Chapter II: Part 2

It was several months, however, before peace was finally established in the island, fierce quarrels having arisen among the rival factions of the Spaniards as to who should be Governor and receive the city officially from the British. The Archbishop having died, Anda, who was in actual command of the troops, was fully recognized by the British as Governor. Don Francisco de La Torre arriving at this time from Spain with a commission as Governor-General, Anda resigned the Government to him on the 17th of March, 1764. Several serious quarrels now took place, due to jealousy among the English officers; but Anda, on behalf of the new Governor, formally received the city from the British, who embarked for India, after having met all claims that could be justly established against them.

THE SPANISH COLONIAL GOVERNMENT.

The Encomiendoros and the Alcaldes.

In the early days of the colony there were, besides the Governor-General, the sub-governors, known as Encomiendoros, who rented their provinces at so much per annum, called Encomiendas, from the General Government. These Encomiendoros were usually men of wealth, that entered into politics as a speculation. More properly, I should say, as a peculation; for it became their policy to fleece the natives and to extort as much money as possible during the term of their incumbency. Few, indeed, left the scene of their civil brigandage without full coffers; and as enormous fortunes were to be made during a few years sojourn in the islands, no wonder that this office was eagerly sought after in Spain.

This imitation of the methods of the Roman tax-payers, however, became so demoralizing to the morale of the Spaniards themselves, and so ruinous to the colony and to the natives, that a more equitable policy was introduced. The Encomiendoros were succeeded by Judicial Governors, called Alcaldes, to whom was paid a small salary, from $300 upward a year, according to the prominence of the province.

This office, however, proved almost equally remunerative to the holders; for, by means of a Government license to trade, they were able to create, to their own advantage, monopolies in every line of industry, thus freezing out all competitors. Though each was responsible to the Central Government for the taxes of his provinces, yet this did not prevent the shrewd and unprincipled from finding profit here also. For, by a system of false weights and measures, the native, who, in lieu of silver, brought his produce in payment for taxes, was shamefully defrauded, the Alcalde sending the indebted amount to the Government storehouse and selling the rest to his own profit. In addition, many of these Alcaldes, by arbitrary decrees and despotic methods, conducted a system of public robbery that in a few years enriched them at the expense of the long-suffering natives; for them there was no redress, inasmuch as each Alcalde was also the head of the Legal Tribunal in his own province. These abuses, however, became so flagrant that the Alcaldes were finally forbidden to trade; but as this measure was not as effectual as had been expected, sweeping reforms were instituted.

To recount what these were; to mention in detail what malignant opposition was manifested by a large body of natives and resident Spaniards toward the purposed overthrow of the old system, would be only to reiterate well-known characteristics and abnormalities of the Spanish nature; placed, too, in but a slightly different setting.

I will merely add that these Alcaldes, these perpetrators and beneficiaries of wholesale misrule and dishonor, yielded finally to the reform-wave, and, accordingly, fell away before their own judicial perversion. And the new system, it must be confessed, is a great improvement upon the old.

But the evil wrought upon the Filipino mind and character was deep-planted. For, by the despotic and summary disposing of his labor and chattels, in the name of the King,--abetted frequently, too, by seemingly supernatural means,--respect for the Spaniard and the white man in general had fled, fear and distrust supplanting it.

In the new order of things,--instituted by a decree from the Queen-Regent Maria Cristina, the 26th of February, 1886,--18 Civil Governorships were created, and the Alcaldes' functions were confined to their Judgeships. And thus the former frightful distortion of justice was overcome and banished.

So, too, under this law of 1886 each Civil Governor has a Secretary, who serves as a check upon his chief, if he be illegally inclined.

Accordingly, two new official safeguards were thus erected in the fabric of Colonial Administration in these 18 different provinces.

The Present Division and Administration.

The colony was then divided into 19 civil provinces, including Sulu, and into 3 grand military divisions.

As before, at the head was the Governor-General,--the supervising and executive officer of the province,--directly responsible to Spain. His salary is $40,000 a year. He is assisted by an Executive Cabinet and by an Administrative Council. The Provincial Governor, the successor to the Alcalde, must be a Spaniard, and at least 30 years old. He is the direct representative of the Governor-General and it is his duty to execute his decrees and to maintain order. He also has the power of appointment and removal, presides over provincial elections, controls the civil and local guard, interprets the laws,--usually to suit his own profit or convenience,--supervises the balloting for military conscription, can assess fines to the amount of $50, or imprison for 30 days, is Superintendent of Public Instruction, issues licenses and collects taxes. It is his duty also to furnish statistics and to control the Postal and Telegraph service. He is the Superintendent of health, prisons, charities, agriculture, forestry, and of manufactures. It will thus be seen that his duties are as diverse as they are important. He is now allowed no percentage, nor other emolument than his salary. At the same time, a shrewd Governor is yet able to reap a golden harvest. This, however, can be done only in conjunction with other Government officers.

Owing to the extreme shortness of his term of office--three years only--there is no incentive for the improvement of his province, as his successors would reap the results as well as the credit of his industry. Besides, he has no reason to hope that a good work begun will be a good work continued; for the next Governor may be averse to exertion, or may be at variance with his policy.

Most of the Governors live in good style; as a rule they spend about two hours a day in Government employ. Is it to be wondered at, then, that this office is so eagerly sought after in Spain?

There are about 750 towns in the colony; each governed by a Gobernadorcillo, "Little Governor," called Capitan; usually a native or half-caste. This office is elected every two years, and is to the Provincial Governor what the latter is to the Governor-General. He is the tax-collector of his district, and is, furthermore, responsible for the amount apportioned to his district. If he fails to collect this, he must make the deficit good out of his own pocket. Under him are a number of deputies, called Cabezas, each likewise responsible for another division of the population called a Barangay,--a collection of forty or fifty families. If the individuals of this group are unable to pay, the property is distrained and sold by the deputy, who would otherwise have to make good the amount himself. If the proceeds of the sale fail to equal the indebtedness of the delinquent, he is cast into prison.

I have often seen respectable men deported to the penal settlements; and for no other offense than inability to pay the oppressive tax laid upon their shoulders, regardless of the season,--whether productive or not. Their families, meanwhile, left without a head, were thrown into the most woeful destitution.

The Gobernadorcillo gets the munificent salary of $200 a year, though his expenses, for clerk-hire, for presents to his chief, and for entertainments in his honor, are often many times greater. A shrewd Gobernadorcillo, however, manages to make something out of the place, which, in some districts, is eagerly sought after by rich planters. The official dress of this worthy is a short black jacket, the tail worn over the trousers. He also carries a stick as a sign of authority. To him is entrusted the apprehension of criminals, and he has command of the local guards, or cuadrilleros, the police of the towns.

The Taxes and What Became of Them.

It can easily be guessed that the taxes are not inconsiderable, when I simply mention a few things that are assessed: There is a tax on the ownership and sale of live-stock and vehicles, on realty, and on all private industries and manufactures. Opium, liquors, stamps, tobacco, and lotteries yield an immense revenue. Then there is a Community-fund, which is usually several hundred thousand dollars a year in each province, and is supposed to be spent in the interest of the community. The Chinese Capitation tax also brings in a large amount. But the most common and onerous tax of all is that arising from the Government sale of Cédulas, or documents of identity, which is a poll-tax from $25 down. The individual paying less than $3.50 is subject to 15 days' hard labor each year and to a fine of 50 cents for each day that he shall fail to work. Those whose cédulas have cost more than $3.50 must also pay a municipal tax of $1.50. The cédula is also used as a passport, and must be brought into court to render legal instruments effective.

From this brief and imperfect survey of the system of provincial taxation, it can easily be gathered that the revenues are considerable; and yet, of the hundreds of thousands of dollars extorted from the natives in each province, under the plausible pretexts of an avaricious policy, it is safe to say that not a dollar is expended for any local improvements. No building of bridges, no constructing of highways, no public schools, nor halls of justice must mar the stagnant serenity of provincial life. Nothing is ever repaired; a system of "let alone" blights every aspiration, and is fatal to the extension of commerce and industry. Consequently, in the wet season, for vehicles, the public roads are impassable, and, in many parts of the country, for months transportation is practically at a stand-still. As if effectually to close every door to progress, private individuals, too, are forbidden by law to repair the highways.

Did any government ever foster a more imbecile and iniquitous policy for its own damnation?

Although the speculations in the colony are not so enormous as formerly, yet there is no doubt that they still amount to several millions annually; mostly, however, at the seat of Government in Manila. It is indeed notorious that General Weyler, during his brief incumbency of the office, succeeded in placing several millions of dollars to his credit--I should have said to his dishonor!

Dilatory and Abortive Courts.

Perhaps no feature of Colonial life is fraught with more evil and is so disgusting, as the process of the courts. The Supreme Court of the early years of the colony was modeled after the one in Majorca, and on several occasions when the Governorship has been left vacant, it has assumed the functions of the executive--pro-tem.

There are two Supreme Law Courts in the colony: one in Manila; the other in Cebú. The President of the one in Manila has a salary of $7,000 a year; that of Cebú, $6,000. There are also 41 Superior Courts, of various degrees of importance, the salary of the judges ranging from $2,000 to $4,000 per annum. The department of Justice alone costs the colony about $350,000 a year.

The dilatoriness of the courts has become proverbial. It is, in fact, years before a case can be brought to a close. Meantime, the litigant has been fleeced out of an amount perhaps a hundred times the value of the article under litigation. The islands are full of native pettifoggers from the law schools of Manila, who have learned too well the meaning of the Spanish mañana. A suit can never be considered as disposed of; for another judge, scenting the faint possibility of a fee, may again have it retried. Thus I have seen the lives of acquitted persons again brought into jeopardy by the meddlesome officiousness and the grasping greed of a new judge. He that goes to court in the Philippines must not do so without reckoning the cost.

Commenting on this, a recent English traveler says: "Availing one self of the dilatoriness of the Spanish law, it is possible for a man to occupy a house, pay no rent, and refuse to quit on legal grounds during a couple of years or more." A person who has not a cent to lose can persecute another by means of a trumped up accusation, until he is ruined by an "informacion de pobreza"--a declaration of poverty--which enables the persecutor to keep the case going as long as he chooses, without needing money for fees.

A New Yorker's Experience.

The following experience of an American friend of mine, whom I knew very well in Manila, will bring out in a graphic way the course of justice in the Philippines. Nor is his experience uncommon. It is, in fact, the usual one of the stranger or the native who goes to the fountain of Justice for the redress of a grievance.

I quote part of his letter written to a common friend:

In 1871 I joined Mr. William Morton Clark of Philadelphia, who
had a large timber business on the island of Luzon, and started
cutting some timber contracted for by the Chinese government.

I soon discovered that I was interfering with the business of a
certain priest, who was also in the same line of business.

Shortly before this, this priest and an inspector of roads had
loaded the Spanish bark Santa Lucia for Hong-Kong, and had made
things so disagreeable for others who had tried to ship merchandise
that foreigners were becoming afraid to risk their capital.

Mr. Clark finding how things were going on soon abandoned the
enterprise, and I then determined to fight the thing out on my
own account.

At this time I had 25,000 cubic feet of hard timber, cut and
squared, for a foreign market, eighty-two buffaloes for hauling,
and a plant of machinery and appliances valued at $7,000.

I had a license for carrying on my business, duly granted by the
superior government, and in 1874 chartered a vessel at Manila to
carry my timber to Hong-Kong, and then went to the port of Love,
where my timber was, taking with me $940 in gold to prepare for
the vessel's arrival and to continue cutting.

Upon arriving at Love I found that during my absence at Manila a
portion of my timber had been forcibly taken possession of and had
been shipped on board the Spanish bark Teresa by Joaquin Barcello,
the captain of the Teresa, who was then on his way to Hong-Kong. I
also learned that my buffaloes, stock and rice had been removed,
and that Juan Gaal, my foreman, whom I had left in charge of
my property, was all subject to the orders of this Barcello,
and that my choppers had been bribed into the service of Padre
Fidel Moreno, the priest of the town.

When I complained of this I was confronted with a document signed
by the Adelantado of Love, to the effect that no notice should
be taken of my complaints, to give no testimony in my behalf
(thereby shutting me out of my legal rights), and that my foreman,
Juan Gaal, should look after the interests of Captain Barcello
until the captain's return from China.

I then applied to the Governor, protesting against the robbery
of my timber and the appropriation of my property by Captain
Barcello and Juan Gaal, but was merely told that the commandante
had so ordered and that there would be no interference.

Seeing there was no justice to be had at home, I sought to regain
my rights at Manila and so left the next morning for Manila
on the bark Industria, taking with me all my private papers,
contracts, &c.

That night we encountered a terrible typhoon in which the vessel
was wrecked, and all that I was able to save was the clothes I
then wore.

Upon my arrival at Manila I put in a complaint against Captain
Barcello, and also against Padre Moreno and the commandante of
the district, as accomplices in the above fraud and robbery.

The case dragged along, as is customary in Spanish countries,
and about a year later my funds were all exhausted. At this
time a Spanish friend at Manila, acquainted with my misfortunes,
took me to his home and lent me some money, shortly afterwards
sailing for Europe.

With this money I returned to Love, expecting to find at least
a portion of my timber left which I intended to ship. Upon
arriving at Love I found that Captain Barcello had been there
before me and had seized and shipped everything but a few
worm-eaten logs. Barcello had even hauled the timber I had cut
in the mountains, and aided by his accomplices had cleaned me
out entirely during my absence.

I saw it was no use to complain further, and so I set to work to
cut some more timber, and after much trouble and expense got two
cargoes ready and left for Manila, intending to go from there to
Hong-Kong to sell what I had last cut.

Learning that Barcello was in Manila and was about to leave for
Hong-Kong, I applied to the Alcalde, Señor Torranco, who had
my suit in charge, to stop Barcello from leaving the country,
as my case against him had not yet been decided.

This didn't benefit me much, as the Alcalde wouldn't grant my
request, and although a case of robbery and fraud was pending
against him, Barcello was allowed to leave without hindrance.

I then applied for my passport, but to my surprise this was
refused me, on the ground that my suit should first be decided.

I then returned to Love, having authorized Charles Germain to
charter for me, and in due time I had despatched three cargoes
to Hong-Kong, but finding that my presence in Hong-Kong would be
absolutely necessary for the success of my business I applied a
second time for my passport, and was again refused.

Thinking that if I offered security I would be allowed to leave
the town, I named a friend who was willing to go on my bond, but
the Alcalde shut me off from this chance by sending his clerk to
my friend's house, and succeeded in so frightening him that my
friend withdrew his name as my bondsman.

I know that this act was done deliberately, as at this time,
and during the whole of my suit, the Alcalde was on the most
intimate terms with Captain Barcello.

My next step was to protest against Señor Torranco trying or
hearing my case, as I showed conclusively that he was hand and
glove with Barcello. This had the desired effect, and the case
was transferred to another Alcalde. Torranco had, however, served
his friend well: he had stopped my passport at a vital point in
my business on a frivolous pretext.

I was a foreigner, and that was enough, and not being able to
obtain permission to leave the country, all my efforts being
frustrated by those in power, although I was the aggrieved and
injured party, I was held a captive in Manila, my business,
meantime, going to ruin abroad.

This state of affairs continued for months, with no signs of any
beneficial change in my circumstances, and so I finally brought
the matter officially before the American Consul, who wrote to
the Captain-General, stating my case in full, and advised me to
abandon my suit, which I did, the Consul officially notifying
the Captain-General of the fact.

From that day to this I have been sustained by my friends. My
means were exhausted, and I was compelled to leave the hotel a
beggar on the streets, with my resources all gone and heavy debts
pressing upon me.

Mr. Collins was never able to get justice, though he tried frequently. His experience is no uncommon one. The establishment of a pure judiciary and the purification of the courts should be one of the first reforms undertaken by the Americans.

THE CHURCH IN THE COLONY.

Priesthood and the People.

The hierarchy of the colony consists of an Archbishop, resident in Manila, and four bishops. The Archbishop lives in a Palace, and has a salary of $12,000 a year, while the annual expenses of the Cathedral in Manila are not less than $60,000. It was not till several years after the founding of Manila, in 1578, that the first bishop was consecrated and a Cathedral was built. Not long afterward, the Manila See was raised to an Archbishopric.

The present hierarchy costs the Government about $800,000 a year. The salaries of the priests range from $500 to $2500 per annum; but, in addition, they derive a large income from the sale of masses, indulgences, marriage, burial and baptismal-fees, and from the various commissions incident to their calling. They receive all, and give nothing.

The several orders have immense revenues from investments in the islands and in Hong-Kong. They possess magnificent estates; but, notwithstanding their enormous wealth, they are hard task-masters, grinding the poor to the paying of the last penny. Their injustice and tyranny have of late aroused bitter complaint, and are a chief cause of the late insurrection.

And yet the picture has its lights as well as its shadows. The friars have, also, in many places, the confidence of the natives, and, on the whole, surely influence them for the repression of their vicious and brutal instincts. A half-barbarous people can be led only by superstition, and a semi-sacerdotal government is most effective among an ignorant people.

The friar is usually from a lowly family, and is, therefore, able at once to enter into sympathy with the humble life of the people. He is doctor, architect, engineer, and adviser; in all things truly the father of the community, the representative of the white race and of social order. Such is the ideal village-curate, and many such--good men and true--are to be found. There, are, however, many black sheep among them. And the gross immorality of those that should be examples in virtue, has been a great impediment to the work of the Church among the thinking natives. There are, also, some Chinese and native friars; but, owing to the various insurrections, in which some of these were involved, they are no longer trusted; in fact, a native can no longer become a priest.

So great is the paternal influence of the priests, that I have often seen delinquent parishioners flogged for non-attendance at mass.

The Chinese often adopt Christianity for social or business reasons, or that they may marry the daughter of a native.

All over the islands are shrines to which the people make long pilgrimages; such pilgrimages, however, partaking more of the character of feasts than of fasts. The self-denial and the self-imposed hardships of the European devotee have never found fruitful soil in the native character. He is never so glad as when a holy-day furnishes him with a pretext for an elaborate feast, and, in truth, the feast-days alone relieve the gloom of his monotonous life. Two of the most famous shrines are the Holy Child of Cebú and the Virgin of Antipolo,--thousands visiting them yearly.

Conflicts Between Church and State.

A book might be written, and an interesting one, too, about the various contests between Church and State during this period of the colony's history.

The Archbishops--with an exaggerated idea of their own importance--soon became exceedingly troublesome to the Civil Power, by reason of their excessive claims. This was never more manifest than in their pretended immunity from all State-control. Upon one occasion the Governor demanded of the Archbishop to produce several persons charged with capital and other crimes, who had found asylum in a convent. The Archbishop promptly refused, claiming the prerogative of Sanctuary. The accused not only openly defied the Governor, but armed themselves, intending to resist, should he endeavor to apprehend them. The Governor, learning this, arrested the Archbishop, and confined him and the priests that had been his abettors in prison, charging them with conspiracy against the Government.

The news spread over the province with incredible swiftness, and hundreds of priests, collecting hordes of natives on the way, marched with riotous demonstrations and violent clamor to the Palace. Franciscans, Dominicans, and Augustinians forgot their fierce rivalry and joined together in the shout, "Long live the church!" "Long live King Philip V!"

The mob burst open the doors of the Palace, and, the terror-stricken guards having fled, they forced their way to the Governor, who calmly awaited them, standing with a loaded musket in his hand. He then ordered the rabble to retreat, but with wild shrieks, incited by the priests that accompanied them, they rushed on him. The Governor pulled the trigger, but his flint failing to strike fire he defended himself with his bayonet. He was finally surrounded; and insulted, beaten, and stabbed, he was dragged to jail.

The son of the Governor, running to his father's aid, was severely wounded by the rebels. Attempting, nevertheless, to cut his way through, he was killed, and his body horribly mutilated.

The mob then broke open the door of the fortress where the Archbishop was confined, and liberated him. This worthy was then escorted with much acclamation to the Palace, and assumed charge of the Government, which he held for four years.

This is only one of many exciting conflicts between these two factions, sometimes one, sometimes the other, being victorious. On four different occasions the Governorship of the colony was vested in the Archbishop.

Every Governor-General that has attempted to introduce a liberal policy has been recalled; for the friars' combined influence is all-powerful. Not even the Archbishop has been able to prevail over the corporation of the friars; and if he would retain his see, he must not oppose their traditional prerogatives, nor work for that reform that would mean the decline of the orders. Indeed, only a few years ago, one Archbishop, who had made several ineffectual attempts to correct the abuses in the orders, was one morning found dead in his bed. His successors have taken good care to profit by his example.

Clashings among the Friars.

Interesting is the story of the bitter rivalries between the different orders, who, though of one religion, were extremely jealous of one another, showing little of that charity and forbearance that Christianity, above all, is supposed to inculcate.

On account of several clashes with the civil power, a priest had early been sent to Spain by the Church party to gain redress of grievances. Chief of these was their inability to guide the entire affairs of the colony into a narrow ecclesiastical groove. The result was, the introduction of new laws so favorable to the clergy, that, within three or four years, the colony swarmed with mendicant friars, whose habits, say the old chroniclers, placed the Spaniards and their vaunted religion in a most ridiculous light before the natives.

As most of these monks belonged to a different order from the bishop, who was an Augustinian, and as they often boldly defied his authority, he became greatly alarmed at their expanding power. But, after a fierce struggle, he succeeded in so curtailing their privileges that he still retained his pre-eminence in the colony.

Urdaneta and his Austin friars were the pioneers in the islands, and following them came a horde of Dominicans and Franciscans, and the Recoletos, or bare-foot monks. As the saving of souls was the chief policy of Philip II., the co-operation of the friars was eagerly welcomed by the early Colonial Government, and it must be admitted that without their influence the lot of the natives would have been a far harder one. For the substitution of the rites of paganism for those of Christianity, even in so crude a form as taught by the friars, was, in the main, beneficial. Religion--though not of a very exalted kind--was put on an ethical basis, and the self-denial, obedience, and sacrifice that formed the foundation of the new doctrine, somewhat reconciled the conquered races to the loss of their primal freedom.

The Monks Opposed to Reform.

These orders, presenting the united front of a corporation, were extremely powerful, and practically unassailable. When arrayed against an individual, it always resulted in his defeat,--that is, his expulsion or imprisonment. They practically had their way in all things and under all circumstances. Nothing could withstand them; for, to attack one friar was to attack his whole order. Thus, much injustice was occasioned. I have known a highly respectable man, possessed of great wealth, cheated out of house and home--yes, his very liberty--through the intrigues of a friar that desired to enrich his order. Such societies are a cancer in the body politic,--a constant enemy to good government, a menace to justice, and a foe to liberty.

In the future history of the islands, this will be found one of the hardest problems to solve. The easiest and most effective plan, it seems to me, is to cut the Gordian knot--that is, to expel the whole body of friars from the islands. By so doing, much shedding of blood will be saved. For I do not believe that these good brethren will soon cease to foment insurrection against the hated Protestant conqueror. They have ever been breeders of mischief under the congenial rule of Catholic Spain: what won't they do under the régime of enlightened America, whose first thought is the liberty that means death to extortion and oppression--the cardinal principles of their order. By this, I do not mean a propaganda against the Catholic Church; for I am a Catholic myself, and firmly believe that this religion is far better suited to the character of our people than any form of Protestantism. But the appointment of secular Spanish or American priests to the parishes would do away with the evils of the other system, without doing violence either to the Church or to the conscience of the natives.

The monks have opposed every attempt at reform. Their policy has ever been the policy of ignorance, knowing that their livelihood depended upon its perpetuation. It has been their aim chiefly to limit public instruction to the mere rudiments of knowledge--giving to every subject a religious bias. Even the colleges and the University of Manila are not free from their narrow supervision; while they have ever maintained a rigid censorship over the press.

The natives, however, are gradually breaking through the network of superstition that centuries of priestcraft have woven round them. That they are open to conviction,--to the light of reason and the hope of truth,--deeds bear witness.

None but the most enlightened natives, of course, recognize, as yet, their spiritual wants or desire a higher moral state, but many of them, privately, attest their waning belief in the Church monopoly of all things temporal in their lives.

Still, owing to the reasons previously stated, those that thus impugn and combat ecclesiastical preponderance, do so rarely except by secret word or in a limited conclave.

But the enlightening and invigorating effects incidental to American occupation will inevitably loose their tongues and rally recruits to their new standard of thought.

Of this I hope and expect great results.

THE VARIOUS TRIBES OF THE PHILIPPINES.

Character of the Natives.

To judge of the character of one's own people is extremely difficult. One is likely to be either too severe or too complimentary. However, I believe, that--after a residence of many years in England and on the Continent, and a subsequent stay of eleven years in America, with frequent visits to the Philippines--I am able to judge in the abstract, and, in fact, comparatively to look upon my own countrymen with the eye of a thorough cosmopolitan.

The natives of the islands are a branch of the Malay race, and may be divided into three large groups,--the Tagalogs, the Visayos, and the Sulus,--each group subject to modifications and exceptions. The Tagalogs inhabit Luzon, the northern islands of the Archipelago, and it is with these that we have mainly to deal, as they are by far the most numerous and the most intelligent part of the population, forming, as they do, also the majority of the inhabitants in Manila and in the largest ports.

The first thing that in the native character impresses the traveler is his impassive demeanor and imperturbable bearing. He is a born stoic, a fatalist by nature. This accounts for his coolness in moments of danger, and his intrepid daring against overwhelming odds. This feature of the Malay character has often been displayed in the conflicts of the race with the Europeans in the East Indies. Under competent leadership the native, though strongly averse to discipline, can be made a splendid soldier. As sailors, too, I do not believe they can be equalled. For, lithe, active, and fond of the water, the Malays have ever shown their inclination for the sea. Their pirates, coursing in their prahus, have, till a few years ago, for centuries infested the bays and inlets of the eastern Archipelagos, looting the towns and villages on shore and taking as booty such foreign merchantmen as they were able to overcome. On account of the ravages of these fierce eastern Vikings, Europeans have come to regard the whole Malay race as cruel and bloodthirsty. But these were pirates in their own waters, and preyed upon their own countrymen, by whom they were feared no less than were the Spanish and English freebooters of old by their countrymen. Why, then, should their outrages and rapacity be taken as indicative of the Malay character any more than are the atrocities of the Caucasian corsair of their race?

The natives are all excellent swimmers, and are absolutely fearless in the water. I have seen groups of boys diving thirty or forty feet for pennies, dropped into the sea by foreign officers on ships anchored in the bay. Many swim miles with the greatest ease; and it is no uncommon sight in the outlying districts to see groups of naked men plunging with drawn dagger among a shoal of sharks, with whom they fight with a fierceness that always results in the victory of the native.

Along the beach at Manila, on a summer evening, at the close of the day's labor, hundreds of hands from the various tobacco factories--men, women, and children, of all ages and sizes, married and unmarried--may be seen disporting themselves, with peals of laughter and squeals of delight, in the cool surf.

As a result of the stoicism of the native character, he never bewails a misfortune, and has no fear of death. When anything happens he merely says, It is fate, and calmly goes about his business as if nothing had happened.

Europeans often seem to notice in them what they deem a lack of sympathy for the misfortunes of others; but it is not this so much as resignation to the inevitable. This, it must be confessed, saves them many a bitter pang. The educated native, however, impregnated with the bitter philosophy of the civilized world, is by no means so imperturbable. While more keenly alive to the sufferings of others, he is also more sensitive to his own sorrows. After all, whether he is any happier for his wisdom, is a question.

Incomprehensible inconsistencies obtain in nearly every native. Students of character may, therefore, study the Filipinos for years, and yet, at last, have no definite impression of their mental or moral status. Of course those living in the cities are less baffling to the physiognomist and the ethnologist; for endemic peculiarities have been rubbed off or so modified, that the racial traits are not obvious.

But observe the natives in the wilds, in their primitive abodes, where civilizing forces have not penetrated! You will then be amazed at the extraordinary mingling and clashing of antithetical characteristics in one and the same person; uncertain as to when the good or the bad may be manifested. Like the wind, the mood comes and goes,--and no one can tell why.

I myself, with all the inherited feelings, tastes, and tendencies of my countrymen,--modified and transmuted, happily,--have stood aghast or amused at some hitherto unknown characteristic suddenly manifesting itself in an intimate acquaintance; and after I had been for years, too, wholly ignorant of his being so possessed or obsessed. And after that, the same mental or moral squint would be displayed at irregular intervals.

It is said by some that the native is shiftless and improvident.

It is true that he is not noted for foresight and energy, as are the peoples of the temperate zones; but his indolence is the result of generations of tropical ancestors. Even the most energetic Europeans yield, in a few years, to the enervating effects of the climate, and are unable to shake off the lassitude bred by the heat. Besides, deprived by the Spaniards from all active participation in affairs of the Government, and robbed of the fruits of industry, all incentive to advancement and progress was taken away. He, therefore, yields with composure to the crushing conditions of his environment, preferring the lazy joys of indolence rather than labor for the benefit of his oppressors. Naturally. Recent events, however, show that, given the stimulant of hope, even the "indolent natives" of the Philippines can achieve and nobly dare.

Some Spaniards also have asserted that the Filipinos are naturally disloyal and treacherous, and that their word is not to be depended on.

Now, the whole world knows that they have every reason to be disloyal to the Spaniard, who has for centuries so cruelly oppressed them. The devotion to the cause of freedom, however, which has recently made Rizal and hundreds of others martyrs to Spanish cruelty, shows that they also have the stuff that heroes are made of, and that they can be loyal to an animating principle.

In many places the natives are unwilling to work without pay in advance, and this has been a great drawback to investors. For, after receiving their money, they frequently refuse to perform a stroke of work, knowing that their employer has no remedy except in the dilatory process of the courts, which would only increase his expense and exaggerate his troubles. This has no terrors for the native. While, of course, this is to be deprecated, it may be remedied by gaining the confidence of the natives; for it is undoubtedly the result of generations of Spanish robbery, where these people were forced to labor for their employers,--frequently the priests,--having no reward save the lash or promises of a golden crown in heaven. They, therefore, naturally look upon investors with some suspicion. However, in the more civilized districts, where modern and humane business methods prevail, hundreds of thousands are employed, to the profit both of themselves and their employers.

Though calm, the native is not secretive, but often loquacious. He is naturally curious and inquisitive, but always polite, and respectful withal--especially to his superiors. He is passionate, and, in common with all half-civilized races, is cruel to his foes. The quality of mercy, like the sentiment--as distinguished from the passion--of love, is perhaps more the product of the philosophy of civilization than a natural attribute of the human heart. The romantic history of Mediæval Europe, as compared with the placid present, is proof of this.

All travelers unite in attributing to the natives extreme family affection. They are very fond of their children, who, as a rule, are respectful and well-behaved. The noisy little hoodlums of European and American cities are utterly unknown. The old are tenderly cared for, and are venerated; while in almost every well-to-do household are one or two poor relatives who, while mere hangers-on, are, nevertheless, always made welcome to the table of their host. Indeed, the hospitality of the Filipinos is proverbial. A guest is always welcome, and welcome to the best. The better class, too, gladly embrace every opportunity to feast their neighbors or the stranger within their gates.

As a rule, the people are superstitious and very credulous; but how could they be otherwise? For three hundred years they have been denied even the liberty of investigation; when no light, save the dim glimmer of priestcraft pierced the utter darkness of their lot. Those that have been educated, however, have proved apt converts--only too apt say the priests and the Spaniards--to the conclusions of Science and of modern research.

The native is rarely humorous and seldom witty. He is not easily moved to anger, and when angry does not often show it. When he does, like the Malay of Java, he is prone to lose all control of himself, and, with destructive energy, slays all in his path. This is infrequent, however, but is a contingency that may occur at any time.

If a native has been unjustly punished, he will never forget it, and will treasure the memory of his wrong until a good opportunity for revenge presents itself.

Like all courageous people, he despises cowardice and pusillanimity. He has, therefore, but little regard for the meek and humble Chinaman, who will pocket an insult rather than avenge himself. He greatly esteems the European, who is possessed of the qualities that he admires, and will follow him into the very jaws of death. He is easily awed by a demonstration of superior force, and is ruled best by mild but firm coercion,--based upon justice. He is not often ambitious, save socially, and to make some display, being fond of ceremony and of the pomp and glitter of a procession. He is sober, patient, and always clean. This can be said of few peoples. He easily adjusts himself to new conditions, and will soon make the best of his surroundings. As servants they are honest, obedient, and will do as they are told.

It must be said that they enjoy litigation more than is good for them or for the best interests of the colony. There must be some psychological reason for this. It doubtless gives some play to the subtlety of the Oriental mind. It is said that he lacks the sense of initiative; and to some extent this may be true. The recent conduct of Aguinaldo--a full-blooded native--proves, notwithstanding, that he is not wholly deficient in aggressiveness nor in organizing power.

Though not as artistic as the Japanese, the Filipinos have shown many evidences of art talent. This is seen in the embroidery of the women, as well as in the work of the native painters and sculptors. Some of these have been honored with high prizes at the Art Exhibition in Madrid. I remember particularly the brothers Luna: one educated in Spain, and there distinguished by his remarkable talent with the brush; the other known for his wonderful virtuosity.

Moreover, in nothing are the Filipinos so proficient as in music. Every village has its orchestra, and in the evening the whole district turns out to enjoy its playing.

All the people are, in fact, born musicians; even little boys and girls of five or six years of age play the harp, the guitar, or the piano as if by instinct; while their elders show a proficiency that, when their opportunities are considered, is truly astonishing. The clergy, appreciating that music is the foe of vice and a promoter of virtue, have wisely encouraged the natives in this art. It is now taught in all the higher schools in the colony.

At the many feasts, religious and secular, which are the delight of the natives, music is always the most enjoyable feature, the bands playing for hours together, both performers and listeners being so engrossed as to be wholly unconscious of the lapse of time.

A Native Wedding.

The native usually marries early,--the brides often but eleven or twelve years of age. A marriage-feast is entered into with pomp and ceremony. It is a not unimportant occasion for the priest also, who usually sets the day, and expects a large fee,--dependent upon the wealth of the contracting parties. The evening before the ceremony, both bride and groom go to confession, to receive absolution. About five o'clock the following morning they leave the house of the bride, joined by a long procession of relatives.

After mass has been said, the bride and groom stand before the priest, who places over their shoulders a thick mantle, which is to typify the bodily union. He then recites his formula and asks the usual questions. To these both respond in the same low voice characteristic of such replies the world over. As the wedded pair are leaving the church, a bowl of coin is passed to them. The new husband stops, takes a handful and gives it to his wife, who receives it and returns it to the bowl. This is a token that he gives to her his worldly goods. All then solemnly return to the paternal residence, where, meanwhile, a banquet has been prepared.

This feast is called Catapusan which means a gathering of friends. All the notables of the village, as well as all the relatives on both sides, are invited to it. The table is loaded with the good things of the season. Light liquors, chocolate, and sweetmeats are then offered to the guests, with betel-nuts and cigars and cigarettes.

The dancing now begins. A youth and a maiden stand facing each other, both singing a sentimental song. Then follows a musical dialogue, while both dance round each other, keeping step to the music furnished by the native orchestra. A young woman then steps into the middle of the floor,--her long hair flowing down her back, her eyes sparkling. The music begins in a low plaintive key, that gradually becomes more and more forlorn, while her languid movements express various degrees of sorrow. Gradually the strain flows into a livelier measure, and she becomes more and more animated, until at last she sinks down in a whirl of delirious passion. Then, again, a girl dances with a glass of water on her head; or some other form of entertainment is given.

After the dancing, the men and women retire to their respective quarters.

The marriage is always arranged by the parents of the two young persons, who go through an established etiquette of advance and refusal before the dowry terms are arranged. If the parents of the young man are poor and he can offer no dowry, he often enters the household of his intended on probation,--as Jacob did to win Rachael.

The wedding-feast is always given by the father of the groom, who also furnishes the dowry for the bride. The young married couple then live with the parents of one of the parties. The wife always remains mistress of her own property, and the husband can in no event inherit it. The children often add the surname of the mother to that of the father, thus making the woman of greater prominence.

Before the middle of the century there were no distinct family surnames, and there were, consequently, no complications of families possible. To introduce greater simplicity into the laws of inheritance, the names of distinguished Spanish families were introduced into the colony,--each family receiving a distinct appellation.

Dress and Manners.

The men are usually of medium height, lithe, and of a rich brown color, with large cheek-bones, bright eyes and immobile countenances. The better kind dress in loose shirts, or blouses, worn outside the trousers and of native manufacture, made of abacá, or Manila hemp; or of the airy, delicate, and almost transparent piña,--a texture of pine-apple leaf, as choice as the finest lace.

This is of white, or light yellow, and often interwoven with red, green or blue silk, or embroidered with flowers. The white or light-colored trousers are fastened round the waist with a belt. The feet are sometimes bare, or protected by sandals or patent-leather shoes. On the head is usually worn a salacot--a large round hat, strongly plaited with gray-and-black intersecting patterns of nito or liana fibre, the brim ornamented with a band of embroidered cloth or silver.

The dress of the poorer class is very similar--the material being coarser, the colors red and orange predominating.

The woman wears a flowing skirt of gay colors--bright red, green or white--with a silken saya or sarong of many colors. Over this is a narrower waist-cloth usually of silk and of a darker color. Over the breast and shoulders is generally thrown a starched neckcloth of beautiful embroidered piña--folded triangularly, the points fitting in the hollow of the V-shaped chemisette. On the head is worn a white mantle, from which the rippling cataract of raven hair falls in massy folds almost to the ground. The toes of the naked feet are enveloped in chinelas,--a heelless slipper, which is shuffled with languorous grace.

Many of the women are pretty, and all are good-natured and smiling. Their complexion, of light brown, is usually clear and smooth; their eyes are large and lustrous, full of the sleeping passion of the Orient. The figures of the women are usually erect and stately, and many are models of grace and beauty.

The women of every class are far more industrious than the men, and also more cheerful and devout. Adultery is almost unheard of. The men, however, are exceedingly jealous. The natives believe that during sleep the soul is absent from the body, and they say that if one be suddenly wakened they fear the soul may not be able to return. Therefore, they are extremely careful not to waken anyone rudely or suddenly, but always call with softly-rising and falling tones, to bring the sleeper gradually to consciousness.

The preceding observations concerning the Tagalogs, the natives of the north, are also, in the main, true of the Visayos, their southern brethren. The latter, however, are not so cheerful or so hospitable, and are more ostentatious and aggressive. Their women, too, are more vain and avaricious. These slight differences are perhaps due to the fact that they have far less intercourse with the civilized world than the Tagalogs.

The Half-breeds, or Mestizos.

No less interesting, and even more influential than the natives, are the half-breeds, or mestizos. They form a large percentage of the population. These are usually of native mothers and of Spanish or Chinese fathers. The Spanish fathers are, however, a distinct class from the Chinese fathers, and rank much higher socially, exchanging visits with the pure Spanish. They are, most always, a handsome race, and more intelligent than the pure natives, and far more energetic and ambitious. Among them are many leading merchants and men of influence.

The mestiza girls are, as a rule, often of wonderful beauty. They are lithe and graceful and of a soft olive complexion, with red lips, pearly teeth, and ravishing black eyes, whose long lashes droop coquettishly in response to the admiring glance of a stranger. Their dancing is justly famed, and those educated in the convents are musical and often accomplished in other ways. The peculiar characteristics and the increase of energy due to this infusion of European blood, however, disappear if no further admixture takes place in the second generation. It is more lasting, on the other hand, where the Malay has been crossed with the Chinese. This is probably due to the great similarity of the two races.

These Malays, with an infusion of Chinese, are called mestizo-Chinos. They also are more intelligent than the pure Malay, and far more shrewd. Many of the leading merchants of Manila are of this mixture. They do not, however, enjoy the confidence of the people, and are a tricky and disturbing element in the population. They have the mongrel stamp and a cunning, shifty look. They are full of intrigue too, and it was, indeed, because they formed so large a part of the rebels that the high-class natives hesitated so long about joining the insurgents; not wishing to combine even with the despised mestizo-Chinos against the hated Spanish; for the government of the latter was preferable to that of the former.

Savage Tribes in the Interior: Aetas, or Negritos.

Over all the islands are scattered a mountain tribe called Aetas, or Negritos. These are supposed to be the aborigines. They are very dark, some being as black as negroes. They are doubtless of African descent and are said to resemble the natives of New Guinea. Their hair is black, curly, and matted. They go almost naked, and have but little self-respect. They are also puny, stupid, and ugly, and of a low order of intellect, incapable of improvement, and deficient in judgment and in aggressiveness. They are, on the other hand, remarkably fleet of foot. They subsist mainly by hunting. Their usual weapons are a lance of bamboo, a palm-wood bow, and a quiver of poisoned arrows.