Chapter VII: Part 7

The fourth cause and ground for a righteous war is when there is default of keeping faith or carrying out agreements; for in such case the party who has been wronged may lawfully make war on him who, by not keeping faith, has done him injury. This made Joran [Jehoram], king of Israel, wage war on Mesa [Mesha], king of Moab, for his having failed to keep the agreements and to pay the tribute which he had promised to pay to his suzerain, King Ahab; and that this war was just is clear, for that he was assisted therein by the holy and righteous Jehoshaphat, king of Judah, with the approval of the prophet Elisha--who in the name of the Lord urged them on to war, and promised them a sure victory--as is seen in II Sam. ch. 3. These four causes and grounds, or any one of them by itself, justify war; and there are other grounds also, but these are the most certain and the most applicable to the matter in hand.

The third condition which, as we have said, must be fulfilled to make a war righteous is a right intention on the part of him who wages it; because, failing this, even when the other two conditions concur--to wit, authority and just cause--a faulty intention may render and does render the war unjust. This condition is also laid down by St. Augustine (_Contra Faustum_), and he is quoted by Gratian (in c. _Quid culpatur_); and as his words are of great weight and define wherein a bad intention consists, it is well to quote them: _Quid culpatur in bello? an quid moriuntur quandoque morituri ut dominentur in pace victuri? Hoc reprehendisse timidorum est non religiosorum. Nocendi cupiditas, ulciscendi crudelitas, impacatus atque implacabilis animus, feritas rebellandi, libido dominandi et si quae sunt similia: haec sunt quae in bellis jure culpantur_. [21] And what must be the right intention of the prince in levying war the same Augustine declares in the book _De Verbo Domini_; and the passage is found in c. _A pud, ubi supra: Apud veros dei cultores et ipsa bella peccata non sunt quae non cupiditate aut crudelitate sed pacis studio geruntur ut mali coerceantur et boni subleventur_. [22] Peace is the end that is to be sought in war, and so saith Aristotle (lib. 10 _Ethicorum_): _Bellum gerimus ut in pace degamus_. [23] And Augustine says the same (_Epist. ad Bonifacium_): _Non quaeritur pax ut bellum exerceatur, sed bellum geritur ut pax acquiratur._ [24]

But here it is to be noted that this right intention which is here required is a condition no more essential to a righteous war than to other good works, for in all these it is required, and without it no work is virtuous; and hence it is that if this right intention be wanting in the prince who levies war and in those who urge it, he would sin by wrong intention, but if the other two conditions be fulfilled, he, as Soto says, will not be held to make amends for the injuries that may be done in the war. So, too, if a judge orders a robber to be hanged, granted that _ex odio suspendat_, [25] he will not be held to restitution, if on the testimony adduced the man deserved hanging.

_Reply_

Having ascertained the conditions required to make a war just, from them we shall be able clearly to decide whether such is the war against the Zambales at present under discussion. To this question we will answer affirmatively: that it is lawful without any scruple whatever, for in it the three conditions meet which are required for a just war, as we have already said.

And first, in this war is found the first condition, namely, authority in the one who wages it, for he is _persona publica_, the governor of these isles; and also he has a superior who is our king. But since the cause is self-defense, as will later be proved, he has no need of other permission to defend his state against enemies who molest it, as we have proved.

In this war, the third condition, too--we shall speak of the second later--is fulfilled, namely, right intention; for its end is the peace and security of the subjects, disturbed by these their enemies. And this peace it has not been possible to secure by means of our benevolent efforts, although such means have been tried--as appears from our labors to that end last year in sending religious of our order, and persons known to the Zambales, to persuade them to desist from wrongdoing and be our friends, granting them a general pardon for the wrongs they had committed against us; and although the Zambales promised, and made oath in their fashion, they have defaulted utterly, committing since then many atrocious wrongs against our people, as appears from the reports on that matter which have been drawn up. And, forasmuch as nothing has been gained through kindness, comes now, as a last and drastic remedy, the resolution to win peace and security for the king's subjects by waging war on his enemies; and this is the right intention that is required according to Aristotle and St. Augustine, as before quoted. But even suppose this intention to be lacking, it is already said and proved above that this condition is not in such sort essential as to oblige to indemnification.

It remains that we look into the second condition of just warfare, to wit, that just cause exist for waging it. This condition, in which might be presented greatest difficulty, is the clearest and plainest part of the matter before us; for not only are some of the four causes and grounds pointed out by us, as being any one of them in itself sufficient, but all the just causes are here concurrent. The first condition is fulfilled in that these Zambales impede the general traffic by sea and land of those who go to Pangasin and Ylocos and Cagayan. And, albeit the traffic works damage neither to them nor to their lands, but uses a common highway, yet they sally out upon the highways and kill and rob passengers, as appears from the reports.

Concurs also the second cause; for, although these Zambales are not molested by our people, they assault and murder them, not only falling upon them in the highways, as already said, but also seeking them out in the settlements while they are laboring in the fields; so that neither in their fields nor their homes are our people safe--which also is shown in the reports.

Furthermore, after promising obedience to our king and to the governor on his behalf, they have rebelled and renounced obedience, as we have said; and this is the third of the reasons which, as we said, justify the war.

Finally, the war is justified by their failure to keep their word and their pledges of friendship; for, as is well known, they have again and again, in the time of previous governors, been reconciled and have promised friendship, and thus have obtained pardon for their acts. And in the year just past this was done with greater formality and more solemn assurances, as appears from the record; but notwithstanding this, breaking the compact of peace, they have since then inflicted other and graver injuries--sallying out as robbers into the public routes by land and by sea, making descents on our settlements and murdering everyone on whom they can lay hands, be they Indians or Spaniards, seculars or ecclesiastics. Indeed, it is well known that last year they murdered a religious of our order, and they were tracking our provincial and two others, his companions; but all these, thanks to their own watchfulness, escaped.

From what has been said it stands amply proved that the war to be waged against the Zambales is a just one, and, beyond all scruple, as well on the part of him who sets it on foot as of those who take part in it.

But it may be that some one will, in opposition to what has been said, cite to us certain law texts to the effect that when a number of persons or a town sins, even if all or most of them are guilty, yet they should be pardoned. In the _Decretum_ (dist. 50, c. _ut constitueretur_) St. Augustine says, writing to Bonifacius: _Ubi per graves dissentionum scissuras non hujus aut illius hominis periculum sed populorum plurimorum strages jacet, detrahendum est aliquid severitati ut majoribus sanandis malis charitas syncera subveníat_. [26] And (1 q. 7 c. _Quoties_) Pope Innocent, as cited by Gratian, says: _Quoties a populis auta turba peccatur, quia in omnes propter multitudinem vindicari non potest inultum solet transire_. [27]

Much to the same effect is what is said by Alexander III (c. _Extra, De clerico excommunicato_), and also by Honorius III (in the last chapter, _De transact._). And the reason for this is that in a multitude or in a town are many innocent persons, and it were a grave injustice to require that they shall suffer the rigorous punishment awarded to the guilty; while it is certain that in a war one suffers as much as the other; and hence, lest the innocent be punished, the guilty should be pardoned. To the objection which cites these testimonies in proof that _parcendum est multitudini_ [28] Castro makes apt reply (lib. 2 _De justa haereticorum punitione_ c. 14), that the proposition is true and applies when the multitude or town purposes amendment, and there is fair hope of the same; but if the case is otherwise, and they persist in their evil ways after being admonished, reason says they shall be punished rigorously. The opposite course would only give them occasion to go on and become more hardened in their sin and misdoing, and cause others, after the example of these, to do the same--that appearing to them to be lawful, when they see that it is not punished. And such is the teaching of c. _Qui vult, de Pænitentia_, 3. 6., attributed to St. Augustine: _Cum enim tot sunt qui labuntur ut pristinam dignitatem ex authoritate defendant et quasi usum peccandi sibi faciant, rescindenda est spes ista_. [29] Then, as these Zambales have many times been warned, and have promised and sworn peace and amends, and have totally defaulted, as we have already said, and have taken occasion, from the lenity shown them, to do greater mischiefs with more boldness--mistaking for timidity the kindliness that we have used toward them--it follows that, numerous though they are, we ought no longer to dissemble with them, but must punish them sternly; for the more numerous they are, the more mischief they do.

What we have stated in enforcing our thesis affords us occasion for explaining here the mode of procedure in this war, and--assuming it to be a lawful war, as has been sufficiently proved--for inquiring what considerations may be urged by those who carry on the war. And, for the sake of brevity and clearness, we will resolve the matter into a few points, without any arguments, for these points are corollaries of a just war.

First: If, to attain what is purposed--to wit, to bring the said Zambales under control--it becomes necessary that we burn their crops, their houses, and their other properties, and even kill those who make resistance, even if the presumption be that among them are some who are guiltless--it is lawful to do all this during war, until the final victory is won which is purposed. We say "if necessary," for unless the purpose of all that is done in the war is the final victory, such deeds will be impious and tyrannical. And hence the matter should not be left to the arbitrary will of the soldiers, but should be directed by the order of him who governs them.

Second: Also, if during the war there be lack of subsistence, or of other supplies needed for its prosecution, these may be taken from what the enemy have, even though the owners be guiltless, and this without obligation to restitution--the reason being that _cum licet bellum licet apponere media necessaria ad finem victoria_. [30]

Third: _Ex jure gentium_, during the war, all movables taken from any one of the enemy belong to him who has them, and there is no obligation to restitution: Sylvester Presbyter (_Bellum_, 1 § 10), and Cajetan (in _Summa_). I say "during the war," because when it is ended _non licet ultra praedari_. [31]

Fourth: After they are reduced to subjection, those who are most guilty may be condemned to death, as also such others as regard for the security and tranquillity of the land may determine. But it will not be lawful to kill those of them who are found to be guiltless, even though it be feared that they may be mischievous in the future; for no grievance has been suffered at their hands, and means can be found of holding them securely, as we will show presently. Those of the inhabitants of a state who are usually deemed guiltless are lads not yet old enough to bear arms; old men incapacitated by age, save in the case that heretofore they have been mischievous; and the women, unless it appear that they too have engaged in war. But it will not suffice to say with Soto that they supply provisions for their husbands during the war, for that is a natural right and obligation. All the rest are deemed guilty, failing proof to the contrary; here strict investigation is to be made, lest wrong be done.

Fifth: _Ex jure gentium_, those captured in a just war are held as slaves. Paludanus (in 4. d. 15, q. 3) holds that this is not to be understood as applying to Christian captives; and such is the truth, and this provision is observed among Christian kings. But, as these Zambales are not Christians, they may be dealt with according to the _jus gentium_, and made slaves. Yet, inasmuch as they are a people of small mental capacity, and hence do not realize the seriousness of their crime, they ought not to be treated with the full vigor of law; and therefore it seems to us that it will be enough to make them slaves for a limited time, ten or fifteen years.

Sixth: The war ended, his Lordship the governor may exact from the Zambales all the costs of the war, and indemnification for all the losses suffered; and he may, by way of chastisement, levy from them some tribute: for all this is _jus belli_ in the case of a just war, such as is this, as stands proved.

Seventh: Since it is not enough to punish past crime unless a remedy is applied for the future; and since a wide experience has shown that little confidence is to be reposed in the word and the character of this people; and since to leave them in their mountains would be to give them occasion and good opportunity for doing mischief and damage hereafter, as always in the past: it seems to us that inasmuch as these Zambales are few and have not in their villages or in their territory any cultivated fields or any fixed settlements, it will be advisable, as security against their returning to their old ways, to transplant them from the mountain region to peopled districts, depriving them of arms, and giving them a village site and lands upon which, with police control and under a government, they may live and cultivate their farms. This we deem the ultimate remedy, and as being necessary for the ends of peace and security at which we aim.

Finally: It seems to us from the experience we have had in this matter, and from what we have seen, that the expeditions sent against these Zambales have been ineffective because this method was not employed. The plan should be carried out chiefly by means of the Indians of Pampanga and the Zambales of Pangasinan--people who know the country and its hiding-places and coverts; and who, as being more agile than Spaniards, bear more easily the toils of the march over the routes that have to be traversed, owing to the wildness of the region, which, as is well known, is very great. In payment of the costs to these Indians, the slaves captured in the war might be apportioned to them; and in virtue of this compact they will not commit the cruelties and murders to be apprehended from them. Besides, this will benefit the state; for, having more field-hands, they will plow and cultivate more land. Further, as regards the Panpangos, they will in this way obtain satisfaction for the many and serious wrongs that they have suffered from the Zambales in the way of both murders and robberies.

Such, with all respect for the better judgment of others, is our opinion regarding the matter proposed to us by your Lordship, with command to declare our views. This we do, recommending always moderation and Christian charity, which should ever be practiced, and especially in dealing with this people--who, as we have said, do not realize the gravity of their offense; and on whom, therefore, the penalties of the law ought not to be inflicted in all its rigor. And, to signify that this is our judgment, we confirm it with our names. Given at San Augustin de Manila, the nineteenth day of January, 1592.

_Fray Joan de Valderrama_, provincial _Fray Alonzo de Castro_, definitor _Fray Lorenso de Leon_, definitor _Fray Joan de Tamayo_, prior _Fray Antonio Serrano_, prior _Fray Diego Gutierrez_ _Fray Diego Muñoz_ _Fray Diego Alvarez_ _Fray Alonso de Montalvan_, superior _Fray Matthias Manrique_ _Fray Alonso de Paz_ [32]

[_Endorsed_: "Opinion of the Augustinian fathers regarding the Cámbales." "Opinion of the Augustinian fathers upon waging war against the Zambales."]

Opinion of the Dominicans

_Jesus_

Admitting the information received against the Negrillos and certain Zambales, who commit assaults; and admitting (what is generally known) the murders committed daily, both past and present, and which have not been committed in their just defense or in just revenge for injuries--as is evident because indeed the Batanes, Panpangos, Pangasinanes, and Ylocos (and these last are the worst sufferers) were at peace with them, and, since that peace, neither the Panpangos nor the others have disturbed them in their villages or on the highways, but, on the contrary, have tried to preserve friendly relations; and admitting (likewise a well-known fact) the custom of this race from the earliest period of killing, whenever possible, Spaniards and Indians, without any distinction, and without having received any injuries, for the sole purpose of proving their courage by their ability to kill men, collecting heads and hanging them up in their houses, as such proof; _item_, admitting one other certain fundamental, that no incursion has been made into their lands for the sake of provoking them in their common habitation, but that they, on the other hand, invade, from their lands, the royal open highways and the settlements of the peaceful natives, in order to kill those who are living in peace with them, and with all: we render freely an exact opinion.

1. The Negrillos and mountain Zambales have not, because of their former wars, before the arrival of the Spaniards in this land, at present any just title to war against the settled and peaceful people of these islands. This is proved, for, although in those former times force ruled, and injustice held full sway, and meant different things to each individual, and no distinction was made--as, where two persons quarrel with words, and injure each other equally, there is no satisfaction other than to stop, and there is no distinction in the injury--now, after the pacification of the Indians in settlements, these wars ceased for many years; for which reason the old animosities do not furnish any just pretext for war to either Negrillos or Zambales against the Ilocos, Panpangos, etc. _Item_: Since those petty wars ceased, the Panpangos, etc., and all the others have not incited the Negrillos or Zambales to war; nor have they done them any injury, either personally or in their lands. Therefore the present action of the Negrillos and mountain Zanbales in committing assaults on the highways and killing as many as they have killed, has no just pretext of war from their neighbors.

2. Second, we assert that the Batanes, Panpangos, Pangasinanes, Ylocos, and other tribes living near the Negrillos and mountain Zambales, have a just pretext for war against the Negrillos and mountain Zanbales--a proof of which is admitted in the fact of the murders, robberies, attacks, and assaults on the highways, made without any just pretext, as we have said in the first conclusion. Therefore, on the contrary, the injured ones have a just pretext against them.

There appears to be no doubt regarding these two conclusions, for they are most certain according to natural reason and to all law. The whole difficulty is whether the injuries committed, the present harm, and that which with some reason is feared (which will be greater each day)--considering also the condition of the Negrillos, and the sort of country in which they live--whether all these together constitute sufficient pretext for an expedient so severe as war; and if fire and sword are necessary.

To answer this doubt, we must admit that, with the diversities and natural features of countries, and with the characteristics of the peoples therein, is entwined most intimately the _jus gentium_, as we call it. Accordingly, in some lands some things are regarded as established, and classed with the _jus gentium_, but not in others; and some things lawful in certain lands are not so in others. On the contrary, things that would be wrong for some would be lawful and _jus gentium_ for others; while things wrong for others would be lawful and honorable to the first, because of the diversity of countries, customs, and race, whence arises this _jus gentium_. Therefore we say that, if in Castilla, where neither the land nor people of these islands are known, this case were to be judged on only the things written and proved, nothing more than that these people were assaulters would be decided; and an order would be issued to proceed against them as against assaulters. If these things should happen in Sierramorena, no orders would be given to destroy the towns near by; or, if in the Pyrenees, for that reason war would not be declared upon the Gascons or Navarrese. For this would be esteemed a personal offense, and not one committed by the community. But here, where we know the land, the people, and their abominable and long-standing customs, we must esteem it, not a personal, but a communal offense; nor must we presume amendment where ferocity springs from custom, now rendered almost natural instinct, and from the land being unconquerable. Therefore it must be presumed that, if they are not punished by force superior to their own, they will grow worse each day; for they consider cruelty honorable, and esteem him most who kills most. Therefore, with people of this nature, we apply the saying of Aristo--namely, that it is lawful to make war on and kill like wild beasts, those people who live unsettled and wandering like wild beasts. It is quite evident that Aristo means people harmful to others; for, even when they live like wild beasts, but are not harmful, war is not on that account lawful. And inasmuch as these arguments extend to the Negrillos and Zambales, it is our opinion that the war must be judged as just or unjust rather by the condition of the land and people, the injuries that will be inflicted, and the little relief obtained by employing other methods, than by the severity of the injuries received. It is no remedy to guard the roads, as is quite evident, because they do more harm in one night than the soldiers in a week. Likewise it is no remedy to guard the villages, for the people are obliged to go to the fields, etc. Consequently we say:

That, it is justifiable--by methods which will not cause greater annoyance to the regions adjoining the Negrillos and Zambales--to make war upon the Negrillos and Zambales, even with fire and sword, whenever the above reasons are evident. We prove this by the above statements, for ferocity is a quality among them now almost a natural instinct; and they place all their honor in killing, without caring for any other object. Again, these ills cannot be obviated and prevented, except by destroying them, if it be possible. _Item_: because there is no hope that they will make peace and settle down; for their happiness consists in living a nomadic life, without any restraint, and they are a race who never keep any promise.

_Item_: We say that, because the method of warfare as employed by the Castilians is not by means of rough ground, forests, and dense thickets--as witness the war of Granada, in which Hespaña lost so many men because the rising was in places unknown to the Spaniards but known to the Moors. It has been seen here many times that the Spaniard needs ten or twenty servants to take care of his person, furniture, food, and clothing, alone--from which results more loss than that which the Negrillos and Zambales can inflict in a lifetime. We think, in the absence of better judgment, that, for a specified time, those captured alive should be handed over to the neighboring districts as captives, or remanded to the galleys. Whoever is put to death, let it be by order of the captains, and at the time and place appointed. We render this opinion, as long as this measure does not appear more harmful [_i.e._, than the harm caused by the Negrillos and Zambales]. If any measure whatever is more harmful, then we shall consider it unlawful, although we are assured that a most justifiable right exists for making war, and for destroying with all the harm possible to them, and less harm to the surrounding people, than is done or can be done by the Negrillos and Zambales. _Item_: We declare that, as the losses of war are accidental, and depend on artifice, seasons, and innumerable other circumstances, it might well happen that what is advanced one time as justifiable may, given a change of conditions at the time of execution, become unjustifiable; for with the change of conditions the argument of justice or injustice is altered.

_Item_: Because the term "Zambales," in general, comprehends many people to whom the above arguments do not apply, we say that, under the terms Zambales and Negrillos, we understand only those who are nomadic, as above stated. As to whom these may be, we refer to the investigations in detail; it is not for us to judge the information given, but to credit it. This we advance as our opinion, and as such we sign it. Given in the convent of Santo Domingo at Manila, January 1, 92.

_Fray Juan de Castro_ _Fray Alonso Ximenes_ _Fray Juan de Castro_ _Fray Juan de San Pedro Martir_ _Fray Juan Cobos_ _Fray Thomas Castellar_ _Fray Juan Garcia_

Opinion of the Jesuits

_Jesus_

In regard to our right to make war upon the Zambales, the following is our opinion. Granting as true the reports of robberies and murders committed by them, past and present, on both Castilians and the pacified Indians (who are our allies, and Christians), then it must be ascertained how these crimes have been committed--whether by all their land in common, or one portion of their province, so that by common consent those of one or many villages or the whole province conspire, and the bravest and strongest go forth to rob and kill; whether its head or chief is of one or of many villages or of the entire province, by whose order certain men go out to commit these depredations; or whether it is not really by common consent, or by the authority of the chiefs, but by crowds of ruffians from one or several villages who commit the said injuries.

If this people have a leader, and any go out from the villages or from the province to commit assaults, then this is sufficient cause for war. The same is true, even if they do not go at his order, but if the chiefs allow them to go, and do not punish them; since they have authority and power therefor. If there are no chiefs, then it must be ascertained whether they go out by common consent, to commit assaults, even if all do not go, but only a few. For, if they go by common consent, then war may be made on them all. But war may not be made if they went out as a single band of plunderers, even when they have friends and relatives in the villages, who protect them and supply them with food. It can not be determined that the latter are accomplices; neither can they be punished, nor be dissuaded from doing it, nor even prohibited from giving them food, etc., because of their being, as is usually the case, women and children, while the former are barbarous and cruel men. In such a case, then, it could only be allowable to seek to apprehend the guilty, as well as one might, and to punish them in conformity with their crimes. But nothing may be done to the others.

But should it be by common consent, according to the first supposition, without any leader, or if they have chiefs who possess authority superior to the others, so that they may punish them as they deserve, but who do not punish these guilty ones or have them punished by their order, then, in these cases, war is allowable against the villages that shall have taken part in the depredation, or against all the province, or the guilty part; but it must be with the moderation with which our Catholic king has ordered, in so Christian-like a manner, war to be made, with the least bloodshed and injury possible. Those captured shall not be killed, except those who shall have committed individual crimes, who consequently merit death; and the others shall not be reduced to perpetual bondage, but for a limited period only.

However, because of the great danger from this tribe, in order to be sure of peace and to render secure our allies who dwell near the Zambales, whom we are bound to protect, all the children and women and the others may be taken from their land and divided in various parts in small bands, even when their crimes were perpetrated by but a few ruffians. By this method we receive much benefit and security, and they no harm, but on the contrary much benefit, both spiritual and corporal. But in no case do we think that they may have their ears cut off or be crippled so that they can not take flight--neither women, nor children, nor those who do not commit any individual crime which may merit such punishment; for this is great cruelty and will engender in all a deadly hatred of our nation and law. Besides, other and gentler means can be used to prevent them from becoming fugitives--such as dispersing them throughout many widely-separated districts, and providing some one to watch over them.

_Antonio Sedeño_

Opinion of the Franciscans

_Jesus_

I have read the papers which your Grace sent me, and although, at first reading, the justification of this proceeding was not apparent, I wished, on account of its being so serious a matter, to study at leisure the doctors who have discussed this subject. It is important for me to know if what I have heard is true--that the Zambales have, upon various occasions, been molested by the Spaniards. To be sure of this point is a matter of much importance, because if we have injured or provoked them, first, by wrongs, or by exacting from them tributes which they did not owe, such action on our part would ill be justified. But, since I am not certain on this point, I first find, according to the account which I have read and examined in the papers which your Grace sent me, that they have been persuaded and invited with offers of peace, and pardon for the injuries which have been done; and that for this purpose, the governor, using mild and conciliatory measures, sent religious with the military, to whom the said Zambales promised to be peaceable. They made similar promises to former governors, but have kept none of them; on the contrary they have been bolder and more lawless than ever, robbing and killing many persons on sea and on land. For these offenses I consider that all the malefactors should be punished, and that means should be provided to protect the highways for the benefit of the Tagalos, Panpangos, and Ilocos, and of all others who pay tribute--since it is for this purpose, together with the teaching they receive, that they pay their tributes, and have placed themselves under his Majesty's protection and favor. If this punishment cannot be accomplished without war, then I consider war justifiable, for the reasons above stated. Without doubt the authority of the king is the first condition to be established, observing faithfully in all things the spirit of uprightness and Christian moderation--which is justice, charity, and freedom for the innocent, according to the saints, particularly St. Augustine and St. Thomas, and other doctors of the church--seeking the common weal. Since the cause for just war is the injury received, war against them would be unjust, if they are innocent of the charges against them. This is my opinion, in view of the aforesaid report, in the absence of better judgment. Issued from this convent of San Francisco at Manila, January twentieth, 1592.

_Fray Pedro Baptista_ [33]

Letter of Congratulation

_To the Bishop, Clergy, and People of the Philippines_

Venerable brother and beloved son, health and apostolic blessing.

The lofty works of divine power, that in the earthly realm take place not by human but by heavenly means, very often are wont to display themselves from the very outset; while matters that through divine wisdom as leader and mistress tend to a spiritual end, the health that is of our souls, in the meanwhile lie unrecognized, or, if unveiled, seem of such trivial import as not to be viewed in their grandeur even by the keenest of minds, until aroused thereto chiefly by the splendor of their results. This, as oftentimes before, has happened now at this very time in the conversion to gospel truth of the New World, of both the Indias, and especially of the Philippine Islands. Wherefore we are uplifted in great wonder at the most bountiful results wrought therein secretly by divine wisdom, from the first discovery of those countries. Previously we had learned of this, in truth, from the letters of many persons and from report; now however, that the divine goodness has raised our insignificance to the summit of apostolic dignity, we have heard it also from the ambassador, our beloved son Alphonsus Sanchez, a professed priest of the Society of Jesus--sent in your name first to Sixtus V, pope, of happy memory; then to the following Roman pontiffs, our predecessors; and lately to us--from whom, in private conversations which we frequently have held with him, we have learned more in detail ... From conversation, too, with the same Alphonsus we have learned of your purposes and deeds in the foundation of churches, the spread of divine worship, the training of natives, the establishment of schools, the practice of useful arts, the appointment of magistrates, the defense of missionaries, the protection of new converts, and, in fine, the permanence of those commonwealths--which as so many members and parts thereof you have brought about through the union of the New World with the Old.

Now, however, in order that you may have some recompense for your love and good-will toward us, and enjoy some reward for your endeavors and toils, by the authority of almighty God and of the holy apostles Peter and Paul, and by our own, in virtue of these presents, we take you all and singular and all that you have, into our trust and protection, and that of the apostolic see; and we send you through the same Alphonsus our apostolic blessing....

Given at Rome, at St. Peter's, under the seal of the Fisherman, March 25, 1592, in the first year of our pontificate.

Letter from Gomez Perez Dasmarinas to the King

Sire:

By two ships which sailed from this port for Mexico at the end of June, 1591, I wrote your Majesty, advising you of everything here, in duplicate, sending a copy in each ship. Afterward, on the eighteenth of October (same year), by a fragata sailing to Malaca and Eastern India, I wrote later events, and sent the duplicate of the letters. As that route is not considered very safe, I send this, combining both reports, written in fuller detail--fearing least perchance, on account of the many accidents which have taken place on the sea in these years, all the letters have been lost. I cannot help fearing so because, as I write this, a ship has just arrived from Mexico, by which I have received no letter from your Majesty; nor have I received one since I have been in charge of this government--although, praise be to God, I have had good news of the health of your Majesty. For this I return infinite thanks to God, and pray that it may continue, and that He may give your Majesty complete success in all the new cares and anxieties which may present themselves. I am confident that His Divine Majesty will give long life to your Majesty, in order that everything may be ordered and arranged according to the needs of Christianity.

Supposing that the duplicates of the letters aforesaid have been received, this letter will be more brief, in order not to repeat herein what has been said elsewhere. It is now necessary to describe in general the state of this land, although this year has been very unfortunate, deaths and sickness being common among both Indians and Spaniards; and we are also pressed hard and threatened by enemies, as your Majesty will learn by a separate letter. As to the general quiet and tranquillity of this state and kingdom, it has never been better; for great progress is being made in the strengthening and adornment of public buildings, both ecclesiastical and state.

Hitherto the Spaniards have not experienced misfortune, but much profit in traffic; and trade [with Nueva España] is being regulated and put in order. The natives are content and happy; the Chinese are more fond of trading with the merchandise which they bring from that kingdom. There came this year twenty-eight ships with much merchandise, including very rich goods of silk and other articles. The religious are agreed among themselves, and aside from the bishop, everything is quiet as it should be--except in some few matters, of which I will give an account to your Majesty. The encomenderos have more peace of conscience than they have heretofore had, and justice is equitably administered in the districts of the alcaldes and the villages of the Indians; and, finally, everything which my poor strength could accomplish has been done for the common tranquillity and good government. As I realize my little worth and ability, I would wish it to be known how much I desire and strive to accomplish in the service of God and your Majesty.

The cathedral church is completed, thanks be to God; and mass has been celebrated therein since the twenty-first of last March with a large attendance and much devotion, and to the great satisfaction of the people.

The seminary for girls, although in its first house, is maintained in seclusion and good order; and there have been several marriages or establishments made from among the inmates. As I have written, that house is so unsuitable that the erection of the new church and house is being pushed forward; it is being built of stone, and will be very substantial and commodious, and will be completed inside of six months. Your Majesty is patron of this house; and not only on account of the preeminence of the royal patronage and what for this reason is due, but for the good ordering of the house, I desire that there be sent me from España some rules or laws whereby such houses are ruled and governed. The regulations which I have been able tentatively to ordain here are those accompanying this letter. This house will have four hundred pesos of income. That being built has not hitherto received anything whatever from the royal exchequer of your Majesty; for, although I would like to give it, your Majesty does not have it here. I am sending also a set of rules for the conduct of the hospital, in order that your Majesty may order them amended there.

The new fort, which will be called Santiago, is now raised from the level of the ground more than two estados; and in one ravelin thereof, which is now finished, eight pieces of artillery have been mounted already, and guard is kept. By the time this reaches you, God willing, the fort will be finished and perfected. All the beach from the fort of Santiago to the fort of Nuestra Señora is occupied by the curtains and traverses--the latter very suitable, two and a half estados in height. It needs nothing but the parapet, which is being built. Although that already built was called a fort, it is not one, nor can it be of use; for it is but a large tower, badly cemented, and was falling in four places. It was braced by four buttresses which were called cavaliers, and cost your Majesty a large sum, as I have written. Everything is now being rebuilt in order to put the fort in good condition.

I have launched four galleys, and have for them a gang of free rowers on pay, although they are hard to manage. Even that has been accomplished in the face of great difficulties and scruples; for the religious say that I cannot maintain galleys or rowers, or avail myself of Indians for that purpose. If they do not serve, it is impossible to maintain galleys here, because there are no other people to row. What I have been able to accomplish is that the Indians are to remain on the galleys until your Majesty shall advise me of the plan which you are pleased to adopt. I have manned one of the galleys with four hundred Çambales, who were captured in war. They were given to me by some captains and soldiers, and I have used them in your Majesty's service. They are now on a galley and would to God that I could thus provide everything for the many needs which your Majesty has here.

As regards the sailing of the ships on the account of your Majesty, and not that of private persons, I have already written the weighty reasons, and send herewith a duplicate of the letter in which they are set forth. In fact, when all the expenses are on your Majesty's account, this not only causes no loss whatever to your Majesty's offices and royal exchequer, but results in great profit to this state from the charges on the tonnage. The cost is but half of what it is when the ships sail at the expense of private persons; and, if your Majesty would set the price of the tonnage at the same rate as private persons set it, there would be gained a large sum of money. This is the truth, although in Mexico they try to argue and discuss this point for private ends. Moreover, in this manner deserving soldiers are utilized and occupied, as your Majesty ordains, in these matters of transportation; and the dangers arising from the insufficient number and the vices of those who come from Mexico in these vessels are avoided. There are also deceits practiced by private persons, and other reasons which I have already stated. Besides, when the ships belong to private persons, their owners will not become citizens of these islands; and, on account of the large amount of money taken away by them, the prices of merchandise are raised, and the land is ruined. I therefore repeat that if your Majesty will set a moderate price for the tonnage on the ships, not only will there be no expense for your Majesty's exchequer, but there will be gained more than twenty thousand pesos. In accordance therewith will your Majesty please signify your will.

As I wrote your Majesty last year, troops have been sent for the pacification of the Çambales, and in their proceedings with the natives the severity and chastisement which they deserved were dispensed with. Garrisons were established, and many of the chiefs were subdued; they appeared to act sincerely, and gave evidence of being tractable and living in peace and justice. The troops returned, and thereupon the pacified ones, and those who still remained to be reduced, came down from the mountains to the highways, robbed, murdered, and committed innumerable injuries. Therefore I determined to lay a heavier hand upon them, and to bring them to open warfare, if that could be done conscientiously, after consulting with the religious orders, and after I had made inquiries concerning the damages, treacheries, uprisings, and crimes of the Cambales, and the reasons and causes therefor.

All the religious orders concurred in the opinion that war by fire and sword was justifiable, as is evident by the original opinions which I send herewith to your Majesty. In conformity therewith I resolved to strike the blow at once by sending troops with six captains. Under each captain was a troop of twenty Spanish soldiers and five or six hundred Indians--Pampangos, who were willing to go to war, and gave much assistance, because of the damages received by them from the Cambales. They approached that country, which had never before been entered, by six routes; and although they were troubled by the roughness of the roads and the large brambles, they hid themselves and destroyed all the food and the crops which were either harvested or growing. In that region those whom they killed and took captive amount, men and women, to more than two thousand five hundred; and from the men taken the captains and soldiers gave me about four hundred Sambales. I have utilized them for your Majesty's service on the galleys, where they are learning to row. Many have been reduced by famine, and have formed settlements where they were ordered to do so. As it was the rainy season, and the troops were dying, I commanded them to withdraw, leaving garrisons at convenient points, and well provisioned, in order that they might overrun the country and destroy their rice and grain. I believe that, because of this, these people will not revolt again nor raise any disturbance. On the contrary, I think that in due time they will be pacified thoroughly. The relation of what was done, accompanies this letter.

All of Cagayan has been as quiet as Manila for many days and months. Tributes are being collected from the encomiendas that remained to be pacified and subdued. A memorandum of encomiendas and villages explored lately, with an account of the discovery of Tuy, accompanies this letter.

I enclose, with the duplicate, also the relation of the late exploration of Tuy, in which I stated that my son Don Luis would remain there, in order to make another entrance of not less importance, of which I had a reliable report and account. It happened that, having gone upon this errand, and having arrived with the soldiers that he was taking to the province of Ylocos, through which he had to pass, he was taken ill, in the month of October, with attacks of fever. This sickness was very severe, and he came here to be treated; and, although he is doing well, he has not entirely recovered his strength. Almost all the soldiers fell sick at the same time, as that district is at that season very unhealthful. Captain Don Alonso de Sotomayor died, as well as some of the soldiers there. Others were brought to the city sick, and so the expedition had to be abandoned until a more favorable opportunity.

On account of these expeditions and pacifications, and because their country is not very healthful (and particularly so this year), both for Spaniards and Indians, a number of the soldiers have died, so that, from the total of four hundred, I have but two hundred left. And although this fort, in its present condition, can be defended by a much smaller force than formerly, yet without it, there would be no safe position. Since España is at such a distance, when reenforcements arrive half of the former troops will have died. If in any one year (as has happened) there should fail to be a ship from Castilla, it is pitiful to see the state of this land. Moreover--as I report elsewhere to your Majesty, and send papers thereon--for the new danger from hostile Japanese, against which I am guarding, I need troops, in order to defend a land so destitute and far away that it cannot expect succor in time of necessity. Although I have sent earnest petition therefor to Mexico, I think that they will neglect my request, just as they do everything else, unless they see an order from your Majesty I beseech your Majesty to have compassion for this new plant of the faith of Jesus Christ, which costs your Majesty and your subjects so dearly to establish and preserve. May your Majesty grant me grace and send me troops, and let those who come be from those realms of Castilla--a matter of moment and importance--and not the creoles or exiles from Mexico. I should also be provided with ammunition, arms, and men to cast artillery. An order should be sent to Mexico to supply me with money, to meet the needs and contingencies. I trust in our Lord, and in the excellent arrangement and plan that this city is assuming, that if there are supplied barely sufficient troops to defend a town of this size, your Majesty need not fear all Xapon, nor any other more powerful enemy that might attack us. This I discuss at greater length elsewhere; but here I only remind your Majesty of the completion of this fort, and the necessity of troops therein, as also of the workmen and their wages for which, in my former letters, I have petitioned your Majesty.

By a decree which I have received here from your Majesty, I am ordered to make inquiries as to whether there is quicksilver here, or if it can be brought from the Chinese realms and taken to Mexico, and at what price. I will say that I have dealt with these Chinese, and they are so distrustful that unless the money is given them beforehand, they will not bring the goods the following year. It is true, nevertheless, that they guarantee the fulfilment of their commission. They ask one hundred ducats for a pico of quicksilver, the equivalent of one hundred and thirty Castilian libras. If this price is satisfactory, will your Majesty order as suits your royal pleasure; for they can bring from their land whatever quantity is desired. May our Lord preserve your Majesty for many long years, with increase of better kingdoms and seigniories, as is needed for Christendom. At Manila, May xxxi, 1592.

_Gomez Perez Dasmariñas_

Rules for the Manila Hospital

Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, knight of the order of Santiago, governor and captain-general of these islands and districts of the West, for the king, our sovereign. Inasmuch as it is advisable, for the service of God, to reform certain matters in the royal hospital of this city that require such remedy, and to decide and establish other matters for its better government and service, for the welfare of its poor sick, and for the perpetuity of the said hospital, as it is a work of so great piety and so much needed in this community: Therefore, by this present, he ordained and ordered that the following articles be observed and kept to the letter, as permanent rules and regulations.