyngs the whych ye shall have knowlych of herafter.

As for the hygh shyrf [_sheriff_] he demenyd hym ryght well her to me, and he sayd to me, as for replevyns he wold aske counseyll of lernyd men what he mygt doo therin, and as largely as he mygt do ther in, or in any other mater touchyng you, savyng hymsylf harmlys, he wold doo for you and for yours that he mygt do.

Item, I have do layd in [_caused to be laid in_] the presentacyon of Drayton, and have presentyd Sir Thomas Hakon, parson of Felthorp, the whych is hold ryght a gode man and wel dysposyd, and the Duck of Suffolk hath layd in a nother; and ther shall be take an inquisicyon ther uppon, and Mr. Styven ys your a voked [_your advocate_] therin. Mr. John Estgade ys passyd to God on Thursday last passyd, whos sawle God assoyle! Wherof in gode feyth I am ryght sory, for I fynd hym ryght fayth full to you. They deyy ryght sore in Norwych.

John Rus sayth the profets that hath be take of the maner of Caister syn Sir John Fastolf deyd hath be take by Sir Thomas Howys and Jenney.

By yours, M. P.

I mervayll that ye had no tythyngs from me at that tyme that your letter was wryten, for I send you a letter by Chytockys son that ys prenteys in London, and the seyd letter was of the demenyng at the assyes at Norwych and of divers other maters. I pray you send me word yf ye have it. As for the replevyns Richard Calle sayth he hath send you a awnswere of hem, and also the copys of them.

[Footnote 179.1: [From Fenn, iii. 370.] That this letter was
written in the year 1465 appears clearly by the reference to the
Assizes held at Walsingham (_see_ No. 599), and the intention
which the writer intimates of visiting her husband in London.
Moreover, the first sentence of the letter, and also the
postscript, are evidently written in answer to her husband’s
complaint in No. 600, that she had not written to him what she had
done at the Assizes.]

605

NOTE

In the Introduction in Volume I., will be found a document entitled ‘A remembrance of the worshipful kin and ancestry of Paston, born in Paston in Gemyngham Soken.’ This paper, which was printed in the preface to vol. v. of the original edition, p. xliv., appears to have been composed during the lifetime of John Paston by some one who owed the family no good will, not unlikely by Sir William Yelverton. The contents agree very well with the imputation made on John Paston, for which he was imprisoned in 1465, that he was a bondman to the King. The original of this document I have not met with.

606

ABSTRACT[181.1]

EXAMINATIONS TOUCHING FASTOLF’S WILL

[Sidenote: 1465 / AUG.]

John Paston examined by a commission of Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury, addressed to John Druell, LL.D., in the cause between Sir William Yelverton, Knight, and William Worcester, pretensed executors of Sir John Fastolf, and John Paston, Esq., and Thomas Howys, executors, as is said, dated 8 July 1465.

1. Whether Sir John Fastolf made his will, dated 14 June 1459, in English, and sealed by him with his seal of arms? Answer. He made a note of articles in his will, deponent thinks in Latin, probably on that day, but it was not then sealed, and no executor was named.

2. Whether before the will was fair copied an original note of it was made on paper, and corrected and interlined by Paston? And whether that note fair copied was the true will which was sealed by Fastolf?--There was such a note, which being made, Paston went to London and waited some time, when William Worcester informed him it had been fair copied in the beginning of July. Had seen an old will long before, in which some of the articles were the same, but Fastolf altered them from time to time in consultations held with this deponent. Does not know if he did interline, but the note will show, which was then in the keeping of William Worcester, Fastolf’s clerk; nor does he know if the will was drawn up from it, as he was not present at the engrossing or sealing, but hears there were several things altered.

3. Where the will is, in whose custody, and whether he have power to execute it?--The parchment sealed by Fastolf, which Worcester says was his will, was kept some time after his death at Caister, and afterwards produced in audience of the Archbishop, and there remains.

28 Aug. Examined in the Fleet.--Said he was a prisoner, wished first to speak with his counsel, and desired another notary joined with Nicholas Parker, who was not indifferent.

10, 11, 12 Dec. Appeared before the commissary in the treasurer’s house of St. Paul’s Cathedral, London. Examination continued.

4. Whether the said will was kept in the tower called the treasury of Sir John Fastolf at Caister till his death, and whether Paston and Howys afterwards entered and took it, and what was then done with it? Whether, since Fastolf’s death it was exemplified in Latin, and sealed with Fastolf’s seal, and by whom? And whether the Latin contained more or less than the English? Who exhibited the English will in audience of Canterbury? Was it the true will, or was it written and sealed after Fastolf’s death?--Soon after Fastolf’s death the said parchment was exhibited to Paston by Howes and Worcester. It afterwards remained in the keeping of Howes and Paston, and has since been exhibited in the audience of Canterbury. It was not translated into Latin after Fastolf’s death, nor sealed, to Paston’s knowledge. Does not know any will, Latin or English, to have been sealed after Fastolf’s death.

5. Whether Paston exhibited any English will sealed in the audience of Canterbury?--The note made in June contained an article relative to Fastolf’s college, and lands in Norfolk and Suffolk granted conditionally on their being refused by Paston. When Paston went to London, and after a time Worcester came to him, Worcester told him this note was put in parchment and sealed, with the other articles, by advice of Master John Brakley, about the beginning of July. William Bukman, now Abbot of Wymondham, then Prior of Yarmouth, was present when it was sealed, and named as a witness. He and Thomas Ingham reported that Fastolf told them at the time it was his will that Paston should have those things he had granted at the time of the seisin of the said feoffment delivered, whatever was written in the parchment. The said parchment (English) remains in the court. As to the Latin, Fastolf made on paper a schedule of executors for the Latin parchment, and told Paston and Howys that he did not mean all the executors to have administration of his goods. He also told Paston, Bracley, and Clement Felmyngham, after Paston returned from London, that he was informed the Latin will gave equal powers to all the executors, which he never intended. Fastolf made his last will in November, not altogether the same.

6. Who kept Fastolf’s seal of arms and signet after his death, how long did it remain whole, and how many writings did Paston seal with them?--At Fastolf’s death his seal was in a purse sealed with his signet, and placed in a chest. The signet was on his finger at death, but was afterwards placed in the chest in presence of deponent and Thomas Howys, Master John Bracley, Master Clement Felmyngham, and three servants of Fastolf’s chamber, and sealed with the seals of deponent, Howys, and others. The chest remained in Fastolf’s chamber, sometimes in custody of his servants, and sometimes in that of Howys. Afterwards the seals were placed in a white box sealed in the presence of divers men in the hall of the manor, which box was delivered along with certain rings to John Stokys, who opened the box, and after inspecting the seals and rings, sealed it up again and delivered it to Roger Malmesbury, in whose custody they now remain. This deponent sealed nothing with them.

7. Whether, after Fastolf’s death, Paston or any other wrote on a schedule of paper a certain grant or bargain, viz., that Paston should have Fastolf’s lands and tenements in Norfolk, Suffolk, and Norwich, for 4000 marks, and that Paston and Howys should have sole administration of his goods so long as Paston was alive; and whether after Fastolf’s death it was so recently written that Paston, to dry the writing, scattered ashes over it? And if he say it was written during Fastolf’s life, by whom was it written? By himself, or John Russe, or Friar Brakley, or whom? And how long before Fastolf’s death, and in whose presence? And whether that sum was specified in the schedule or a blank left for it? And whether the contents of this schedule were extracted and put in a new one? and by whom was that written? Whether by J. Russe? And what time elapsed between the two writings? And whether the second schedule contained more than the first, and what the additional matter was, and by whom added? And whether this asserted will of Fastolf, made, as Paston pretends, on Saturday, 3 Nov. 1459, was extracted or imagined from the contents of the said bills, or either of them? And what was the matter in the said will added to the matters in the schedules? And how long it was before the said pretended will could be formed to the satisfaction of John Paston?

For two years before his death Fastolf had granted that Paston should have the above lands after his death, without any condition, but for the purpose that he should found a college at Caister of seven monks or priests, and pay 5000 marks to be distributed for the soul of Sir John Fastolf; and about that time he enfeoffed Paston and others in the said lands, declaring that that enfeoffment was to the use of the said Sir John for life, and afterwards of Paston. After this, viz., in the said month of June, Fastolf made the said articles in certain paper notes in Latin and English. Master John Brakley kept copies, which he showed to Paston after his return to London. After that, viz., in September and October, Fastolf several times requested Paston to engross the agreements made between them about the college, saying he would remit to him 1000 marks of the said 5000 marks. And in October and November he recited in certain writings that in order that he might not be disquieted with worldly affairs he had bargained with this deponent that he should have the control of all his lands from which any profit might be derived in England, and of the households and foreign expenses belonging to him, so that he should put aside as much of his dues as he could spare for the college; and that he should have all his lands in Norfolk, Suffolk, and Norwich, for 4000 marks, which he was to pay on certain stated days to Fastolf’s executors for the benefit of his soul. Two paper writings were made of the premises, one by the hand of Paston and the other by Mr. John Brakley, which are severally remaining with them. This agreement Brakley, by Fastolf’s order, got written out in parchment indented, and read to Fastolf, who sealed it in his presence as Brakley reported to Paston. Afterwards, another of the said writings was read to Fastolf in the presence of Paston, Brakley, Mr. Clement Felmyngham, and others, several times in October and November. Comments were made on the reading of it by Fastolf on one occasion, when he said a certain clause was not consistent with his intention, which was that Paston and Howys should be sole administrators of his goods, and that as to his lands in Norfolk, Suffolk, and Norwich, and the college to be founded, he would dispose of them according to his agreement with Paston,--the master to have a stipend of £10, and each of the fellows of 10 marks, and that seven poor men should be found with 40s. a year each, as stated in the will. Fastolf desired his will dated in June to be corrected in these particulars, and written anew by Walter Shipdam, for whom he frequently sent on this business. Meanwhile Brakley and Paston wrote another paper in English as a memorial of Fastolf’s intention, of which deponent delivered a copy under his own hand in Court. The last two lines this deponent wrote and dried with ashes in presence of Thomas Howys. The will of 14 June and that exhibited by Paston and Howys differ little or nothing in effect, except in these articles touching the college, and the sole administration given to Paston and Howys.

As to new writings after Fastolf’s death. Brakley translated those words about the sole administration from English into Latin, partly before his death and partly after. After Fastolf’s death Paston, Howys, and Brakley caused the said Walter Shipdam to put into form (_fecerunt dictum W. S. formare_) the last will and testament of the said Fastolf, both of the said college and of the said single administration (_de dicta singulari administratione_), and of other things in the will of June not contrary to his last will and declaration, of which several writings were drawn by Shipdam, first in paper and afterwards in parchment. As to the writing of the agreements, Brakley kept it during Fastolf’s whole life, and a year after, and a copy remained with this deponent after Fastolf’s death; at which time deponent and Howys were sitting in the hall of the manor of Caister at supper when William Worcester came into the hall, and Paston and Howys, rising from supper, had a talk with Clement Felmyngham, John Brakley, and William Worcester, immediately after Fastolf’s death. At that time, by the advice of Brakley, a copy of the agreement was delivered to William Worcester, at his request, folded up and sealed that night by Brakley, Clement Felmyngham, and Howys. It remained in Worcester’s keeping till he rode to London, and then he left it with the said Master John Brakley, Clement Felmyngham, and Thomas Howys. Its tenor was transcribed on parchment by Shipdam shortly afterwards.

[Footnote 181.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] Among the Paston MSS. in
the British Museum is a small volume (Addit. MS. 27,450) of 132
pages, with a contemporary parchment cover, consisting entirely of
examinations of witnesses touching Sir John Fastolf’s Will. It is
in two parts, separated by a blank page, the first containing the
depositions of John Paston, taken in 1465, and the second those of
the witnesses brought forward by Yelverton and Worcester, which
were taken in 1466. We give here the substance of Part I. only. An
abstract of Part II. will be found under its proper date.]

[[and afterwards of Paston. _final . invisible_]]

607

JOHN PASTON THE YOUNGEST TO MARGARET PASTON[185.1]

_To my mastras, Margaret Paston, be this deliveryd in hast, at London._

[Sidenote: 1465 / SEPT. 14]

Aftyr all humbyll and most dwe recomendacion, as lowly as I can, I beseche yow of your blyssyng. Plesyt yow to wet that I have sent to my fadyr to have an answer of syche maters as I have sent to hym for in hast, of whyche matyrs the grettest of substans is for the maner of Cotton, besechyng yow to remembyr hym of the same mater, that I may have an answer in the most hasty wyse.

Also I pray yow that myn Ante Poonyngys[185.2] may be desyiryd to send me an answer of syche materys as sche wotyth of, by hym that schall brynge me an answer of the mater of Cotton.

Also, modyr, I beseche yow that ther may be purveyd some meane that I myth have sent me home by the same mesenger ij. peyir hose, j. peyir blak and an othyr payir roset, whyche be redy made for me at the hosers with the crokyd bak, next to the Blak Freyrs Gate, within Ludgate; John Pampyng knowyth hym well jnow I suppose. And [_if_] the blak hose be payid for he wyll send me the roset un payd for. I beseche yow that this ger be not forget, for I have not an hole hose for to doon; I trowe they schall cost both payr viij_s._

My brodyr[186.1] and my sustyr Anne,[186.2] and all the garyson of Heylysdon fare well, blyssyd be God, and recomand hem to yow everychon.

I pray yow voysyt the Rood of Northedor[186.3] and Seynt Savyour, at Barmonsey,[186.4] amonge whyll ye abyd in London, and lat my sustyr Margery[186.5] goo with yow to pray to them that sche may have a good hosbond or sche com hom ayen; and now I pray yow send us some tydyngys as ye wer wonte to comand me; and the Holy Trinyte have yow in kepyng, and my fayir mastras of the Fleet. Wretyn at Norwyche on Holy Rood Daye.

Your sone and lowly servaunt,

J. PASTON THE YOUNGEST.

[Footnote 185.1: [From Fenn, iv. 224.] It appears by Letter 610
following that Margaret Paston was in London in September 1465.
This letter must therefore have been written in that year.]

[Footnote 185.2: Elizabeth Paston, now widow of Robert Poynings;
afterwards married to Sir George Brown of Betchworth Castle,
Surrey.]

[Footnote 186.1: Sir John Paston.--F.]

[Footnote 186.2: Anne Paston, afterwards the wife of William
Yelverton.--F.]

[Footnote 186.3: The Cross at the north door of St. Paul’s.]

[Footnote 186.4: The Abbey of Saint Saviour at Bermondsey, in
Surrey, was founded in 1081, 15th William the Conqueror, by Alwin
Child of London; it was surrendered in 1539, 31 Hen. VIII., when
it was pulled down, and a Fair House built on the site by Sir
Thomas Pope, Knight.--F.]

[Footnote 186.5: Margery Paston; she afterwards married Richard
Calle.--F.]

608

ANONYMOUS TO MARGARET PASTON[186.6]

_To my mestresse, Margaret Paston by thys letter delivered._

[Sidenote: 1465 / SEPT. (?)]

Please your good mastreschep to have knowlage that as thys day was Master Stevyn of Norwich at Caster, and ther he told me he was yesterday at Hoxhon with the Byschop of Norwych; and ther he seythe that ther is gret labor mad be Master Phylyp[186.7] and be the baly of Cossey; in so moche ther is mad a comission on to Master John Salet and Master Robert Ipyswell for an inquerry that the parson[187.1] that my master[187.2] mad last at Drayton ys deed, as they sey, and in so moche they purpose to put in the parson of Felthorp, as he hard sey, for the Duk of Suffolk. And thes he thynkyth it were a gret urt to my master tytyll. And also another inquerry howe [_who_] ys patorne of the seyd chyrche; and thys is leke to come in revelicion but yf [_unless_] ther be gret labore mad to morowe be tymys and that ye have a man at Hoxhon in all hast for a newe comicion; and in that commysion Master Stevyn wold that ye shuld have Master Jon Salet, Master Symond Thornaham, Master Nicholl Stanton. And that it be mad be the avice of Master Jon Bulman; for he told Master Stevyn he wold do for you that he may, in so moche Master Stevyn hathe promyssyd hym a nobyll; and so the seyd Master Stevyn wold ye shuld send hym a letter and late hym have knolage that Master Stevyn shall reward hym that he shall hold hym pleasyd.

Item, a told me that a sent a letter to Sir William Maryys of all this mater yesterday, weder ye have er not he can not sey, but in noo wyse that ye dyskure not Master Stevyn, for he wold not for an C_li._ that it ware knowe that ye knewe ther of by hym, for he seythe gold gothe gret plenty at Hoxhon on ther part. And yf it be labord be tymys it may be remevyd to Caunterbury. Also yet it is good to send to Norwich to the seyd Sir William for the letter ar the massanger goth, &c.

[Footnote 186.6: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter was probably
written about or before the beginning of September 1465, as the
proceedings of Salet and Ipyswell on the commission of inquiry
here referred to are alluded to in a letter of Margaret Paston to
her husband on the 27th of that month.]

[Footnote 186.7: Doubtless Philip Lipgate.]

[Footnote 187.1: This must be John Flowerdew, presented by John
Paston and Thomas Howes in 1461.]

[Footnote 187.2: John Paston.]

609

JOHN PASTON TO MARGARET PASTON[188.1]

_To my Cosyn Margret Paston._

[Sidenote: 1465 / SEPT. [21]]

Myn owne dere sovereyn lady, I recomaund me to yow, and thank yow of the gret chere that ye mad me here to my gret cost and charge and labour. No more at thys tyme, but that I pray yow ye woll send me hedir ij. clue of worsted[188.2] for dobletts, to happe me thys cold wynter; and that ye inquere where William Paston bought his tepet of fyne worsted, whech is almost like silk, and if that be mech fyner thanne that he shuld bye me after vij. or viij.^s., thanne by me a quarter and the nayle therof for colers, thow it be derer thanne the tother, for I wold make my doblet all worsted for worship of Norffolk, rather thanne like Gonnores doblet.

Item, as for the mater of the ix.^{xx.}_li._ askyd by my Lady of Bedford[188.3] for the maner of Westthirrok, where as Sir Thomas Howes saith that he hath no wrytyng therof, but that Sir John Fastolf purchased the seid maner, and payd serteyn money in ernest, and aftirward graunted his bargeyn to the Duc of Bedford, and so the money that he toke was for the mony that he had payd. Peraventure Sir Thomas hath writyng therof, and knowyth it not; for if ther be any such mony payd upon any bargeyn he shall fynd it in Kyrtlyngs bocks that was Sir John Fastolfs reseyver, and it was abought such tyme as the Duc of Bedford was last in Inglond, whech, as it is told me, was the viij. yere of Kyng Herry the fift, or the viij. yere of Kyng Herry the sext, and the somme that he payd for the seid bargeyn was CCC. marks. Also he shall fynd, the xxij. yere of Kyng Herry or ther abought, in the acompts of on of Fastolfs Reseyvors at London, that ther was take of Sir Thomas Tyrell, and of the Duchesse of Excestre,[189.1] that was wif to Sir Lowes John, fermours of the seid maner, serteyn mony for repayment of part of the seid CCC. marks. Also he shall fynd in yeres after that, or in that yere, or ther aboutes, that Sir John Fastolf reseyved mony of my Lord Revers[189.2] that now is, by the name of Richard Wydevile, for his owne dette dew to Sir John Fastolf; wherfore, if Sir Thomas be trewe to his master, lete hym do his devoir to make that Worseter, whech is uphold be hym with the deds goods, to be trewe to his master, or ellis it is tyme for Sir Thomas to forsake hym, and helpe to punyssh hym, or men mast sey that Sir Thomas is not trewe; and more over lete Sir Thomas examine what he can fynd in this mater that I sent hym werd of, whech mater he shall fynd in the seid Reseyvours bocks, if he list to seke it.

Item, on the day after your departyng, I reseyved letters by Will. Ros from your sones to me, and to yow, and to Ric. Calle, &c.

Item, I shall telle you a tale,
Pampyng and I have picked your male[190.1]
And taken out pesis[190.2] v.,
For upon trust of Calles promise, we may soon onthryve;
And, if Calle bryng us hedir xx_li._,
Ye shall have your peses ayen, good and round;
Or ellis, if he woll not pay yow the valew of the peses, there
To the post do nayle his ere;
Or ellis do hym some other wrongs,
For I will no nore in his defaut borough;
And but if the reseyvyng of my livelod be better plyed
He shall Crists ours and mine clene tryed;[190.3]
And loke ye be mery and take no thought,
For thys ryme is cunnyngly wrought.
My Lord Persy[190.4] and all this house
Recomaund them to yow, dogge, catte, and mowse,
And wysshe ye had be here stille,
For the sey ye are a good gille.[190.5]
No more to you at this tyme,
But God hym save that mad this ryme.
Wret the of Sent Mathe,[190.6]
Be yowr trew and trustie husband, J. P.

[Footnote 188.1: [From Fenn, iv. 90.] From the mention of ‘this
cold winter’ at the beginning of this letter we might naturally
suppose that the feast ‘of Sent Mathe,’ on or about which it was
written, was that of St. Matthias, which occurs on the 24th of
February. But we believe the day of St. Matthew to have been
intended, so that the expression must have had reference to some
unusually cold weather in September. It is clear from the contents
of the letter that Margaret Paston had recently been with her
husband in London, and had just left him in company with Richard
Calle on her return towards Norfolk. Letters for her and Richard
Calle had arrived from her two sons since they departed. Now the
only time, so far as I can find, that Margaret Paston ever visited
her husband in London--at all events when her sons were grown
up--was in September 1465; and on that occasion Calle was with
her, and everything else agrees. Indeed, no one can doubt that the
latter portion of the letter immediately following was written in
answer to this letter.]

[Footnote 188.2: Worsted is a small market-town in the most east
part of the county of Norfolk, formerly famous for the manufacture
of those stuffs which still bear its name, and of which, for the
worship of Norfolk, J. Paston desired his doublet to be made.--F.]

[Footnote 188.3: Jaquetta, daughter of Peter of Luxembourg, Earl
of Saint Pol, was the second wife of John, Duke of Bedford, the
Regent of France during Henry VI.’s minority. She was married to
him in 1433, and after his decease, in 1435, she became the wife
of Sir Richard Wydvile, and died in 1472.]

[Footnote 189.1: Anne, eldest daughter of John Montacute, third
Earl of Salisbury, married, 1st, Sir Richard Hankford, Knight;
2ndly, Sir Lewis John, Knight (whose will was proved in 1442); and
3rdly, John Holland, who was created Duke of Exeter 6th January
1443, and died in 1446. Fenn erroneously supposed the lady to have
been the widow of Thomas Beaufort, a previous Duke of Exeter, who
died in 1426. This Beaufort, Duke of Exeter, married Margaret,
daughter and heir of Sir Thomas Nevill, but his wife did not
survive him, as Fenn supposed, for at his death he was found to
have been tenant of her lands for life by the law of England.
Fenn’s note on this passage is, however, so interesting that we
must quote a part of it. Beaufort, Duke of Exeter, was buried in
the Abbey of Bury St. Edmunds. ‘On digging,’ he says, ‘amongst the
ruins of this Abbey, the body of the Duke was found, on the 20th
of February 1772, wrapt in lead, and entire. The face, hair, and
every part were perfect, and the flesh solid, but being exposed to
the air, the body soon became offensive . . . . . I procured some
of the hair, which was of a fine brown colour, and very
flexible.’]

[Footnote 189.2: Sir Richard Wydvile, in 1448, was created Baron
Rivers of Grafton, in Northamptonshire, and elected a Knight of
the Garter. His daughter Elizabeth afterwards became the Queen of
Edward IV., who then advanced her father to the dignity of Earl
Rivers. He was seized by the Lancaster mutineers, and beheaded at
Banbury in 1469.--F.]

[Footnote 190.1: Male, or Mail, is a trunk or portmanteau. It is
to be observed that in the original letter the verses do not
finish the line but are written as prose.--F.]

[Footnote 190.2: Pieces of money.]

[Footnote 190.3: I do not understand this line.--F. Surely ‘ours’
must be a misreading of ‘curs’ (curse)?]

[Footnote 190.4: Henry, Lord Percy, son and heir of Henry Percy,
Earl of Northumberland, who was killed at the Battle of Towton in
1461, by Eleanor, granddaughter and heir of Robert, Lord Poynings.

His father having been attainted, he continued to be called Lord
Percy; but he was afterwards fully restored both in blood and
title.]

[Footnote 190.5: An agreeable companion.--F.]

[Footnote 190.6: St. Matthew’s Day is the 21st September.]

610

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[191.1]

[Sidenote: 1465 / SEPT. 27]

Ryght wourchipful husbonde, I recomaunde me to yow, dyssyryng hertely to here of yowr welfare, thankyng yow of yowr grett chere that ye made me, and of the coste that ye dede on me. Ye dede more cost thanne my wylle was that ye choulde do, but that it plesyd yow to do so, God gyf me grase to do that may plese yow. Plesyt yow to wet that on Fryday after myn departyng frome yow I was at Sudbury and spake with the schreve, and Ric. Calle toke hym the ij. writts, and he brake them, and Ric. hathe the copes of them;

[Sidenote: Vic. Norfolk pro ovibus.]

and he seyde he wolde send the writts to hys undre-schryf and a leter therwyth, chargyng hym that he schowlde do ther ine as largely as he owt to do.

[Sidenote: Answer of the writts and of the replevyn.]

And I and Ric. informyd hym of the demenyng of hys undrchryf, how parciall he hade be with the other partye, bothe in that mater, and also for the accionnys beyng in the scher; and he was nothyng wel plesyd of the demenyng of hys undreschef, and he hat wretyn to hym that he choulde be indeferent for bothe partyes acordyng to the lawe, bothe for that materys and for alle other. What the undreschryf wylle do therin I wot ner, for he is not yet spokyn with.

[Sidenote: Margareta Paston intravit manerium Cotton die Dominica proxima ante festum Michaelis.]

Item, as for Cotton, I entryd in to the plase as on Sunday last was, and ther I abode tyll un Wednysday last pasyd. I have left ther John Paston the yonger, Wykes, and other xij. men for to receive the profyttes of the maner; and ayenst the day of kepyng of the corte, I hope ther shall be more to streynkyth them, yf it nede. John Paston hath be with my lorde of Norfolk seyth [_since_] we entryd, and dyssyryd his good lorchyp to streynth hym with hys howsolde men and other yf nede be; and he hath promysyd he would do so.

[Sidenote: I thank yow of your demenyng at Cotton.]

And I sent Ric. Calle on Tusday to Knevett, dysyryng hym that he woulde sende to hys baley and tenaunts at Mendlesham, that thei choulde be redy to come to John Paston whan he sent for them; and he sent a man of his forthwith, chargyng them in aney wyse that they choulde do so.

[Sidenote: Remembir Nakton.]

And he sent me wourde be Ric. and hys sonne also, yf wee were not stronge inough, that owther he or hys sonne, or bothe yf nede were, would come with suche feleschipp as they coude gett abowt them, and that thei woulde do as feythfully as they kowde for yow, bothe in that mater and in alle other.

Item, on Saterday last was, Jenney ded warne a corte at Calcotte to be holde ther in hys name as on Tusday last was, and Debenham de[d] charge another court ther the Sunday next after to be holde ther the same Tusday in hys name. And Daubeney had knowleche ther of, and he dede send on Sunday at nyght to yowr elder sonne, for to have some men fro thens; and so he sent Wykes and Bernay to hym on Monday in the mornyng.

[Sidenote: Mokenge of Jenney and Debenham at Calcotes the Tuisday next bifore Sen Migchell.]

And assone as thei were come to Castre thei sent for men ther in the contre, and so they gett them in to a iij.^xx. men; and Daubeney and Wekes and Bernay rod to Calcott the same Munday at nyght with ther felechyp, and ther kept them prevye in the pl[a]se, so that non of alle the tenaunts kneue them ther, saf Rysyngs wyff and her howsolde, tylle the Theusday at x. of the cloke.

[Sidenote: Now your cost is doon, consideryng your frends be corayges and your enemyes discoraged, gadir up the profits in all goodly hast, and that I may see acompt for this trobill tyme.]

And than Sir Thomas Brews, Debunham the fadre,[192.1] and the knyt hys sonne,[192.2] Jenney, Mykelfylde younger, Jermyn, and younge Jernyngham, and the Baley of Motforde, with other to the noumbre of a iij.^xx. persones, coum fro the sessionnys at Becklys, the whech thei hade keppt ther on the day byfor, coume to Seynt Olevys, and ther thei teryed and dynyd. And whan thei had dynyd, Sir Gylberde Debenham came to Calcott with xx. hors for to wett what felechipp ther was in the plase. And than Wekes aspyed them commyng; and he and Bernay and ij. with them rode owt to a’ spoke with them. And whan Sir Gilberd aspyd them comyng, he and his felechipp flede and rode ayen to Seynt Olovys. And than they sent young Jernyngham and the Baley of Mottforde to yowr men lettyng hem wete that the Justice of the Pese wer coum doune with Debunham and Jenney, to se that the pese choulde be kepte, and that thei choulde entre and kepe the courte in pesible wyse. And yowr men answeryd and seyd that they knewe no man was possessyd ther in, ner hade no ryght therin but ye, and so in your name, and in your ryght they seyd they woulde kepyt. And so they yede ayen with thys answer, and wer put fromme ther purp[o]se that day. And all the tenaunts bestes wer put fro Calcalcott[193.1] fee, and challe be tylle other remedy maye be hadde. Yowr men woulde not kepe ther a cort that daye by cause it was warnyd by the tother parte, but we wyl do warne a corte and kepyt, I hope in hast. Ye wyll laugh for to here alle the processe of the demenyng ther, wheche wer to longe to writt at thys tyme.

[Sidenote: Veneat (_sic_) Barney.]

Bernay challe telle yow whane he come; but he challe not come to yow tylle after Seynt Feythesmesse,[193.2] that he maye bryng yow answeres of other materys.

[Sidenote: Cessiones Norwici et Dunwici Martis proximo post festum Michelis.]

It is tolde me the sessionys choulle be her at Norwiche on Tusday next comyng, and in Suffolk the Sessionys challe be the same Tusday owther at Dounwyche or at Ypswyche. I suppose ther challe be labowr ayenst soume of our folks ther, but we cholle assay to lete ther pourpose yf we maye.

[Sidenote: De prudencia custodiendi Heylesdon.]

It is tolde me yf ther hade no folks a’ be left here in thys plase whyll I have be owt, they choulde a’ be neue masters her by thys tyme; therfor it is not good to leve it alone yett.

[Sidenote: Tenentes comitis Oxoniæ pro custodia Cotton.]

Item, Arblaster hathe sent a letter to myn Lorde of Oxenefords tenaunts that be nerrest abowt Cotton to help John Paston yf they be sent to, &c.

[Sidenote: Episcopus Norwici pro ecclesia de Drayton.]

Item, I was thys daye with myn Lorde of Norwyche at Thorppe, and informyd hym of the demenyng of the mater for Drayton chyrche, and of alle the demenyng and parcialte of Master John Solatt and Ypswell; and also I informyd what disposission that they were of that were upon the quest.

[Sidenote: Lete yowr counsell comone with hym, but thei may sey they knowe not myn evidens nor titell,]

And in good feyth me thynkyth by hym that he is ryght ille plesyd that the mater was so gydyt. He seyde to me ryght pleynly that the Jugis dede not therin as thei owght to do, and he seyd thowe I hadde hade noo councell, the he howght of ryght to have assyngyd me councell suche as I hadde dyssyrid; but he seyde he wyst well he dede in that mater as he have do in other materys byfor. Me thynkyth by suche thynges I harde ther that the seyd Master John ner the tother is not grettly in conseyt at thys tyme; and so tolde me Aschefylde in councell.

[Sidenote: ner have no mor to do by my writynge that I sent yow thanne to avyse hough I shall take myn accion, and that in that accion I have as good titell as my Lord of Norwich hath to the chirch of Thorp.]

What the cause was he myght have no leyser to telle me. I mevyd my lorde in the mater acordyng to the intent of yowr wrytyng yf aney axcion wer take; and he seyd feythefully yf it myght prevayle yow, he woulde with ryght good wylle that it choulde be doo; and ellys he woulde not in noo wyse that it choulde be doo. And he dyssyryde me to sende to hym suche as be of yowr councell lernyd, that they myght comune with hym therin, for he seyd he woulde not ye choulde take non axcion therin withowt it myght provayle. He was well payed that I tolde hym that ye woulde not do therin withowt hys knowleche and assent; and he seyd he woulde do therin as he woulde do yf the mater wer hys owne. Be avyse of yowr councell, I purpose to sende Loumnowr and Playter to commone with hym therin. He seyd he woulde feyne that ye wer owt of troble; and he seyd, yf he myght doo owght to helppe yow forwarde in aney of yowr materys, he swore by heys feythe he wode do hys parte feythfully therin.

[Sidenote: Episcopus apud London.]

He purp[o]syd to be at London thys terme, and thanne he seyd he woulde speke with yow of maney thyngs; he wycheyd herteley that he myght have spoke with yow on owr. He mevyd to me of a mater of a jentyllman of Cornale.

[Sidenote: Cornwayle]

He seyd he woulde speke with yow therof her after; yf it myght be browt to, it myght do meche good in maney thyngis. I harde yow onys speke of the same; ye tolde me ye hade be mevyd to therof by other.

Item, I received at letter frome yow yesterday, wherof I thanke yow hertely, and I praye yow that I maye be as ye writt. And as for suche materys as Sir Thomas Howys choulde be spoke to for[194.1] I sent Ric. Calle this day to speke with hym, but he myght not speke with hym; but as hastely as I may I challe do myn parte to spede the erands and other.

[Sidenote: Ecclesia de Mautby.]

It is tolde me that Sir Thomas wyll ressyng Mautby chyrche, and yf it plesyd yow to geve it to on Sir Thomas Lyndis, I truste verely that ye choulde leke hym ryght well, for he is rit a prystly man and vertusly dysposyd. I have knowe hym this xx. yer and mor; he was brother to the goode parsone of Seynt Michellys that ye lovyd ryght well; and yf he myght havyt he woulde kepe an howsolde therupon and bylde (?) well the plase (?); and therof have it grete nede, for it is now rit evyll reparyd, and I wott well he woll be rulyd and gydyt as ye wyll have hym.

[Sidenote: Wursted.]

I praye yow, yf it plese yow that he have it, that it lekyth yow to sende me an answer by the berrer herof.

Item, I have do spoke for yowr worstede[195.1] but ye may not have it tylle Halowmesse; and thane I am promysyd ye challe have as fyne as maye be made. Ric. Calle challe bryng it up with hym.

Wretyn the Fryday next before Michelmas day.

[Footnote 191.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter is apostyled
in the handwriting of John Paston, and numbered ‘IIII.’ at the
head, showing that it is of the same sequence as the next, which
is numbered ‘V.’ and dated on the very same day. In fact, the
latter is clearly nothing but a postscript to this, and bears the
address upon the back, which this does not.]

[Footnote 192.1: Gilbert Debenham, senior, Esq.]

[Footnote 192.2: Sir Gilbert Debenham.]

[Footnote 193.1: So in MS.]

[Footnote 193.2: 6th October.]

[Footnote 194.1: _See_ No. 609.]

[Footnote 195.1: _See_ No. 609, p. 188, Note 2.]

611

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[195.2]

_To my ryght worschipfull husbond, John Paston, in haste._

[Sidenote: To get a copy [of] that he hath . . hed; notwithstandyng [I] wote well thei have found non such evidens as ye wene.]

Item, it was tolde me thys day that Master John Salatt hathe made a serge in the regestre this monethe aftre the wylles and testements or suche as hought the maners of Heylesdon and Drayton this c. yere, and be that hathe they founde suche evidence as schal be gret strenghthyng to the Duks tittle, as it is seide. I undrestonde verely that Mastre John Salet is all on that partye, and no thyng with you.

Item, as for the bill that ye sent to Sir Thomas Howys touchyng on Edmond Carvyll and on Fraunces, I wote ner whether he had hem or nought, for he is not spoken with yett in the maters. As wee spede owr materys, we chall sende yow answers of them as hastely as we maye. At the reverense of God, spede ye yowr materys that ye maye come owte of that loggyng that ye ar in as hastely as ye maye, for I have non fansey with some of the felechipp. I tolde yow, as me thowth, I praye yow be ware, &c.

I praye yow yf it plese yow that I may be recommaundyd to my Lorde Percy, and to myn mastres, and to my Lorde Abott. And I pray God bryng yow and them owt of troble, and send yow good spede in alle yowr materys. Wretyn in hast, the Fryday next afor Michellmes.

Be yowr,

M. P.

Yf it plese yow to send aney thyng by the berer herof, he is trusty inough.

[Footnote 195.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter is apostyled
in the handwriting of John Paston, and numbered ‘V’ at the head.
As it refers to Paston’s dispute with the Duke of Suffolk about
the manors of Hellesden and Drayton, it must belong to the year
1465. The reader will also perceive that it contains an allusion
to John Paston’s imprisonment in the Fleet, and to my Lord Percy,
who is mentioned in Letter 609, and who must have been a
fellow-prisoner of Paston’s.]

612

SIR JOHN PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[196.1]

_[To] his ryght worschypful [fa]dre John Paston, beyng [in t]he Flete at London, be thys delyvered._

Ryght Worschypful Syr, in the most lowly wyse I recomand me to you. Pleasyth it you to wet that I sente you a letter but late agoo, in whych letter I lete you have understondyng that if it pleasyd yow to grante and assente therto, Syr Thomas Howes wolde resyngne the benefyse of Mawteby to a ful prestly man of Norwych callyd Sir Thomas Lyndys, whom I suppose ye have knolech of. Neverthelesse I wote wele he hath not ben grettly aquentyd with you. But I and he have ben moch aquentyd to geder, and I understond and knowe hys vertews levyng and dysposicion ryght wele; whyche heraffter, I wote wele, sholde please you ryght wele. And that letter whyche I sente you as I understode syns Nycholas Calman the berer ther of came not owte of Norwych iiij. or v. dayes after that the bylle was delyveryd hym; wherefor I am in dowte whyther it is come to your handes.

Whych causyth me to wryght to you ageyn in thys wyse, besechyng yow, if it plese yow that the seyd Sir Thōs Lyndys schal be of your promotynge in the wyse above wretyn that there it lyke you that I may have answer by the berer herof; whych schal tary at London a day or ij., and not passynge. No more to yow at thys tyme, but Alle myghty God have yow in guydynge. Wretyn at Heylesdon the Fryday next byfore Seynt Mychell.

By yowr older sone,

JOHN PASTON.

[Footnote 196.1: [MS. in Pembroke College, Cambridge.] This
letter, as will be seen, was written in 1465 on the same day as
Margaret Paston’s two letters, Nos. 610, 611.]

[[and not passynge. _final . invisible_]]

613

SIR JOHN PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[197.1]

_To my ryth reverrend and worchepfull fadre, John Paston, be thys delyveryd._

[Sidenote: 1465 / OCT. 3]