Chapter IV: Letter 944: , p. 11, note 2 (3)

For as meche as it is merytory to wytnesse and testyfy the treuth in materes dowtabill or beyng in varyaunce, whan ony persons is lefully ther to requyred, It is so that I, the seid William Barker, was late howshold servaunte be the space of xxj. yere with Sir John Fastolf, Knyght, dyssesid, and had wedded Annes, late dyssesid, that was the hoole syster, bothe on to Sir Thomas Howes, clerk, dyssesid, and also hoole syster to Isabell, modyr to the seid Margret Wyssetyr, which forseid Thomas Howys and William Wyssetyr were bothe howshold servauntes many yerys to the seid Sir John Fastolf, and were with hym in such syngler trust that he made them bothe his feoffes in alle his landes with in the reame of Ynglond, and also his exsecutores: Be it knowen to alle maner persons that we, the seid William Barker and Margret Wyssetyr, testyfy, depose, and wytnesse for trouthe that we have full serteyn prof and knowlache that William Paston, of the seid counte of Norffolk, jentylman, was kynnysman unto the seid Sir John Fastolf, and was with hym in ryght syngler gode favour and trust; wherupon the seid Sir John Fastolf made the seid William Paston one of his seid feoffes in all his seyd maneres, londes, and tenementes, rentes, and servyces with in this seid reame of Ynglond, and made this seid William prevy to many of his materys of gret charge, and putt the seid William Paston to many lawbores in his lyf, which the seid William Paston ded of gode love and kynd dysposycion, for he never had of the seid Sir John Fastolf fee ne reward in hys lyf; notwithstondyng he had for the seid Syr John Fastolf and for his materes many grete lawboures, costes, jornays, and besynesse in the lyf of the seid Sir John Fastolf, and ded for hym many kynd dedes at his owne charge, for the which the seid Sir John, and he had contenuyd lyff, wold have largely have recompensed. And also the seid William Paston had, aftir the desesse of the seid Sir John Fastolf, at the desyr and instans of the exsecutores of the seid Syr John, had many gret lawboures, costes, and jurnays to his gret peyne, as well in rydyng to London many and sundry tymes, contenuyng many yeres to help suche materes as were devysyd ayens the seid exsecutors, and also to answer to suche accions and sutys and byll putt into the Kynges Chauncery, wherupon wryttes of _subpena_ dyvers and many tymes made upon gret peynys were delyvered to the seid William to appere in the Kynges Chauncery, which were taken be gret astates and be suche myghty persons as wold have recoveryd the lond wrongfully, and thus trobelyd the seid William Paston, be cause he was a feffee, and taryd hym there and his councell to his gret inportunabill charges. Wherupon we, the seid William Barker and Margret Wyssetyr depose, wytnesse, and be this present sertyfye for trouthe that we war present whan the seid Sir Thomas Howys and William Wyssetyr, in parcell of recompens of suche forseid lawbours and costes as the seid William Paston had had, as wele in the lyfe of the seid Sir John as after his dyssese, graunted and yaf to the seid William Paston a peyer of basons coveryd of sylver of Parysh towche and over gylt, powncyd and imbossyd with rooses, and with grete large amellys [_enamels_] in the botome of bothe basons, with serteyn bestys inbossyd stondyng with inn an hegge of sylver and gylt upon the seid amellys, which bothe basons ded way of Troy weyt ix^xx. unces, and also a gredeyren of sylver of Parysse towche, not gylt, weying of Troy weyth ----[63-1] unces, and also a gret chargeour of sylver of Parysse towche, not gylt, weying of Troy weyth ----[63-1] unces, to have and to hold to the seid William, his eyres, excecutores, and assignes, as his own godes for ever. And also we wytnesse that we ware also present whan, for a serteyn som of mony to be payd be the seid William Paston, whereof a parte be comenawnt was payd be the seid William Paston to the seid Sir Thomas Howys, and a parte to on Edmond Holkham, and the remenaunt was payd to one Margret Holkham, syster to the seid Edmond; and so the seid William Paston had clerly payed all the seid mony. The seid Thomas Howse and William Wyssetyr bargayned, sold, and graunted to the seid William Paston, his eyres, exsecutores, and assignes, in fee sympille for ever, a tenement called Methis, otherwyse called Holkham, with alle the londes and tenementes, rentes and servyces, free or bond, and with all the apportenaunces ther to belongyng, in the town of Cayster ond oder townnys adjoynyng with inne the seid cownte of Norffolk, and delyvered to the seid [William] Paston and to his assignes a state of all the seid tenementes, londes, rentes, and servyces, with all the seid aportenaunces . . . . . . . sold and bargayned to the seid William Paston alle suche londes, rente, and servyces as the seid Sir John Fastolf . . . . . . . . or be the ryght of ony manere that he or ony man to his use had in possession, or that the seid Thoma[s] . . . . . . . ony other be the reson that they were feffes of trust of the seid John Fastolf had or claymed to have . . . . . . . or claymed to have to be yssant or chargeabill oute or upon the seid tenement called Methe[s] . . . . . . . . . . londes, tenementes, rentes, servyces at ony tyme afore or than longyng to the seid tenement or owt . . . . . . . a manere called Hornynghall, with the apportenaunces, late Clerys, in the seid town of Castyr, to have [and to hold to the said William] Paston, his eyres and assygnes, the seid lond, rent, and servyce for ever mor. And utterly be ther dede and . . . . . . . . . . . . . and dyscharged the seid William Paston, his eyres and his assygnes for yeldyng of payment of ony . . . . . . . . . . servyce; and also dyscharged all the seid tenement and the seid manere, and alle oder the premysses, with alle the . . . . . . . . . . as now have or shalle here aftir be possessoneres of the seid tenement or manere with the aportenaunces . . . . . . . . . . more. Alle whiche mater afore rehersid, and every parte therof, we, the seid William Barker and Margre[t Wyssetyr . . . . . . . ] trew, and we, and iche one of us, will at alle tyme be redy to wytnesse and depose the same be ony suche . . . . . . . . . persones outh to do or may do afore ony Juge Spyrytualle or Temperall as we will answer a fore God [at the dreadful] day of Dome. In wytnesse wherof we, the seid William Barker and Margret Wyssetyr, to this present have sett to our [sealles].

Wretyn the ----[64-1] day of the ----[64-1] yer of the reyn of Kyng.[64-2]

(L. S.)

(L. S.)

[Footnote 61-1: [Add. Charter 17,256, B.M.] This declaration was
drawn up after the death of William Worcester, and perhaps after
that of William Paston also. The exact date of Worcester’s death
is uncertain. We only know that he was alive as late as 1480, when
he visited Oxford on his travels and measured some of the churches
there (_see_ his _Itinerarium_, 296), and that he was dead in
Richard III.’s time. The document, however, may be conveniently
placed at the end of the reign of Edward IV. The original MS. is a
sheet of paper mutilated on the right-hand side towards the end.
The seals of William Barker and Margaret Worcester are attached by
tails of parchment to a parchment binding at the bottom. On the
back is written in a more modern hand:--‘A Testymonyall that
William Paston, Gent., was kinsman to Sir Jo. Fastolf, and other
matters within concernyng the landes somtyme Holhams in Caster,
afterwardes the sayd William Paston.’]

[Footnote 63-1: Blank in original.]

[Footnote 64-1: Blanks in MS.]

[Footnote 64-2: So in MS.]

986

ABSTRACT[65-1]

W. BARKER TO [MARGARET PASTON?]

Begs her ‘maystrasshipp’ to inform his rightworshipful master of the conduct of Master Keche at Wetyng, who on Monday means to be there with a great fellowship.

[This letter is unimportant, but as being written by William Barker
it may conveniently be placed after the last No., although probably
addressed to Margaret Paston, and if so, most likely during the life
of her husband. It appears by inquisition _post-mortem_, 1 Edw. IV.,
No. 46, that Elizabeth, Countess of Oxford, held the manor of Weting
in Feltwell of the Duke of Norfolk.]

[Footnote 65-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

987

JOHN PASTON’S BOOKS[65-2]

_The Inventory off Englysshe Boks off John . . . . . made the v. daye of Novembre, anno regni Regis E. iiij. . . . ._

1. A boke had off myn ostesse at the George . . . . off _the Dethe off Arthr begynyng at Cassab[elaun, Guy Earl of] Warwyk, Kyng Ri. Cur de Lyon, a Cronic[le] . . . . . to Edwarde the iij._, prec. . . .

2. Item, a Boke of Troylus whyche William Bra . . . . . hath hadde neer x. yer, and lent it to Dame . . . . Wyngfelde, and _ibi ego vidi_; valet . . . . .

3. Item, a blak Boke with _the Legende off Lad[ies_, _la Belle Dame] saunce Mercye_, _the Parlement off Byrd[es_, _the Temple of] Glasse_, _Palatyse and Scitacus_, _the Me[ditations of . . . . ] the Greene Knyght_; valet,--

4. Item, a Boke in preente off the Pleye off the [Chess].

5. Item, a Boke lent Midelton, and therin is _Bele Da[me sans] Mercy_, _the Parlement of Byrds_, _Balade . . . . . . off Guy and Colbronde_, _off the Goos th . . . . . _, _the Dysputson bytwyen Hope and Dyspeyr_, . . . . . . _Marchaunts_, _the Lyffe of Seynt Cry[stofer]_.

6. A reede Boke that Percyvall Robsart gaff m[e] . . . . . . . . _off the medis off the Masse_, _the Lamentacion . . . . . . . . off Chylde Ypotis_, _a Preyer to the Vernyclr_ . . . . . . . . callyd _the Abbeye off the Holy Goost_, . . . . . . . .

7. Item, in quayers:--Tully _de Senectute_ in . . . . . . . . . . wheroff ther is no mor cleer wretyn . . . . . . .

8. Item, in quayers:--Tully, or Cypio,[66-1] _de Ami[citia]_[66-2] leffte with William Worcester; valet . . . . . .

9. Item, in qwayers, a Boke of the Polecye of In . . . . .

10. Item, in qwayers, a Boke _de Sapiencia_ . . . . . . wherin the ij. parson is liknyd to Sapi[ence] . . . . .

11. Item, a Boke de Othea,[66-3] text and glose, valet . . . . . . in quayers.

* * *

Memorandum,[66-4] myn olde Boke off Blasonyngs off a[rms].

Item, the nywe Boke portrayed and blasoned.

Item, a copy off Blasonyngs off armys and th . . . names to be fownde by letter.

Item, a Boke with armys portrayed in paper . . . . .

Memorandum, my Boke of Knyghthod and the man[er] off makyng off Knyghts, off Justs, off Tor[neaments] ffyghtyng in lystys, paces holden by so[ldiers] . . . . . and chalenges, statuts off weer, and de _Regim[ine Principum]_, valet . . . . . . . . .

Item, a Boke off nyw Statuts ffrom Edward the iiij.

[Footnote 65-2: [From Fenn, ii. 300.] This is a catalogue of the
books either of John Paston the younger or of John Paston, Knight,
most probably the former, drawn up in the reign of Edward IV., but
owing to the decay of the original MS. we cannot tell in what
year. It certainly could not have been earlier than 1475, when
_The Game and Play of the Chess_ was first printed by Caxton. It
is in itself a remarkable thing that the expression ‘in print’
should have got into use even during the reign of Edward IV.; but
one may suppose that such an expression could hardly have been
current for at least a year or two after the first printed book
appeared. We therefore, without deciding the year, place the paper
at the end of King Edward’s reign.]

[Footnote 66-1: _Quære_, if Cypio is not a mistake from ‘Somnium
Scipionis,’ a piece which is usually printed with the ‘de
Amicitia,’ and probably accompanied it in this manuscript.--F.]

[Footnote 66-2: It is a curious circumstance that this book should
be here mentioned as left with William Worcester, who with the
assistance of John Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester, and John Phrea or
Free, a monk of Bristol, translated it.--F.]

[Footnote 66-3: _See_ vol. v. p. 3, Note 1.]

[Footnote 66-4: These further memoranda seem to have been added at
a later period, probably in the reign of Henry VII., as the last
entry is of ‘a book of new statutes from Edward IV.’]

[Transcriber’s Note:
In the lists of book titles, all commas are editorial (Gairdner)
but the titles are separately underlined in the MS.]

[[3. _... the Greene / Knyght_; valet,--
_“valet” printed in italic type: corrected to match MS_

5. _... saunce Mercye_, _the Parlement off ..._
_comma missing_

_... Marchaunts_, _the Lyffe of Seynt Cry[stofer]_
_text has “Marehaunts”: corrected from Fenn and MS_]]

988

VERSES BY A LADY[67-1]

_Verses written by a Lady in the reign of Henry VI. or Edward IV. to an absent Lord with whom she was in love._

My ryght good lord, most knyghtly gentyll knyght,
On to your grace in my most humbyll wyse,
I me comand, as it is dew and ryght,
Besechyng yow at leyser to advise
Upon thys byll, and pardon myn empryse,
Growndyd on foly, for lak of provydence,
On to your lordshep to wryght with owght lycence.

But wher a man is with a fevyr shake,
Now hot, now cold, as fallyth by aventure,
He in hys mynd conjecte wyll, and take
The nyghest meane to worche hys cuyre,
More pacyently hys peynys to endure;
And ryght so I, so it yow not dysplease,
Wryght in thys wyse my peynys to apease.

For when I cownt and mak a reknyng
Betwyx my lyfe, my dethe, and my desyer,
My lyfe, alas! it servyth of no thyng
Sythe with your partyng, depertyd my plesyer.
Wyshyng your presence setyth me on fyer;
But then your absence dothe my hert so cold,
That for the peyne I not[68-1] me wher to hold.

O owght on absence, ther foolys have no grace,
I mene mysylf, nor yet no wytt to gwye
Theym owt of peyne to com on to that place,
Wher as presence may shape a remedye;
For al dysease, now fye on my folye,
For I dyspeyryd am of your soone metyng,
That God I prey me to your presence bryng.

Farwell, my lord, for I may wryght no more,
So trowblyd is my hert with hevynesse;
Envye also, it grewyth me most sore,
That thys rude byll shall put hym sylf in presse[68-2]
To se your lordshepe of hys presumptuousnesse
Er I my sylf; but yett ye shall not mysse
To have my hert to for my byll, I wys.

Whyche I comytt and all my hole servyse
Into your hands, demeane it as you lyst;
Of it I kepe[68-3] to have no more franchyse
Then I hertlesse swyrly me wyst,
Savyng only that it be as tryst,[68-4]
And to yow trew as evyr was hert, and pleyn
Tyll cruell dethe depart yt up on tweyn.

Adew dysport, farwell good companye,
In all thys world ther is no joye I weene;
For ther as whyleom I sye with myn iee,
A lusty lord leepyng upon a grene,
The soyle is soole, no knyghts ther be seen,
No ladyse walk ther they wer wont to doone;
Alas, some folk depertyd hense to soone.

Some tyme also men myght a wageor make,
And with ther bowys a ffeld have it tryed,
Or at the Paame ther, ther plesure for to take,
Then wer they loose, that now stand as tyed,
I not[69-1] wher to thys world may be aplyed;
For all good cher on evyn and on morow,
Whyche then was made, now tornyth me to sorow.

[Footnote 67-1: [From Fenn, ii. 304.] It is not apparent by whom
these verses were written, or to what lord they were addressed.
They may have been from the Countess of Oxford to her husband
after he escaped abroad in 1471 (_see_ vol. v., No. 775). Or they
may have been the production of Lydgate writing in the name of a
lady parted from her lord. We place them, as Fenn did, for
convenience, at the end of the letters of Edward’s time.]

[Footnote 68-1: ‘I not’ stands for ‘I ne wot,’ or ‘I wot not,’
that is, _I know not_.]

[Footnote 68-2: Readiness.--F.]

[Footnote 68-3: I care.--F.]

[Footnote 68-4: _Quære_, whether this means _sorrowful_ or
_trusty_.--F.]

[Footnote 69-1: _See_ Note 1 on last page.]

989-991

ABSTRACTS[69-2]

The letters following are all probably of the reign of Edward IV., but their dates are quite uncertain.

[Footnote 69-2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

989.

J. PASTON [OF GELSTON] TO RICHARD CROFT

Will not venture to ride in this weather, not being well at ease. Sends three bills of John Calle and Robert Salle’s receipts and payments brought by the former. Cannot find the new fermall of Caster here, so he has given the bearer the key of his coffer at Yarmouth. If you would ride with him, I think you will find it there. Agrees to John Wynne’s bills, desiring to be allowed £5 for Byshoppis of Yarmouth, and for herring delivered to my cousin Loveday; but John Wynne must not sell my farm barley to pay them, as I wish all the barley in his charge malted for my Lord Mountjoy. I send a warrant for the sheriff to warn the persons in Flegge and Yarmouth impanelled between the King and me to be at Thetford assizes on Wednesday next. Give it to Simon Garrard.

Norwich, Wednesday.

990.

SIR THOMAS HERT TO HIS WORSHIPFUL MISTRESS, [MARGARET PASTON?]

Giving her an account of the numbers of her sheep and lambs at Sparham from Drayton and Taverham, and those with the shepherd at Heylesdon.

Heylisdon, Thursday before Lady Day the Nativity.[69-3]

[Under this letter is written in a modern hand--‘37 Hen. 6,’ but
this date is certainly too early. Thomas Hert was Vicar of Stalham
in 1482.]

[Footnote 69-3: The Nativity of St. Mary the Virgin, 8th
September.]

991.

JOHN DOWNYNG TO EDMUND PASTON

Is a simple servant of his mother and miller of Wood Mill. Complains of Will. Sybbeson, whom Edmund Paston well knows to have been ‘defawtyf in many other thyngs,’ and who embezzles wheat and rye, and prevents him getting any good of a close he holds of Paston’s mother.

North Walsham, Thursday before St. Brice.[70-1]

[Some memoranda of receipts are written across the back.]

[Footnote 70-1: St. Brice’s Day is 13th November.]

THE PASTON LETTERS

_Edward V._

992

RICHARD, DUKE OF GLOUCESTER, TO LORD NEVILL[71-1]

_To my Lorde Nevyll, in hast._

[Sidenote: 1483 / JUNE 11]

My Lorde Nevyll, I recommaunde me to you as hartely as I can; and as ever ye love me, and your awne weale and securty, and this Realme, that ye come to me with that ye may make, defensably arrayde, in all the hast that ys possyble, and that ye wyll yef credence to . . . . . Richarde Ratclyff, thys beerrer, whom I nowe do sende to you, enstructed with all my mynde and entent.

And, my lord, do me nowe gode servyce, as ye have always befor don, and I trust nowe so to remember you as shalbe the makyng of you and yours. And God sende you goode fortunes.

Wrytten att London, xj. day of Jun, with the hande of your hertely lovyng cousyn and master,

R. GLOUCESTER.

[Footnote 71-1: [From Fenn, v. 302.] This letter was not a part of
the Paston correspondence, but was printed by Fenn in the series
as a letter of much historical interest from a copy given him by
the Rev. John Brand, secretary to the Society of Antiquaries. The
following memoranda accompanied the copy:--

‘Extract from an ancient MS. of pedigrees, etc., in quarto, late
in the possession of Sir Walter Blackett, Bart., and now the
property of John Erasmus Blackett, Esq., Alderman of
Newcastle-upon-Tyne; p. 333, under title of “_A Coppie of some
Letters which were found in Rabie Castle after the Rebellion, to
shew the fashion . . . . of those times_.” The above MS. is of the
date of James I., though there are several continuations in a more
modern hand.

‘This copy has doubtless been a transcript of an original letter
of the Duke of Gloucester, afterwards King Richard III., and
written just before his seizure of the crown.

‘Raby Castle is in the county of Durham.’

Fenn adds that it does not appear clearly who this Lord Nevill
was. But as the letter was found in Raby Castle after the great
rebellion of the Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland, in
1569, it was evidently addressed to one of that family of Nevills,
the heads of which were Earls of Westmoreland. In 1483 the Earl of
Westmoreland’s name was Ralph Nevill, but he died in the year
following, and was succeeded in the title by Ralph, son and heir
of his brother, John, Lord Nevill, who was slain at Towton. It was
this Ralph, then heir-presumptive to the earldom, who is here
called Lord Nevill. He had got his father’s attainder reversed in
1472, and his title of Lord Nevill was recognised. _See_ G. Ele’s
_Peerage_, viii. 112.]

993

ELIZABETH, DUCHESS OF SUFFOLK, TO JOHN PASTON[72-1]

_On to Jan Paston, in haste._

[Sidenote: Not after 1483]

Mastyr Paston, I pray yow that it may plese yow to leve yowr logeyng for iij. or foro days tyl I may be porved of anodyr, and I schal do as musche to yowr plesyr. For Godys sake, say me not nay; and I pray yow rekomaund me to my Lord Chambyrleyn.

Yowr frend,

ELIZABETH.

[Footnote 72-1: [From Fenn, ii. 292.] This is a holograph letter
of Elizabeth, Duchess of Suffolk, the sister of Edward IV. There
can be little doubt that the Lord Chamberlain referred to is the
Lord Hastings who has been very frequently mentioned in this
correspondence; and if so, the letter cannot be later than 1483,
as he was beheaded in that year on the 13th June, by order of the
Protector Richard, Duke of Gloucester. We may therefore place it
for convenience among the letters of Edward V.’s time, though
undoubtedly it may be a few years earlier. Facsimiles of the
original, both back and front, are given by Fenn. It is endorsed
in the hand of John Paston, the younger (certainly not in that of
his brother Sir John, as Fenn supposed)--‘Littra Ducisse Suff.’]

THE PASTON LETTERS

_Richard III._

994

JOHN, DUKE OF NORFOLK, TO JOHN PASTON[73-1]

_To my right welbeloved frynde, John Paston, be this delivred in hast._

[Sidenote: 1483 / OCT. 10]

Right welbeloved frynde, I comaunde me to you. It is soo that the Kentysshmen be up in the weld, and sey that they wol come and robbe the cite, which I shall lett yf I may.

Therefore I pray you that with alle diligence ye make you redy and com hidder, and bring with you six talle felaws in harnesse, and ye shall not lyse yowr labour, that knoweth God, Whoo have you in His keping.

Written at London, the x^th day of October.

Yowr frend,

J. NORFFOLK.

[Footnote 73-1: [From Fenn, ii. 314.] Sir John Howard was created
Duke of Norfolk on the 28th June 1483, and was killed in the
battle of Bosworth on the 22nd August 1485. This letter seems to
have been written in October 1483, when it first became known that
a series of insurrections were about to take place in different
counties, of which the Duke of Buckingham was the principal
leader. It was on the 12th October, just two days after this
letter was written, that King Richard himself at Lincoln heard of
Buckingham’s intended treason.]

995

ABSTRACT[74-1]

[Sidenote: 1484]

Proviso to be inserted in an Act of Parliament in favour of Margaret, widow of John Paston, touching her right to the manor of Castre.

Below is written--‘Guy Fayrefax, Knyght, [Ric. Pygot, one of the King’s Serjeants of the Law,][74-2] and Roger Townesend, [another of][74-2] the King’s Serjeants of the Law.

[This proviso must have been drawn up in connection with some
measure that was to have come before the Parliament of January 1484.
Earlier it cannot be, as Roger Townesend was not appointed King’s
Serjeant till June 1483; and as Margaret Paston died in November
1484, it could not possibly be later.]

[Footnote 74-1: [From a MS. in the Bodleian Library.]]

[Footnote 74-2: Scored out.]

996

ABSTRACT[74-3]

[Sidenote: 1484 / FEB. 8]

Release by John, Duke of Norfolk, and William, Earl of Nottingham, kinsman and heir of John, late Duke of Norfolk, to John Paston, Esq., brother and heir of Sir John Paston, Knight, of all right and title in the manor of Caister called Redehams, Vawx, and Bosouns by Great Yarmouth, of which Sir John Paston was disseised unjustly by the said late Duke.

[Footnote 74-3: From a Document transcribed by Sandford in his
Genealogy of the Paston Family, and printed by Mr. Worship in the
_Norfolk Archæology_.]

997

THE DUKE OF SUFFOLK TO THOMAS JEFFREYS[74-4]

The Duc of Suffolk.

_To Thomas Jeffreys our ffermour of Maundevills, greting._

[Sidenote: 1484 / MAY 1]

We wole and streitly charge you that ye content and paie unto the bringer herof for money imployed in our houshold thre pound threttenne shillings and foure pens for such stuff as we our owne person have promysed, and not to be failed upon our worship. Of the which some of lxxiij_s._ iiij_d._ so by you contented and paied, we wole and also stretly charge our auditors for the tyme being, by virtu of this our writing, signed with our hand, to make you dew and pleyn allowaunce at your next accompt.

At Wingfeld, the first day of May in the first yer of Kyng Richard the III^{de}.

SUFFOLK.

And ffayle not on peyn [of] losyng off yor fferme.

[Footnote 74-4: [From Fenn, ii. 316.]]

998

COMPLAINTS OF JOHN PASTON AGAINST HIS UNCLE WILLIAM[75-1]

[Sidenote: 1484]

All so the seyde John Paston, now compleynaunt, seyth that John Paston, fadyr off the same John, was seased off the maner callyd Hollwellhawe, wyth th’appurtenaunces in Estodenham, joyntly wyth all the londis, tenementes, rentes, and services, whyche sume tyme were John Jerham, Ewstase Rows, John Davy,[75-2] vikere off the chyrche off Estodenham, ande Water Danyell, or any off thers, lyeng in the townys off Estodenham, Mateshalle, Mateshalebergh, and othir townys adjoynyng, ande off all the londis and tenementes, rentes, services, and lybertes wyth ther appurtenaunces callyd Toleys, lyeng in the townys off Wymondham and Carleton and othir townys adyoynyng, whyche sume tyme were William Thuxston; and off the scite off on mese [_messuage_] wyth a pece londe lyenge in a croffte to the same mese adyoynyng, wyche is accomptyde xiiij. acres off londe wyth th’appurtenaunces, callyd Colneys, othyr wys callyd Whynnes in Carleton ----[75-3] in hys demeane as off ffee; ande so beyng seased ther off, up on trust enffeffede William Yelverton, Justys, John Fastolff, Knyght, Myles Stapelton, Knyght, and othir, to be hadde to them and theyr heyrs for ever, be the fores wher off they were ther off seased in theyr demeane as off ffee, ande afftyr the seyd ffeffment in forme afforseyd mad, the seyd John Paston the fadyr disseassed. The ryght off the whyche maner, londis, tenementes, and othir the premysses, afftyr the desses of the seyd John the fadyr, owith to come to the seyd John, now compleynaunt, as sone and heyr off the seyd John Paston, ffor as myche as the seyd John the fadyr made no wylle nor mencyon of the aforseyd maner, londis, tenementes, nor off othir the premysses, whyche maner, londis, and tenementes, and othir the premysses the seyd William Paston hath, and agenst the cours of the lawe ocupyeth.

Item, the seid John requerith an astate to be takyn in those londys lymyted to William the sone for deffaut off issu off Clement Paston by the will of there fadir accordyng to the seid will, as well as in those londis that ar or shuld be purchased with the m^l. [1000] mark accordyng to th’endentur mad by twyn th’executors of William Paston, Justice, that is to sey, to the seid William the son, and to the eyres of his body, and for defaute of yssue of his bodye, to remayn to th’eyers of William Paston, Justice, which the seid John is.

All so the seyd John Paston, now compleynaunt, seyth that ther be decayed at Marlyngfford and Oxenhed be meane off th’enterupsion off the seyd William tweyn water melles, wher off iche was letyn ffor x. marke be yer. And all so othir howsyng be the same ockasion at Oxenhed, Marlyngfford, Stansted, and Orwelbury decayed to the hurt off the seyd John Paston off v. C. [500] mark whech the seyd John Paston desyreth to be recompensede.

Item, the seid John axith of the seid William for wast don in the maner of Paston for lak of reparacion, xl_li._

Item, the seid William hath takyn awey owth of the maners of John Paston, that is to sey, of hes maners of Paston, Oxened, Marlyngford, Stansted, and Horwelburye, siche stoff and greynys, catell and hotilementis of the seid maners as were agreyd be the executors of the seyd William Paston, Justyse, to be left and latyn with the seid maners to the value of xl_li._

Item, the seid John axith to be restored to all the evydence longyng to the maners aforesaid and other the premysses which the seid William wrongfully witholdith.

Item, the seid John axith to hys possession which he hath of [and] in the maner of Caster and other maners adyongnyng, the relesse of all such title and interest as the seid William hath be wey of feffement in the foresaid maner and maners, in like forme as other his cofeffes have in tyme past relassed to Sir John Paston, whoos eyre the seid John is.

Also, the seid John Paston desireth the performance of diverse comenauntis and articles conteyned in diverse indentures and writynges mad be the avise of the reverend fadir in God, William, Bisschoppe of Lyncolne,[76-1] supervisour of the testement of the seid William Paston, Justice, bytwix th’executors of the same William Paston for kepyng of the trewe intent and will of the seid William Paston, Justice, as by the same indentures and writynges redye to be schewed more pleynlye shall appere, the entent and performance of which writyng is interupted and brokyn by the seid William Paston and his meanys to the hurt and damage off the seyd John Paston, now compleynaunt off ----.[76-2]

Item, the seid William hath, contray to trouuth and conscience, vexed and trouubled and put to cost and charge the seid John nowe be the space of v. yer saffe a quarter,[76-3] and hath distorbede the same John to take and perceyve th’issus and profetes off the same maners, to the hurt and damage off the seyd John in defendyng of his right off and in the maners afforeseyd of ij. m^l. mark, besyde greffe, gret labour and disseace that the seid John hath dayly be putt onto by th’okcasion afforseyd.[77-1]

Item, accordyng to the will of William Paston, Justice, the seid John axith to be restored to parth of such goodis as hath ben dispendid by John Paston the fader, Sir John Paston, and the seid John nowe compleynaunt, in defence, kepyng, and recoveryng of such londis as were William Paston, Justice, which draweth above the summa of m^l_li._

Item, where on ----[77-2] Lomnor had a cofur in kepyng and and D.m^l. mark in the same be extymasion to the use of John Paston, fadir of the forsayed Sir John and John, the seid William Paston fraudelently atteyned the seid cofur wyth the seyd sume of money after the dissece of the seid John the fadir, and had it in his kepyng serteyn dayes, and did with it his pleasur unknowyn to the seid Sir John Paston and John Paston, his brother; and after at Herry Colettes[77-3] house the seid William brought the seid cofur to the seid John Paston, Knyght, and there openyd the seid cofur, where was then lefte but CC. old noblis which wer by extymacion in value C_li._ And the seid William toke ther the seid gold awey with hym, ageyn the will of seid Sir John, and witholdith the same, whereof the seyd John preyeth to be restored.

Item, the seid William atteynyd and gate a payer of basons of silver and parte or all gilt from the seid Sir John Paston and John Paston, now compleynaunt, abouuth such season as he toke the cofur and coyne aforerehersed, which basons were in value C. mark; and the seid William yet witholdith the seid basons, to the whyche the seyd John preyeth also to be restored.

Item, the seid William gate in to his possession a charger of silver in value x. marke, and iij. bollys of silver that were in kepyng of Bacheler Water, a Frier Carmelit of Norwich, to th’entent that a certeyn coost shuld have ben doon upon the liberarye of the Friers Carmelites aforesaid for the sowlis of William Paston, Justice, and Augnes, his wiff; which charger and bollys the seid William yet withholdith and kepith to his owne use, and therfore the seid charges ar not fulfylled.

Item, the seid John axith restitucion of suche inportable charges as the seid William hathe put the forsaid Sir John onto by the space of many yeres, as in plesures doyng and rewardis, which apperith by writyng of the hande of the seid Sir John; which pleasures and charges the seid Sir John was constreyned to doo in defence of the seid William; wher of the seid John axeth to have amendys of C^l. mark.

Item, by the occacion and meanys of the seid William, the seid Sir John was constreyned to lende onto the Reverende Fadere in God, George, late Archebsschop of York[77-4] m^l. mark, which was nat payed ageyn by the summa of C_li._ The seid John axith to be restorid ther of.

Item, the seid William hath fellyd tymbre and wodys in the maners of the seid John, that is to sey, the maners of Oxened and Marlyngford, to the hurth of the seid John of xx_li._

Item, the seyd John Paston, compleynaunt, axith to be restoryd to alle syche money as hathe be takyn and dyspendyd by alle siche persones as have ben assigned by meanes of the seyd Wylliam to distorbe and interupt the seyd John, compleynaunt, of hys ryght, tyghtyll, possessyon, entrest, of and in the maners, londis, and tenementes, and other the premysses dwryng the seyd v. yer sauff a quarter, as well as to all syche money as hathe ben dyspendyd dwryng the seyd v. yer sauff a quarter by the servauntys of the seyd compleynaunt by hym assigned to tery and abyd up on the seyd maners, londes, and tenementes, and other the premysses ther, to kepe the possessyon of the seyd compleynaunt, whyche extendith to the some of xl_li._ and above.

Item, the seyd John, compleynaunt, axith to be restoryd to all syche money as hathe bene receyved by meanys of the seyd William, dwryng the seyd v. yer sauff a quarter, of syche as ar or have ben fermors or tenauntes of the maners, londis, and tenementis aforseyd duryng the seyd season, as well as to all syche money as is not levyable of dyvers of the seyd fermors and tenauntes fallyn in poverte sythe the trowblows season of the v. yer sauff a quarter befor rehersed, whyche extendeth to the some of CC_li._ or above.

[Footnote 75-1: [From Add. Charter 17,257, B.M.] It appears from
the contents that this paper must have been drawn up nearly five
years after Sir John Paston’s death. It is a corrected draft,
apparently of a Bill in Chancery, and some of the corrections are
in Sir John Paston’s hand.]

[Footnote 75-2: He was vicar of East Tuddenham from 1398 to 1434.]

[Footnote 75-3: Blank in MS.]

[Footnote 76-1: William Alnwick, Bishop of Lincoln, who died in
1449.]

[Footnote 76-2: Blank in MS.]

[Footnote 76-3: Originally written ‘a yere and more,’ and
corrected.]

[Footnote 77-1: This paragraph is very much corrected.]

[Footnote 77-2: Blank in MS.]

[Footnote 77-3: Father of the celebrated Dean Colet.]

[Footnote 77-4: George Nevill, Archbishop of York, died on the 8th
June 1476.]

[[Lomnor had a cofur in kepyng and and D.m^l. mark
_text unchanged: “and and” duplicated at mid-line_

George, late Archebsschop of York
_spelling unchanged_

Footnote 75-3
_footnote text has “4” for “3”_]]

999

MARGERY PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[78-1]

_To my ryght worschipful husbond, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1484(?) / DEC. 24]

Ryght worschipful husbond, I recomaund me onto you. Plese it you to wete that I sent your eldest sunne to my Lady Morlee[78-2] to have knolage wat sports wer husyd in her hows in Kyrstemesse next folloyng aftyr the decysse of my lord, her husbond; and sche seyd that ther wer non dysgysyngs, ner harpyng, ner lutyng, ner syngyn, ner non lowde dysports, but pleyng at the tabyllys, and schesse, and cards. Sweche dysports sche gave her folkys leve to play and non odyr.

Your sunne dede hese heyrne [_errand_] ryght wele as ye shal her aftyr this. I sent your yonger sunne to the Lady Stabylton,[79-1] and sche seyd acordyng to my Lady Morlees seyng in that, and as sche hadde seyn husyd in places of worschip[79-2] ther as sche hathe beyn.

I pray you that ye woll asur to your some man at Caster to kepe your botry, for the mane that ye lefte with me woll not take upon hym to breve[79-3] dayly as ye commandyt. He seyth he hath not usyd to geve a rekenyng nothyr of bred nor alle [_ale_] tyll at the wekys end; and he seyth he wot well that he shuld not condenyth [_give satisfaction_] and therfor I soposse he shall not abyd, and I trow ye shall be fayne to purveye another man for Symond, for ye har never the nerer a wysse man for hym.

I ham sory that ye shall not [be] at hom be for Crystemes. I pray you that ye woll come as sone as ye may. I shall thynke myself halfe a wedow, because ye shal not be at home, &c. God have you in Hys kepyng.

Wretyn on Crestemes Evyn.

By yor,

M. P.

[Footnote 78-1: [From Fenn, ii. 330.] Fenn supposes with great
probability that this letter was written in 1484, the year of
Margaret Paston’s death. No earlier date is possible, seeing that
even in 1484 John Paston’s eldest son was only in his seventh
year, and he had at the date of this letter two sons capable of
being sent on messages; so that, if anything, we should be
inclined to put it later. But we know of no later death in the
family that could have occasioned the writing of such a letter,
and the time of Margaret Paston’s death and of the proving of her
will agree very well with Fenn’s hypothesis. From the calendar
prefixed to an old MS. missal in the possession of the late Mr. C.
W. Reynell, I found that she died on the 4th November 1484. Her
will was proved at Norwich on the 18th December following.]

[Footnote 78-2: Widow of William Lovel, Lord Morley, who died the
26th of July 1476.--F.]

[Footnote 79-1: Sir Miles Stapleton died in 1466. His widow
Catherine seems to have married in the following year Sir Richard
Harcourt of Ellenhale (Blomefield, ix. 321), but, according to a
practice not uncommon at that time, she may have retained the name
of Lady Stapleton.]

[Footnote 79-2: ‘Places of worship’; _i.e._, in families of
distinction.]

[Footnote 79-3: To make up accounts.]

1000

ABSTRACT[79-4]

STANSTED AND HARWELLBURY

[Sidenote: 1484(?)]

The manor of Stansted is in the county of Suffolk. The estate of this manor passed not by the deed that the estate was taken by at Huntingfeld, in Norf.,[80-1] but I claim this manor by my mother’s gift. ‘This manor is but a mile from Clopton’s and not far from Smalbrigge, where your Grace is now.’ John Barell is farmer of this manor, who, when I came to your Grace just after my mother’s death, confessed before your servants, Piers Rumbold and William Smyth, that he was privy of mine estate in my mother’s days, and took the farm of me at that time. ‘Madam, this is the man ye sent your servant W. Smyth to, for to keep the possession there; and after he had tarried there awhile he took a promise of the farmer that he should pay no money to nobody without commandment from your Grace; contrary to which promise, by the favour of some folks that your Grace can deem, he hath paid my nephew a £10 or £20.’ I think, Madam, you need send no man to keep possession there; but your Grace might send a servant thither to show the tenants your displeasure, inasmuch as he hath broken his promise with your Grace, and threaten to distrain.

The manor of Harwellbury is in Hertfordshire, four miles from your manor of Weston Baldok[80-2] and two from Roiston. This manor also passed not by the estate taken in Norfolk, not being in the same shire. Of this manor ‘he’[80-3] received no money, for the farmers are true and fear not his threats. The manor is worth £8.

[Footnote 79-4: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This is a paper of notes
relating to the manors of Stansted in Suffolk and Harwellbury in
Herts, addressed to a lady who is styled ‘Madam’ and ‘your Grace,’
and who, though not named, was undoubtedly the Duchess of Norfolk.
Compare No. 962. The writer is perhaps John Paston of Gelston; in
which case the date must be after 1484, as he speaks of his mother
as being dead. More probably it was his uncle William, and John
Paston is the nephew referred to in the paper itself. But even in
that case the document cannot be five years earlier, as Agnes
Paston died in 1479.]

[Footnote 80-1: Should be Suffolk.]

[Footnote 80-2: The Dukes of Norfolk of the family of Mowbray
owned this manor.]

[Footnote 80-3: The writer’s nephew?]

[[Footnote 79-4
the document cannot be five years earlier
_printed as shown: missing “over”, “more than” or similar?_]]

1001

PROCLAMATION AGAINST HENRY TUDOR[81-1]

R. R.

Ricardus, etc. salutem. Precipimus tibi, etc.

[Sidenote: 1485 / JUNE 23]

Forasmoche as the Kyng our sovereign Lord hath certeyn knowlege that Piers, Bisshop of Exeter,[81-2] Jasper Tydder,[81-3] son of Owen Tydder, callyng hymself Erle of Pembroke, John, late Erle of Oxon,[81-4] and Sir Edward Wodevyle,[81-5] with other dyvers his rebelles and traytours, disabled and atteynted by the auctorite of the High Court of Parlement, of whom many be knowen for open murdrers, advoutrers [_adulterers_], and extorcioners, contrary to the pleasure of God, and a yenst all trouth, honour, and nature, have forsakyn there naturall contrey, takyng them first to be under th’obeisaunce of the Duke of Bretayn,[81-6] and to hym promysed certeyn thyngs whiche by him and his counsell were thought thynggs to gretly unnaturall and abominable for them to graunt, observe, kepe, and perfourme, and therfore the same utterly refused.

The seid traytours,[82-1] seyng[82-2] the seid Duke and his counsell wolde not aide nor socour theym ner folowe there wayes, privily departed oute of his contrey in to Fraunce, and[82-3] there takyng theym to be under the obeisaunce of the Kynggs auncient enemy, Charlys,[82-4] callyng hymself Kyng of Fraunce, and to abuse and blynde the comons of this seid Realme, the seid rebelles and traitours have chosyn to be there capteyn one Henry Tydder,[82-5] son of Edmond Tydder, son of Owen Tydder,[82-6] whiche of his ambicioness and insociable[82-7] covetise[82-8] encrocheth[82-9] and usurpid[82-10] upon hym the name and title of royall astate of this Realme of Englond, where unto he hath no maner interest, right, title, or colour, as every man wele knowyth;[82-11] for he is discended of bastard blood bothe of ffather side and of mother side, for the seid Owen the graunfader was bastard borne, and his moder was doughter unto John, Duke of Somerset, son unto John, Erle of Somerset, sone unto Dame Kateryne Swynford, and of ther[82-12] indouble[82-13] avoutry [_adultery_] gotyn, wherby it evidently apperith that no title can nor may [be][82-14] in hym, which fully entendeth to entre this Reame, purposyng a conquest. And if he shulde atcheve his fals entent and purpose, every man is lif, livelod, and goddes shulde be in his hands, liberte, and disposicion, wherby sholde ensue the disheretyng and distruccion of all the noble and worshipfull blode of this Reame for ever, and to the resistence and withstondyng wherof every true and naturall Englishman born must ley to his hands for his owen suerte and wele.

And to th’entent that the seid Henry Tydder myght the rather atcheve his fals intent and purpose by the aide, supporte, and assistence of the Kynggs seid auncient enemy of Fraunce,[83-1] hath covenaunted and bargayned with hym and all the counsell of Fraunce to geve up and relese inperpetuite all the right, title, and cleyme that the Kyng[es] of Englond have, had, and ought to have, to the Crowne and Reame of Fraunce, to gether with the Duchies of Normandy, Anjoy, and Maygne, Gascoyn and Guyne, castell[es] and townys of Caleys, Guysnes, Hammes, with the marches apperteynyng to the same,[83-2] and discevir and exclude the armes of Fraunce oute of the armes of Englond for ever.

And in more prove and shewing of his seid purpose of conquest, the seid Henry Tidder hath goven as well to dyvers of the seid Kynggs enemys as to his seid rebelles and traitours, archebisshoprikes, bisshoprikes, and other dignitees spirituels, and also the ducheez, erledomez, baronyes, and other possessions and inheritaunces of knyghts, squyres, gentilmen, and other the Kynggs true subjetts withynne the Reame, and entendith also to chaunge and subverte the lawes of the same, and to enduce and establisse newe lawes and ordenaunces amongez the Kynggs seid subjetts.[83-2] And over this, and beside the alienacions of all the premyssez into the possession of the Kynggs seid auncient enemys to the grettest anyntisshment,[83-3] shame, and rebuke that ever myght falle to this seid land, the seid Henry Tydder and others, the Kynggs rebelles and traitours aforeseid, have extended [_intended_] at there comyng, if they may be of power,[84-1] to do the most cruell murdrers, slaughterys, and roberys, and disherisons that ever were seen in eny Cristen reame.

For the wich, and other inestymable daungers to be escheuved, and to th’entent that the Kynggs seid rebelles, traitours, and enemys[84-2] may be utterly put from there seid malicious and fals purpose[84-3] and sone discomforted,[84-4] if they enforce to land,[84-5] the Kyng our soveraign Lord[84-6] willith, chargeth, and comaundith all and everyche of the naturall and true subgetts of this his Reame to call the premyssez to there mynds, and like gode and true Englishmen to endover themselfs with all there powers for the defence of them, there wifs, chylderyn, and godes, and heriditaments ayenst the seid malicious purposes and conspiracions which the seid auncient enemes[84-7] have made with the Kynggs seid rebelles and traitours[84-8] for the fynall distruccion of this lande as is aforesaid. And our said soveraign Lord, as a wele willed, diligent, and coragious Prynce, wel put his moost roiall persone to all labour and payne necessary in this behalve for the resistence and subduyng of his seid enemys, rebells, and traitours[84-9] to the moost comforte, wele, and suerte of all[84-10] his true and feithfull liege men and subgetts.

And over this, our seid soveraign Lord willith and comaundith all his seid subgetts to be redy in there most defensible arraye to do his Highnes servyce of werre, when thy be opyn proclamacion, or otherwise shall be comaunded so to do, for the resistence of the Kynggs seid rebelles, traitours, and enemyes. Et hoc sub periculo, &c.--T. me ipso apud Westmonasterium, xxiij. die Junij, Anno regni nostri secundo.

[Footnote 81-1: [From Fenn, ii. 318.] The MS., as Fenn tells us,
was endorsed in an ancient hand, ‘Kent Cherfys
[_Sheriffs_].--Copia literæ Regis R. III. persuadentis subditos
suos ad resistendum Henr’ Tydder, postea Regem Angliæ ac
declarantis a quo idem Henricus descendebat.’ Another but
imperfect copy of this proclamation will be found in the Harleian
MS., No. 433, f. 220 b. A similar proclamation had been issued on
the 7th December 1484, of which a copy will also be found in the
same Harleian volume at folio 273 b. Sir Henry Ellis has also
printed in his _Original Letters_ (2 Ser. i. 162) a copy of this
proclamation as set forth in the original warrant for issuing it,
which the King addressed to the Bishop of Lincoln as Chancellor.
The MS. followed by Ellis was a transcript from one of the records
formerly in the Tower. I have compared these different texts
throughout with that printed by Fenn, and noted all variations
that are of any consequence. The two Harleian texts I have called
A. and B., the former being that of the proclamation issued on the
7th December preceding. The text printed by Ellis I have called
E.]

[Footnote 81-2: Peter Courtney, Bishop of Exeter, after the
miscarriage of the Duke of Buckingham’s conspiracy, fled into
Bretagne to the Earl of Richmond, who, after he became Henry VII.,
promoted this Prelate to the See of Winchester in 1486, in which
he died in 1492.--F.]

[Footnote 81-3: Jasper Tudor of Hatfield, half-brother to Henry
VI. He was created Duke of Bedford in 1485.]

[Footnote 81-4: John de Vere, Earl of Oxford, who had escaped from
the Castle of Hammes.--F.]

[Footnote 81-5: Sir Edward Wodevile, brother to the Queen of
Edward IV.--F. The names given in text A. are ‘Piers, Bisshop of
Excestre, Thomas Grey, late Marques Dorset, Jasper, late Erle of
Pembroche, John, late Erle of Oxenford, and Sir Edward Widevile.’]

[Footnote 81-6: Francis II., the last Duke of Bretagne, was
overthrown by Charles VIII., King of France, and died in
1488.--F.]

[Footnote 82-1: ‘The said traytours.’ They. A.]

[Footnote 82-2: that. A. B. E.]

[Footnote 82-3: ‘and’ omitted in A. B. and E.]

[Footnote 82-4: Charles VIII. ascended the throne in 1483, and
died in 1498.--F.]

[Footnote 82-5: Henry Tudor, Earl of Richmond, who in 1483 became
King of England, by the title of Henry VII.--F.]

[Footnote 82-6: ‘one Herry . . . . Owen Tydder’ oon Herry late
calling himself Erle of Richemond. A.]

[Footnote 82-7: ‘ambicious and insaciable.’ A. B. E.]

[Footnote 82-8: ‘stirred and excited by the confederacie of the
Kinges said rebelles and traytours,’ added in A.]

[Footnote 82-9: Here text B. comes to an end.]

[Footnote 82-10: ‘usurpeth.’ E.]

[Footnote 82-11: From here to the end of the paragraph is omitted
in A.]

[Footnote 82-12: ‘ther’ her. A.]

[Footnote 82-13: This either means double adultery, that is
adultery on both sides; or indubitable, undoubted adultery.--F.
I suspect the true reading to be ‘and of her in double avowtry
gotyn.’ It is a great question whether John, Earl of Somerset,
John of Gaunt’s eldest son by Catherine Swynford, was not born
during the life of her lawful husband as well as during that of
John of Gaunt’s lawful wife.--See _Excerpta Historica_, 155-6.]

[Footnote 82-14: Supplied from E.]

[Footnote 83-1: The beginning of this sentence in A. is as
follows:--‘And to th’entent to accheve the same by th’aide,
support, and assistence of the Kinges seid auncyent ennemyes and
of this his royaume.’]

[Footnote 83-2: From the words ‘and discevir’ to the sentence
beginning ‘And over this,’ all is omitted in A.]

[Footnote 83-3: Aneantisement--anientised is used by Chaucer in
his Tale of Melibeus, for reducing to nothing.--F.]

[Footnote 84-1: ‘if they may be of power,’ omitted in A.]

[Footnote 84-2: rebelles and traytours. A.]

[Footnote 84-3: malicious purposes. A.]

[Footnote 84-4: discomfited. A. E.]

[Footnote 84-5: Or rather, made good their landing by force.--F.]

[Footnote 84-6: desireth. A. E.]

[Footnote 84-7: the auncyentes ennemyes of this lande. A.]

[Footnote 84-8: ‘and traitours,’ omitted in A.]

[Footnote 84-9: rebelles, traitours, and enemyes. A. In which text
the proclamation ends with these words, and is followed by the
usual words addressed to the Chancellor as his authority for
making out the proclamation: ‘And thise oure lettres shall be your
sufficient warrant in that behalve.’ This warrant to the
Chancellor is dated ‘at oure Castell of Notyngham, the xxj. day of
Juyn, the secund yere of our reigne,’ two days before the
proclamation was issued.]