Chapter II: Part 2

Talavera, July 26, 1541. The contract made by the king with Alvarado in 1538 and 1539, and with Mendoza in 1541, provided for the discovery, conquest, and colonization of the islands and provinces of the southern sea toward the west. Alvarado had offered to undertake this expedition within fifteen months after arriving in Guatemala, sending westward two galleons and one ship, sufficiently provisioned for two years, with full crew and equipment, and the necessary artillery; and other vessels for discovery about the American coasts. If lands and islands shall be discovered, he promises to send thither, for their colonization, "ten additional ships, eight hundred soldiers, and three hundred of them cavalry, should the nature of the land be such that horsemen are necessary for it." He is also to send "ecclesiastics and religious for the instruction and Christian training of the natives of those regions." All this is to be at Alvarado's expense, without the king being obliged to recompense him for any outlay, except by the privileges granted him. "Likewise you offer, that after the discovery ... you shall keep masters, carpenters, and other workmen, as many as thirty, in a shipyard that you own in the said province of Guatemala, in order that what shall have been discovered, may be aided and preserved more easily." Also he is to employ as many men as may be necessary in building vessels for the space of ten years. He is to be governor of Guatemala for seven years, "and as many more as we choose; unless, the _residencia_ being taken from you now at our order by ... our auditor of the royal _Audiencia_ and chancellery of New Spain should show crimes for which you should be deprived of your trust although you shall be obliged to render an account whenever I order it" Four per cent of all profits of the fifth part of "all gold, silver, precious stones, pearls, drugs, spices, and of all other metals and things found and produced in the said lands, and of which the rights pertain to us," and four per cent of all tributes, are assigned forever to Alvarado (provided that such sum does not exceed six thousand ducats each year), and are divided in due ratio between the provinces discovered. This is clear of all rights or taxes. In answer to Alvarado's request for a tenth of all lands and vassals discovered,--selected as he may see fit, and accompanied by the title of duke, with the dominion and jurisdiction of the grandees of Castile,--the king grants him four per cent _pro rata_ in each part, and the title of count, "with the dominion and jurisdiction that we shall decree, at the time when we shall order the said title bestowed. This shall be granted after the said discovery, and after you shall have signified what part you have selected, provided that we shall not have to give you your said part from the best or the worst of the said islands and provinces, or the chief city of a province, or a seaport." Other privileges are: the life-title of governor and captain-general of all places discovered, with an annual salary of three thousand ducats, plus one thousand ducats over and above this sum, to be paid from the incomes and profits accruing to the king from these discoveries, but these shall not be paid unless the incomes and profits reach that figure; his heir shall be governor of two hundred leagues of land, with the same salary and gratification, and under the same condition Stone forts may be built, at his own expense, in such places as he may select, which he and two generations of his heirs shall hold, with an annual salary and gratification of one hundred and fifty thousand maravedis for each one of the forts, to be paid under the same conditions as the foregoing. He shall have the perpetual office of high constable in all lands discovered and conquered. No similar agreement shall be made with others for seven years, if he fulfil his promises. Provision will be made later as to the natives of the lands discovered. Men and goods may pass freely from Puerto de Caballos (conquered by Alvarado) to Guatemala, and orders are to be given by the king that the governor of Honduras shall place no obstacles in the way of such passage; and meanwhile Alvarado's claims to the above port are to be investigated. The governor of Honduras will be required to furnish Indians as porters, for whose services the current price must be paid, as well as for all carts and other equipment used, but as much as possible must be carried by waterways. One hundred and fifty negro slaves may be taken from "these our kingdoms, or from the kingdom of Portugal for the said fleet or for the preparation of the said fleet, free of all taxes;" but the _adelantado_ must send an account to Spain, signed by the officials of Guatemala, that such disposition of them has been made; if not so employed, then the sum of six thousand maravedis is to be paid for the rights of each slave. More slaves may be taken after the discoveries have been made. The governors of all ports, etc., are to be commanded to accord good treatment to the fleet, should it anchor at their respective ports. For ten years all goods taken to the newly-discovered lands shall be free from all taxes. For the same length of time the colonists shall not pay the tenth to the king, but after the tenth year, they shall pay one-ninth, and so on each year until they shall pay one-fifth; but for trade and booty the fifth shall be paid from the beginning. There is to be no duty on goods taken "from these our kingdoms to the said province of Guatemala for the preparation of the said fleet" for the first voyage. All personal property that Alvarado takes to the islands or provinces discovered is to be during his life free from duty, provided it shall not exceed in any year the sum of three thousand ducats. Those going on the expedition who take horses, may take two Indian slaves apiece. Land is to be assigned to the colonists, of which they are to have perpetual ownership after a four years' residence. [20] _Encomiendas_ of the Indians may be assigned "for such time as you wish, under the instructions and ordinances given you." The treaties with the Portuguese crown in regard to the demarcation and the Moluccas must be strictly obeyed. [21] The agreement with Mendoza, viceroy of New Spain, that he shall have a one-third interest in the fleet is confirmed. No excise duty is to be levied "for ten years, and until we order to the contrary." A hospital is provided for by one hundred thousand maravedís taken from fines. The hospital also is to receive the rights of _escobilla_ [22] and the sweepings in the founding of metals. Lawyers and attorneys are prohibited from engaging in their callings in the lands and islands discovered. The royal officials appointed by the king are to be taken in the fleet, as well as ecclesiastics "for the instruction of the natives of the said islands and provinces to our holy Catholic faith." For the latter, Alvarado is to pay the "freight, provisions, and other necessary supplies fitting to their persons, all at your own cost." Ransoms for captured native princes or seigniors pertain to the king, but, on account of the labors and expenses of the undertaking, one-sixth shall be given to the king and the remainder shall be distributed among the conquerors, first subtracting the king's fifth; but of the booty falling into the hands of the conquerors after the death of a prince or chief killed in battle, or obtained by justice or otherwise, one-half shall be the king's, and shall be delivered to his officials, first withdrawing his fifth. In case of doubt regarding the collection of the king's rights in any treasure, "especially of gold, silver, precious stones, and pearls, and that found in graves or other places where it shall have been hidden," and in other goods, the following order is to be observed: one-fifth of everything taken in battle, or taken from villages, or for ransoms shall be paid the king; he shall receive one-half of all treasure found in graves or places of worship, or buried, and the person finding the treasure shall have the other half; but any person not announcing his find shall lose "all the gold, silver, precious stones, and pearls, and in addition one-half of his other possessions." The strict observance of the contract is ordered. This contract was first made in 1638; in 1639, a section was inserted confirming the partnership of Alvarado and Mendoza, in which the latter was to receive one-third of all profit; in 1541, in accordance with the new agreement between the two men, a clause was added to this contract, giving equal rights to each. (No. ii, pp. 7-26.)

Mexico, September, 1542. On the fifteenth of this month Mendoza commissions Gonzalo Davalos as his treasurer on the expedition, Guido de La Bezaris [23] as his accountant, and Martin de Islares as his factor. The treasurer is to receive an annual salary of seventy-five thousand maravedis, "to be paid from the profits that shall pertain to me in those lands, it being understood that if this amount is not reached, I am not obliged to pay it from any other source." The usual duties of treasurer are to be observed by him. On the eighteenth of the month very full instructions are given to Villalobos by Mendoza. The principal injunctions of these instructions follow: he will report at Puerto de la Navidad, where the vessels for the expedition have been prepared; these will be delivered to him by Mendoza's agent, who shall make a full declaration of everything in the equipment of the vessels "except the merchandise and articles of barter, the slaves, the forge ... because they must be under the charge of the treasurer and officials whom I am sending in the fleet for that purpose; and other things I specify in their instructions, and in those of Juan de Villareal [his agent] in regard to it." He shall sign this declaration in the records of the notary and in the books of the accountant and treasurer. All the "artillery, ammunition, war supplies, and weapons, shall be given into the charge of the captain of artillery, and all the vessels of the fleet into the charge of the commander of the fleet, together with all their equipment, tackle and rigging, and provisions." In each ship, a pilot, master, boatswain, and notary shall be appointed. Each ship shall be put in charge of its master, and the notary for that ship shall take full notes of everything transferred to the former's keeping. The master shall also have care of the artillery of his vessel, such charge being imposed by the captain of artillery. For greater security the merchandise and articles for traffic, and the officials having them in charge, are to be apportioned among the vessels. An account must be taken in each vessel of its captain and crew (both sailors and soldiers), giving for each man his father's name and his place of birth. Villalobos is to have special watch over the treasurer, accountant, and factor. The men of the ships are to be divided into watches, no one being excused "except for legitimate cause." "And when you are ready to sail, you shall make full homage, . . . according to Spanish custom, that you will exercise well and faithfully the said office of lieutenant-governor and captain-general, . . . and that you will deliver to me, and to no one else, the discoveries and profits pertaining to me, according as his majesty orders in his royal provision, and that neither directly nor indirectly will you exercise any deceit or wrong in anything." The officers and all others shall take oath to obey him as captain-general, "and that there will be no mutinies or rebellions." The officials appointed by the king to guard his interests are to be received, and the best of treatment shall be accorded them. When a settlement has been made one or two vessels shall be sent back, sufficiently equipped, with news of such settlement, and of all he has accomplished. "Likewise you shall send me specimens of all the products of the land that you can secure, ... of the manner of dressing [of the inhabitants], and their mode of life, what is their religion or sect, the character of their life and government, their method of warfare with their neighbors; and if they have received you peaceably, if you have made a treaty of peace with them, or your status among them." The spread of religion is to be sought especially. To this end "you shall try to ensure that those in your charge live as good Catholics and Christians, that the names of our Lord and his most blessed Mother, as well as those of his saints, be revered and adored, and not blasphemed; and you shall see to it strictly that blasphemies and public sins be punished." All letters sent in the ships returning must be assured safe delivery. Mendoza is to be first informed of all news brought by the ships. In these ships shall be sent also both Mendoza's and the king's profits, as well as those of the individuals of the fleet, provided the latter shall not prevent the sending of either his or the king's. In affairs of moment Villalobos must consult freely with many people of the fleet, among whom are named "father prior Fray Gerónimo, Fray [blank in manuscript], [24] who was prior of Totonilco, Jorge Nieto, the inspector Arevalo, Gaspar Xuarez Davila, Francisco Merino, Matias de Alvarado, Bernardo de la Torre, and Estrada." If Villalobos should determine to return with all the fleet, those wishing to remain shall do so, and he shall leave them a captain and sufficient stores. Persons are to be appointed to look after the property and belongings of the dead, and to see that no fraud is exercised, in order that his heirs may be secured. Entry must be made, in the method in vogue in Spain, of all things sent back in the ships. All settlements must be made on the shore, and a fort must be erected at some distance from the natives' habitations, in which the articles for trade must be securely stowed. No soldier shall be permitted, without leave, and under severe penalties "to go to the Indian settlements or enter their houses ... and no one shall take anything by force, in the camp or in the town, contrary to the will of the Indians where you shall have made peace." Men are to be appointed who shall attend to the buying of all provisions, "because not having knowledge of the products of the land, [your men] would buy more in accordance with appetite than with reason, where-from much damage would ensue, because the products of the land would be placed at a higher figure, and the value of the articles for barter ... would be lowered;" the prices for trafficking shall be assigned to these buyers and they must not go over them, but try to buy at a lower figure. The trafficking of the merchandise shall be also in charge of experienced persons. "You shall advise your men that, whenever they speak of the emperor, Our Lord, among the natives, they shall speak of his greatness, and how he is the greatest Lord of the earth, and that they have been sent by one of his captains of these regions." (Nos. ii, iii, pp. 7-46.)

Puerto de Navidad, October 22, 1542. Villalobos certifies before a notary that he has received from Juan de Villareal, Mendoza's agent, "four ships, one small galley, and one _fusta,_ [25] to wit: the admiral's ship, named 'Santiago;' the 'San Jorge,' 'San Antonio,' and 'San Juan de Letran;' the galley 'San Christoval,' and the _fusta_ 'San Martin'--with all equipment, ammunition, artillery, weapons, provisions, etc.,... in the name of his lordship [Mendoza] ... in order to go with the said vessels and with the soldiers of his most illustrious lordship, upon the pursuit and prosecution of the said voyage." He promises in full terms to carry out to the letter all instructions and to give true and complete accounts of everything to Mendoza or his agents. This oath is attested in the form prescribed by the royal notary-public. This same day the oath of obedience is taken by the captains and soldiers, and the pilots and seamen. The oath taken by the captains is, in part, as follows: "Your graces, captains Bernaldo de la Torre, Don Alonso Manrrique, Francisco Merino, Mathias de Alvarado, Pero Ortiz de Rueda, Christoval de Pareja, and gentlemen of this fleet, of which Rui Lopez de Villalobos goes as general for his most illustrious lordship, swear before God, Our Lord, and blessed Mary his Mother, on the holy words written in this book of the holy gospels, and on this sign of the cross [on which each one of them placed his right hand] that, as good, faithful, and Catholic Christians, you promise and pledge your faith and word, and homage as knights and nobles, by right, of Spain, once, twice, and thrice, to be faithful and obedient, and to hold as your captain-general Rui Lopez de Villalobos, here present; and you will observe the instructions he has given you, in so far as the good of the business requires it; and you will be obedient and will hearken to his orders. And you shall declare and advise, each one of you, what you deem suitable and necessary for the good of this expedition, whether he asks it or not, although you think he may be vexed or angry at hearing what you wish to tell him; only you shall state the fundamental reason why your assertion is good, in everything making it a point of your desire to come directly to the question, and not to give your advice with passion, or servilely, but with all freedom." If he send them on missions they must report to him alone. "And none of you shall rouse up mutinies, scandals, seditions, or conspiracies; nor shall you talk against your captain-general or the expedition; rather if you learn or foresee anything of such matters, you shall tell and inform your general thereof, so that it may be remedied." The soldiers swear to be obedient to the commands of Villalobos and his captains, and to follow the general's banners, day or night, holding him as chief; they must be loyal and true in every sense of the word, both on sea and land. The pilots (who are named) and the seamen also take like oath to fulfil their duties completely, acknowledging Villalobos as general. They are to obey the latter "both now on the said voyage, and in the Western Islands." They must try to accomplish the voyage in the shortest time possible, and must take part in no mutinies or uprisings. In his instructions to his captains Villalobos requires the following: No soldier is to be admitted to the fleet who does not bear a certificate of confession and communion. If there be any such, he must confess within three days to the religious in the fleet, or be put on short rations of water until he does confess. Severe punishment for blasphemy of "the name of God, our Lord, his glorious Mother, or of any of the saints" is stipulated, varying in degree according to the blasphemy. The religious are to receive every consideration, that the natives may see "how we honor the ministers of the Gospel." All weapons are to be kept in a special place in each ship and given to the men only when necessary, and they shall be regularly inspected. Most stringent rules are laid down as to the distribution of water, and the water butts must be inspected each day by the "steward, master, pilot, or boatswain," and every four days by the captain in person, to see that the regulations pertaining thereto are strictly observed. Likewise the amounts of food to be given are carefully stipulated, the amounts, as in the case of the water, being different for soldiers, sailors, negroes, and Indians. Fire is guarded against by ordering all fires, except the lantern, out at four in the afternoon, unless to cook something for a sick man, and then that fire shall be immediately extinguished. Watches are to be maintained day and night. Those caught sleeping at their posts are to be severely punished. If the culprit be an individual who holds an office, for the first offense he shall lose his office; for the second he shall be thrown overboard. A soldier (not of gentle birth) for the first offense shall be made to pass under the keel three times; and for the second be thrown overboard. The captain must stand one watch each night. Each captain shall have a body-guard of six men. All fire must be kept away from the powder. At the least appearance of mutiny immediate measures are to be taken; if it is not possible to inform Villalobos, then the captain is empowered to execute summary justice. The captain is to keep a compass in his room, which he shall constantly consult, and must keep close watch on the course. In case one vessel be separated from the fleet and reach any land, the captain must see that the natives are well treated. The men "shall not enter their houses, towns, or temples, or talk to the women; nor shall they take anything to eat, or any other articles, before you appoint a man who understands trading, and he shall buy for all what they may need. And you shall try to find out the products of the land, and to procure specimens thereof, and ascertain the character of the people and the land; so that, when we meet you there, you may advise me of everything, and his most illustrious lordship may have knowledge of it all." The captain must under no consideration disembark at this land himself, but must send a trustworthy agent with armed men to arrange peace and friendship with the natives. They must return two hours before nightfall. If peace be made, then a trader will be appointed. They are to be careful that "God our Lord be not offended because of the Indians you take with you; and they must examine the instructions of the pilots and see that the latter abide by these instructions." (Nos. v-viii, pp. 46-65.)

1543. An extensive correspondence ensues between Villalobos and Jorge de Castro, after the fleet, had reached the Philippines, [26] in which the latter, especially in his letters of July 20 and September 2, requests the former to leave the lands falling within the demarcation of the Portuguese monarch; and to cease his depredations among the natives. Villalobos replies to these letters under dates of August 9 and September 12 respectively, justifying his expedition, and his conduct toward the natives, and stating that the requirements given him are to respect the Portuguese demarcation, which he has done. (No. ix, pp. 66-94.)

Cochin, in Portuguese India, February 22, 1547. Fray Geronimo de Santistéban writes to the viceroy of New Spain an account of the expedition of Villalobos. He names and describes very briefly the islands in their course; at one of these they cast anchor, and he gives a description of its people and resources. "February 29 we saw the islands of Bindanao [Mindanao], San Juan, and San Antonio." [27] One of the vessels had been badly damaged in a storm before reaching the island named Matalotes. At Mazaua Bay they began first to experience famine and sickness. As food was refused them on the island of Sarrangan, and their men attacked, they determined to take it by force. The island was soon gained, and "Rui-Lopez labored with that people with entreaties and gifts to make friendship, and to induce them to return to their houses, but in vain." Then began the hunt for food in various places, but much opposition from the natives was encountered. Santistéban says "If I should try to write, to your lordship in detail of the hunger, need, hardships, disease, and the deaths that we suffered in Sarragan, I would fill a book ... In that island we found a little rice and sago, a few hens and hogs, and three deer. This was eaten in a few days, together with what remained of the ship food. A number of cocoa-palms were discovered; and because hunger cannot suffer delay, the buds which are the shoots of the palms were eaten. There were some figs and other fruits. Finally we ate all the dogs, cats, and rats we could find, besides horrid grubs and unknown plants, which all together caused the deaths, and much of the prevalent disease. And especially they ate large numbers of a certain large variety of gray lizard, which emits considerable glow; very few who ate them are living. Land crabs also were eaten which caused some to go mad for a day after partaking of them, especially if they had eaten the vitals. At the end of seven months, the hunger that had caused us to go to Sarragan withdrew us thence." The booty of the island was but little, for the natives had carried away and hidden the greater part of their possessions. The vessel of Villalobos and two small brigs put out from this place of famine to go to the upper islands, the other vessels having been sent on ahead on various commissions. After sailing for forty leagues, the large vessel was unable to advance farther, and put in at a bay called Sacayan [Cagayan], to await good weather, while the two small vessels went on ahead [because according to Alvarado they could navigate nearer the shore] in search of food. Troubles from the natives still pursued these smaller vessels. At one part of Mindanao they tried to secure food. Fourteen of the crew were left ashore, ten of whom were killed. The two brigs anchored at Mindanao, remaining there for more than fifty days, awaiting the arrival of the ship and galley. From this place they went to Tandaya, [28] where they were well received by the natives. Here the sick men were left, while the others went in search of the rest of their men, but failed to find them where they had been left. A letter was found which directed the searchers to the "islands of Talao, which are forty leagues south of Maluco." Returning to Tandaya, it was found that the men left there had been taken off by the "Sant Juan." Here Santistéban and his party remained for two months, until the king of Tidore sent in quest of Villalobos. A description of these people follows. Finally Villalobos, forced to do so by hunger, cast anchor in Portuguese possessions. Negotiations with the Portuguese followed. The "Sant Juan" was despatched to New Spain May 16, 1545, but it was unable to make the journey and returned within five months. Finally the remnants of the expedition were taken in Portuguese vessels to Ambón [Amboina], where Villalobos died; and thence to Malacca, where only one hundred and seventeen of the three hundred and seventy who left New Spain arrived, thirty remaining in Maluco. Santistéban justifies Villalobos, saying "Your lordship will bear in mind your promise to Ruy Lopez ... to be a father to his children. In the judgment of certain men, Ruy Lopez performed no services for your lordship, for which his children deserve recompense. I know most certainly that, in the judgment of God and of those who regard his works without passion, he did everything possible for the service of your lordship, and that he grieved more over not having fulfilled exactly your lordship's design than over all the other losses, sorrows, and persecutions that he endured." (_Col. doc. inéd. Amér. y Oceanía,_ tomo xiv, pp. 151-165.)

Garcia Descalante Alvarado, who accompanied Villalobos, left an account of the expedition, dated Lisbon, August 7, 1548, and addressed to the viceroy of New Spain; it deals more fully with the later adventures of the expedition. A brief synopsis follows. The fleet left the port of Joan Gallego [Navidad] on All Saints' Day, 1542. They passed, at a distance of one hundred and eighty leagues, two uninhabited islands which they named Santo Thomas [San Alberto] [29] and Añublada, or "Cloud Island" [Isla del Socorro]; and eighty leagues farther another island, Roca Partida or "Divided Rock" [Santa Rosa]. After sailing for sixty-two days they came to a "lowlying, densely-wooded archipelago," which they named the Coral Archipelago, anchoring at one of the islands, Santistéban [San Estevan]. The next islands they named Los Jardines, or "The Gardens," from their luxuriant foliage. January 23, 1543, they passed a small island, whose inhabitants hailed them in good Castilian, saying "Buenos dias, matalotes" [30] [meaning to say "Good morning, sailors"], for which the island was named Matalotes. The next island passed they named Arrecifes or Reefs, the significance of which is apparent. February 2, they anchored in a beautiful bay which they called Málaga [Baganga] and the island Cesarea Karoli [Mindanao], "which the pilots, who afterwards sailed around it, declared to have a circuit of three hundred and fifty leagues." After a month's residence on the island, they left in search of the island of Mazagua, but contrary weather forced them to anchor at an island named Sarrangar and by them called Antonio, [31] where they had trouble with the natives, who were attacked by the Castilians under command of Alvarado. The people defended themselves valiantly with "small stones, poles, arrows, and mangrove cudgels as large around as the arm, the ends sharpened and hardened in the fire," but were finally vanquished; they abandoned this island afterwards and went to Mindanao. "Upon capturing this island we found a quantity of porcelain, and some bells which are different from ours, and which they esteem highly in their festivities," besides "perfumes of musk, amber, civet, officinal storax, and aromatic and resinous perfumes. With these they are well supplied, and are accustomed to their use; and they buy these perfumes from Chinese who come to Mindanao and the Philipinas." They found a very small quantity of gold. The booty was divided among the company, during which a controversy arose as the soldiers objected to both Villalobos and the viceroy of New Spain having separate shares therein, claiming that it was sufficient to pay the former the seventh which he asked, with the choice of one jewel. After this was settled, the general ordered maize to be planted "which was done twice, but it did not come up. This irritated them all, and they said they did not come to plant, but to make conquests." To their complaints, and requests to change their location, Villalobos replied "that he came for the sole purpose of discovering the course of the voyage, and of making a settlement." "The offensive arms of the inhabitants of these islands are cutlasses and daggers; lances, javelins, and other missile weapons; bows and arrows, and culverins. They all, as a rule, possess poisonous herbs, and use them and other poisons in their wars. Their defensive arms are cotton corselets reaching to the feet and with sleeves; corselets made of wood and buffalo horn; and cuirasses made of bamboo and hard wood, which entirely cover them. Armor for the head is made of dogfish-skin, which is very tough. In some islands they have small pieces of artillery and a few arquebuses. They are universally treacherous, and do not keep faith, or know how to keep it. They observe the peace and friendship they have contracted only so long as they are not prepared to do anything else; and as soon as they are prepared to commit any act of knavery, they do not hesitate because of any peace and friendship that they have made. Those who carry on trade with them, must hold themselves very cautiously. Certain Spaniards who trusted in them were killed treacherously, under pretense of friendship." The Castilians endured much hunger on this island of Sarrangar, and a number of them died. A ship was despatched to Mindanao to make peace, and to arrange terms of trade, and for food, and was received with apparent friendliness. A boat with six men was sent ashore, but was attacked by the natives; one man was killed and the others badly wounded. Failing to obtain food here, Villalobos set out with twenty-five men for the island of Santguin [Sanguir]. They anchored midway at a small island where "the natives had fortified themselves on a rock ... in the sea, with an entrance on only one side; this was strongly fortified with two defenses, and its summit was enclosed by very large and numerous trees. The approach was from the water side. The houses within were raised up high on posts, and the sea quite surrounded the rock." The people refusing to give provisions, "we fought with them, the combat lasting four hours. Finally we carried the place, and as they would not surrender, they were all killed, with the exception of some women and children." One Spaniard was killed and a number wounded; and, after all but little food was found. On his return to Sarrangan, Villalobos despatched his smallest ship to New Spain to solicit aid, on August 4, 1543. Another vessel started on the same day to "some islands ... which we call Felipinas, after our fortunate prince, which were said to be well supplied with provisions," for the purpose of securing food. Three days after this the troubles with the Portuguese began, with the arrival of the deputy sent by Jorge de Castro. Meanwhile the numbers of the Spaniards and the Indian slaves brought from New Spain were being decimated through the famine they experienced. Expeditions were sent out to gather food, but resulted disastrously. The Portuguese intrigued with the natives not to sell provisions to the Castilians, and to do them all the harm possible. On the arrival of the ship sent to the Philippines for food, it was determined "to go to the Felipinas, to a province called Buio," [32] a salubrious land, "and abounding in food." Further misfortunes met them through stormy weather and the hostility of the natives, who treacherously killed eleven of the Spaniards in one vessel sent ahead to procure provisions. Further trouble with the Portuguese followed at the island of Gilolo, the king of which was hostile to the Portuguese. In these straits, Villalobos determined to appeal to the king of Tidore for aid and supplies, as he was formerly friendly to the Spanish; but his hopes were disappointed. Then he sent to Terrenate, at the instance of the king of Gilolo, to demand from the Portuguese the Castilian artillery in that island. [33] Finally treaties were made between the two kings and the Castilians. Alvarado was sent (May 28, 1544) to the Philippines to conduct back certain of the boats that had been sent thither when the expedition left the island of Sarrangan. At Mindanao, he was told of three provinces; "the first is Mindanao, and it has gold mines, and cinnamon; the second is Butuan, which has the richest mines of the whole island; and the third Bisaya, [34] likewise possessing gold mines and cinnamon. Throughout this island are found gold mines, ginger, wax, and honey." At the bay of Resurrection on this island he found a letter left previously by Villalobos and two others,--one by Fray Gerónimo de Santistéban dated in April, saying that he with eight or ten men was going in search of the general in one of the small vessels; that fifteen men had been killed by the natives, and that twenty-one remained at "Tandaya in the Felipinas, at peace with the Indians;" that one of the small vessels had been shipwrecked and ten men drowned at the river of Tandaya; and other news. The other letter was from the captain of the ship sent to New Spain, saying that he had set out too late to return to New Spain, and had taken the twenty-one men from Tandaya, and was going now in search of Villalobos. Alvarado coasted among many of the islands meeting with various adventures. He heard that in the "island of Zubu, there were Castilians living, since the time of Magallanes, and that the Chinese were wont to go thither to buy gold and certain precious stones." He returned on October 17 to Tidore where he found Villalobos and the other Castilians. A detailed account of the adventures of one of the two small vessels sent to the Philippines follows. Reunited at Tidore, the Spaniards began to repair the ship in order to return to New Spain. Meantime Jorge de Castro was superseded by Jordan de Fretes, and a truce was arranged between the two nationalities. A ship left Tidore May 16, 1545, for New Spain, but it was unable to get beyond range of the islands, and returned to Tidore October 3 of the same year. The Spaniards began to desert to the Portuguese, arousing the suspicions of the king of Tidore. The negotiations with the Portuguese and the discord among the Castilians are minutely detailed. On February 18, 1546, those wishing to do so embarked in the Portuguese fleet, arriving at Ambón, where a number of them died, including Villalobos. They left here on May 17, going by way of Java to India. A list of the surviving members of the expedition concludes the relation. (_Doc. inéd. Amér. y Oceania_, tomo v, pp. 117-209.)

Expedition of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi--1564-68

[Résumé of contemporaneous documents, 1559-68.]

Illustrative Documents--

Warrant of the Augustinian authorities in Mexico establishing
the first branch of their brotherhood in the Philippines; 1564.
Act of taking possession of Cibabao; February 15, 1565.
Proclamation ordering the declaration of gold taken from the
burial-places of the Indians; May 16, 1565.
Letters to Felipe II of Spain; May 27 and 29, and June 1, 1565.
Letter to the royal Audiencia at Mexico; May 28, 1565
Legazpi's relation of the voyage to the Philippines; 1565.
[35]Copia de vna carta venida de Seuilla a Miguel Saluador
de Valencia; 1566.
Letters to Felipe II of Spain; July, 1567, and June 26, 1568.
Negotiations between Legazpi and Pereira regarding the Spanish
settlement at Cebú. Fernando Riquel; 1568-69.

_Sources_: See Bibliographical Data at end of this volume.

_Translations_: The résumé of documents, 1559-69, is translated and arranged, by James A. Robertson, from _Col. doc. inéd. Ultramar,_ tomo ii, pp. 94-475, and tomo iii, pp. v-225, 244-370, 427-463. Of the illustrative documents, the first is translated by Reverend Thomas Cooke Middleton; the second and eighth by Arthur B. Myrick; the third and fourth by James A. Robertson; the fifth, sixth, and seventh by Alfonso de Salvio.

Resume of Contemporaneous Documents, 1559-68.

[The following synopsis is made from documents published in _Col. doc. inéd. Ultramar,_ tomos ii and iii, entitled _De las Islas Filipinas_. Concerning these documents the following interesting statements are taken from the editorial matter in tomo ii. "The expedition of Legazpi, which is generally believed to have been intended from the very first for the conquest and colonization of the Philippines, set out with the intention of colonizing New Guinea; and in any event only certain vessels were to continue their course to the archipelago, and that with the sole idea of ransoming the captives or prisoners of former expeditions" (p. vii). "The course laid out in the instructions of the viceroy [of New Spain, Luis de Velasco] [36] ... founded upon the opinion of Urdaneta, was to New Guinea. The instructions of the _Audiencia_ prescribed definitely the voyage to the Philippines" (p. xxiv). Copious extracts are given from the more important of these documents, while a few are used merely as note-material for others. With this expedition begins the real history of the Philippine Islands, From Legazpi's landing in 1564, the Spanish occupation of the archipelago was continuous, and in a sense complete until 1898, with the exception of a brief period after the capture of Manila, by the English in 1762.]

Valladolid, September 24, 1559. The king writes to Luis de Velasco, viceroy of New Spain and president of the royal _Audiencia_, that he provide "what seems best for the service of God, our Lord, and ourselves, and with the least possible cost to our estate; and therefore I order you, by virtue of your commission to make the said discoveries by sea, that you shall despatch two ships ... for the discovery of the western islands toward the Malucos. You must order them to do this according to the instructions sent you, and you shall stipulate that they try to bring some spice in order to make the essay of that traffic; and that, after fulfilling your orders, they shall return to that Nueva España, which they must do, so that it may be known whether the return voyage is assured." These ships must not enter any islands belonging to the king of Portugal, but they shall go "to other nearby islands, such as the Phelipinas and others, which lie outside the above agreement and within our demarcation, and are said likewise to contain spice," The necessary artillery, articles of barter, etc., will be sent from the India House of Trade in Seville. "I shall enclose in this letter the letter that you think I should write to Fray Andres de Urdaneta of the order of Saint Augustine in that city [Mexico], in order that he embark on those vessels because of his experience in matters connected with those islands of the spice regions, as he has been there." The viceroy must issue instructions to the vessels that they "must not delay in trading and bartering, but return immediately to Nueva España, for the principal reason of this expedition is to ascertain the return voyage." The letter enclosed to Urdaneta states that the king "has been informed that when you were a secular, you were in Loaysa's fleet, and journeyed to the Strait of Magallanes and the spice regions, where you remained eight years in our service." In the projected expedition of the viceroy, Urdaneta's experience will be very valuable "because of your knowledge of the products of that region, and as you understand its navigation, and are a good cosmographer." Therefore the king charges him to embark upon this expedition. (Tomo ii, nos. x and xi, pp. 94-100.)

Mexico, May 28, 1560. Yelasco writes to the king in answer to this letter, saying that he will do his utmost to fulfil his commands in regard to the voyage. He says "it is impossible to go to the Filipinas Islands without infringing the contents of the treaty, because the latter are no less within the treaty than are the Malucos, as your majesty can see by the accompanying relation, made solely for myself by Fray Andres de Urdaneta. This latter possesses the most knowledge and experience of all those islands, and is the best and most accurate cosmographer in Nueva España." He asks the king to show this relation to any living members of Loaysa's expedition in order to verify it. The king should redeem the Spaniards captured by the natives in the Philippines and other islands near the Moluccas. To do this and to reprovision the ships would not be in violation of the treaty made with Portugal. In case the ships should depart before the king's answer is received, the viceroy will order them to act in accordance with the above-mentioned relation. The vessels of the expedition will consist of two galleys of two hundred and one hundred and seventy or one hundred and eighty tons respectively, and a _patache_. [37] Wood, already fitted, is to be sent in the galleys, with which to make small boats for use among the islands. "The man in charge of the work, writes me that the cables and rigging necessary for these vessels will be all ready, by the spring of sixty-one, at Nicaraugua and Realexo, ports in the province of Guatimala where I have ordered these articles made, because they can be made better there than in all the coast of the Southern Sea; and because they can be brought easily from those ports to Puerto de la Navidad, where the ships must take the sea." The artillery and other articles sent from Spain for the vessels have arrived. The letters written by the king to Urdaneta and the Augustinian provincial were delivered, and both have conformed to the contents thereof. "It is most fitting that Fray Andres go on this expedition, because of his experience and knowledge of these islands, and because no one in those kingdoms or in these understands so thoroughly the necessary course as he; moreover, he is prudent and discreet in all branches of business, and is of excellent judgment." He assures the king that the return voyage to Spain will be made as quickly as possible. In a postscript he adds that all due secrecy has been observed in regard to the purpose of the fleet, and it has been given out that it is for the trade with Peru and for coast defense; however it is rumored that they are for the voyage westward. The same ship carried to the king a letter from Urdaneta accepting the service imposed upon him. He relates briefly his connection with the expedition of Loaysa and his experiences in, and return from, the Moluccas. "And after my return from the spice region until the year fifty-two, when our Lord God was pleased to call me to my present state of religion, I busied myself in your majesty's service, and most of the time in this Nueva España ... both in matters pertaining to war ... and those of peace." Notwithstanding his advanced age and his feeble health, he will undertake this new service. In a separate and accompanying paper Urdaneta sends his opinion concerning the Philippines and neighboring islands, which the viceroy has mentioned in his letter. In this relation Urdaneta declares that "it is evident and clear that the Filipina Island [Mindanao] is not only within the terms of the treaty, [38] but the point running eastward from this said island lies in the meridian of the Malucos, and the greater part of all the said island lies farther west than the meridian of Maluco." [39] He quotes the terms of the treaty to emphasize the fact that the Filipina Island is within Portugal's demarcation. "Therefore it seems that it would be somewhat inconsistent for your majesty to order the said vessels to the Filipina Island without showing some legitimate or pious reason therefor." He advises the king to despatch the expedition strictly within his demarcation, asking him, however, to allow the ships to go to the Philippine Islands for the purpose of redeeming the Spanish captives, "without going to the Malucos, or engaging in trade, except to buy some things which may be worth seeing as specimens, or food and other articles necessary for the voyage." The best pilots and experienced men should be engaged for this expedition, "so that the most accurate relation possible may be made both of the lands newly-discovered and their longitude, and the route from Nueva España to the said Filipina Island, and the other islands of its neighborhood, so that it shall be understood where the one hundred and eighty degrees of longitude of your majesty's demarcation end. Therefore it seems that not only is it a just cause to go to the Filipina Island in search of your said vassals ... but there appears to be a necessity for it, since they were lost in your majesty's service." These men will be very useful because of their knowledge of the language of the infidels and their acquaintance with those regions. (Tomo ii, nos. xii and xiii pp. 100-113.)

The king replies to Urdaneta from Aranjuez, (March 4, 1561), accepting his offer "to go to the Western Islands in the vessels that Don Luis de Velasco, our viceroy of those regions, is sending thither by our command ... I feel much pleasure at your willingness to undertake this expedition and your understanding that it will be for the service of God, our Lord, and of ourselves ... I charge you that, in accordance with your offer, you make this expedition, and do therein all that is expected from your religion and goodness. In regard to the advice you sent everything has been sent to the said viceroy, so that he may arrange what is most suitable according to his orders." (Tomo ii, no. xvi, pp. 118, 119.)

Nueva España, February 9, 1561. The viceroy writes to the king concerning the fleet. Two ships and one small vessel are being built, and will be provisioned for the trip to the Western Islands and the return to New Spain. They will be fully equipped by about the end of the present year. "It is necessary that your majesty have two pilots sent me for this expedition--men skilled and experienced in this navigation of the Ocean Sea; for, although I have three, I need two more, so that they may go two and two in the ships.... I have appointed Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, [40] a native of the province of Lepuzcua, and a well-known gentleman of the family of Lezcano, as the general and leader of those embarking in these vessels--who all told, soldiers, sailors, and servants, number from two hundred and fifty to three hundred people. He is fifty years old [41] and has spent more than twenty-nine years in this Nueba España. He has given a good account of the offices he has held, and of the important affairs committed to him. From what is known of his Christian character and good qualities hitherto, almore suitable man, and one more satisfactory to Fray Andres Urdaneta, who is to direct and guide the expedition, could not have been chosen; for these two are from the same land, and they are kinsmen and good friends, and have one mind." (Tomo ii, no. xiv, pp. 113-117.)

Mexico, 1561. Urdaneta, in a memorial to the king, points out the greater advantages of Acapulco as a port, than those possessed by Puerto de la Navidad. It has a more healthful location than the latter, is nearer Mexico City, and supplies can be taken there more easily. The lack of necessities, "such as wine, oil, etc., from España," and its unhealthful location have debarred workmen from going to Puerto de la Navidad; and hence the completion of the vessels has been retarded, and about a year must pass yet before they will be finished. "It is of great advantage that the port whence the men embark be healthful,... because if they embark from an unhealthful land, many fall sick before embarking, and many die afterwards while at sea ... The port of Acapulco appears to have a good location, so that a dockyard might be fitted up there, where vessels can be built, and may there take and discharge their cargoes; for it is one of the foremost ports in the discovery of the Indies--large, safe, very healthful, and with a supply of good water. It abounds in fish; and at a distance of five or six leagues there is an abundance of wood for the buttock-timbers of the vessels, and, some distance farther, of wood for decks and sheathing, and pines for masts and yards." Further, the district about this port is reasonably well populated. Urdaneta says that if material for making the artillery be sent from Spain, and good workmen, the artillery can be made in New Spain; as well as anchors. "In this land there is copper in abundance, from which artillery can be made," which only needs to be refined. The Augustinian makes some interesting observations regarding social and economic conditions in Mexico, and suggests that it would be very advantageous to compel many youths who are growing up in vagabondage to learn trades, "especially the _mestizos_, mulattoes, and free negroes." Weapons, ammunition, and defensive armor must be sent from Spain for this expedition. Urdaneta requests that hemp-seed be sent, in order that ropes may be made in New Spain. He tells of a plant _pita_ [agave], growing in this country which can be used as a substitute for hemp, and many plants of it must be planted near the ports. The pitch, tar, and resin, the instruments and charts for navigation, etc., must be sent hither from Spain. They need good seamen and workmen. The king is requested to allow them to make use of any workmen in the other provinces of "these parts of the Indies," paying them their just wages; likewise to take what things they need, paying the just price. It is advised that the necessary trees for shipbuilding be planted near the ports, and that ranches be established near by to furnish food.