Chapter VI: Preface (5)

We have been informed that the Sangley Indians who go from China to Filipinas to trade, receive injuries and harsh treatment from the Spaniards; and especially that the guards posted in their ships by our royal officials ask and take bribes from them, in order that they might permit and allow the Sangleys to take out certain things that they bring from their country to give to private persons; that the employees who go to register the ships take and scatter all the best merchandise, and leave that which is not of so good quality, from which there results a considerable loss on the balance, and often the Sangleys cannot sell what is left, as they could have done with the good merchandise which was taken away from them; that even when the Chinese who go to register take the best, the officials say that they will pay for it at the price for which the balance is sold, so that they only pay the price of the worst and common merchandise. Thus the Chinese lose what would be the most valuable things that they have if they sold them freely; for, fearing lest the employees who go to register take from them the merchandise at the time of evaluation, they place on their merchandise a greater value than it is really worth, so that they pay the duties at the rate at which the merchandise is valued, although the truth is that they sell it later for much less. [We are also informed] that the masts of their vessels are taken from them, in order to step these in the vessels built in those islands, for their masts are light; and that they are given in exchange others so heavy that their ships cannot support them and are wrecked, from which the Chinese suffer grievously. And since it is right that when those people go to trade they be welcomed and given good treatment, in order that upon their return to their country, they may take good accounts of the treatment and welcome received from our vassals, that others may thereby be induced to go, and by means of that communication receive the Christian instruction and profess our holy Catholic faith, to which our chief desire and intent is directed: we order the governors that, after having examined the character of these injuries, they issue the necessary orders for the cessation of such troubles. They shall not allow the Sangley Chinese, or any other traders, to receive any injury, molestation, or oppression such as is mentioned herein, or others of any sort; and they shall be very careful to treat the Sangleys well and to give them good despatch. They shall punish those who offend and aggrieve them. We charge this upon them very earnestly, as it is a matter of great moment to our royal service. [Felipe II--Madrid, June 11, 1594.]

Law XIII

We order the governor and captain-general not to allow the citizens and residents of Manila to keep Sangleys in their houses; and to prohibit them from sleeping inside the city. He shall, if necessary, order the judge of the foreigners to punish him who does not observe this, severely and with heavy fines. [Felipe III--Madrid, May 6, 1608.]

Law VI

Inasmuch as the alcaldes-mayor of Manila have claimed the right to try the suits and causes of the Chinese who live in the Parián, jointly with its governor, we consider it fitting to order the ruling of ley xxiv, título iii, libro v, which concedes the first instance exclusively to the governor [of the Parián], with appeals to the Audiencia. [35] Now it is our will, and we order the president, governor, and captain-general, and the Audiencia, not to allow any ordinary judge or one who has received a commission, to try civil or criminal suits or causes of the Sangleys in the first instance, even if they be auditors of that Audiencia, who shall be performing the duties of criminal alcaldes; neither shall they try cases regarding the locations or inspection of shops or their trade (for it pertains exclusively to the governor of the Parián to try such), except it be a case so extraordinary, necessary, and requisite that it becomes advisable to limit this rule. [Felipe III--Ventosilla, October 15, 1603; El Pardo, June 12, 1614.]

Law XI

In the city of Manila the custom was established that a certain number of fowls be given to the president, auditors, and officials of the Audiencia annually at a price lower than the current rate. The governor of the Chinese was ordered to make the assessment among all the Chinese, obliging them to give weekly so many fowls at a fixed and lower price, and to punish and fine him who did not obey it. That has caused the Chinese considerable injury. The governor of the Chinese got as many others at the same price. We order that no such assessment be made or asked from the Chinese, and that it be left to each person's own will to buy those fowls that are necessary to him, and to the Chinese to sell them at the price that they can and that is current. [Felipe III--Madrid, May 29, 1619.]

Law VIII

Many Sangleys are converted to our holy Catholic faith in the Filipinas Islands, who are married to native Indian women of those islands, and live in the environs of the city. If a site be given them in the unfilled lands where they can assemble and form a village, in order to cultivate and sow the land, in which they are very skillful, they would become very useful to the community, and would not occupy themselves in retailing and hawking food; while they would become more domestic and peaceful, and the city more secure, even should the Sangleys increase in number. We order the governor and captain-general to enact thus, and to endeavor to preserve them and to look out for them with the care that is advisable. [Felipe III--San Lorenzo, August 25, 1620.]

Law IV

The governor shall have particular care not to impose personal services on the Sangleys, outside of their [usual] employment and rules; and he shall endeavor to give them good treatment, in order to induce and incite others to go thither, to be converted to our holy Catholic faith. [Felipe III--San Lorenzo, September 5, 1620.]

Law I

It is advisable for the security of the city of Manila, the island of Luzon, and all the other islands of that government, that the number of the Chinese be very moderate, and that it do not exceed six thousand, since that number is sufficient for the service of the country; and, if that number be increased, the troubles that have been experienced may result, notwithstanding the permission that was conceded by ley lv, título xv, libro ii, [36] which is to be understood until this limitation is reached. Likewise it is advisable that there should not be so many Japanese in that city, for they already exceed three thousand, because there has been neglect and carelessness in driving them away from there; while the number of the Chinese has been increased through greed for the eight pesos that each one pays for his license. In regard to the above, we order our governor and captain-general to apply the fitting remedy, taking note that the licenses are not to be given for money, or for any other interest, either in their own behalf, or for that of other government employees. They shall only consider what is most advisable to the welfare of the public cause, the security of the land, trade and commerce, and the friendly reception of the foreigners and surrounding peoples, and the other nations with whom there shall be peace. That commerce and relationship shall be continued, and all care and caution shall always be taken so that the Chinese and Japanese shall not be so numerous, and that those who shall be there may live in quietness, fear, and submission. But that shall not be any reason for not treating them well. [Felipe III--Ventosilla, November 4, 1606; Madrid, May 29, 1620. Felipe IV--Madrid, December 31, 1622.]

Law II

The licenses that the governor of Filipinas shall issue so that some Sangley Chinese may remain in the islands, shall be with the consent of our royal officials, and account shall be rendered of all. The money resulting therefrom (eight pesos for each license) shall be placed in our royal treasury. A separate book shall be kept there, and names and marks [of identification?] shall be entered in it distinctly, so that there may be no concealment. [37] [Felipe III--Madrid, January 12, 1614. Felipe IV--Madrid, November 21, 1625.]

Law VII

The Sangleys converted to our holy Catholic faith shall not pay tribute for the first ten years after their conversion; after that time it shall be collected from them as from the natives of Filipinas. [38] [Felipe IV--Madrid, June 14, 1627.]

Law XII

The Sangley Chinese of Filipinas have a box with three keys, in which each Sangley deposits twelve reals per year in order to meet their obligations to our royal service with that fund. We order that if there be any balance in any year, it be not withdrawn; and that the Sangleys be assessed so much less the following year. [39] [Felipe IV--Madrid, September 10, 1627.]

DECREES REGARDING THE RELIGIOUS

_Concerning lawlessness of Augustinian religious_

The King. To the president and auditors of my royal Audiencia of the city of Manila of the Philipinas Islands: In a letter written to me by Don Francisco de Caravajal Campo Frio, dated August two of the former year six hundred and twenty-five, he declares that while alcalde-mayor of the province of Balayan, he heard that Diego Larias Maldonado had arrived there, who had run away with the wife of a certain man. He had them arrested in the town of Batangas, a mission of Augustinian friars. He declares that Fray Antonio Muxica, prior of the said order, at the head of his fiscal and choristers, broke open the gates of the prison, and loosed the prisoners, after maltreating the government agents. And although he drew up a report about this action, and informed their superior of it--sending the latter a copy of the report, while he kept the original, in order to give you an account of it--the superior did not inflict punishment, but on the contrary exerted himself to get hold of the original report. But as he did not succeed in this, two religious, accompanied by over one hundred natives, went to Caravajal's house, surrounded it, went up stairs where he was, and took away the said [original] report from him, after having bound him and maltreated him by word and deed. Although he informed you of it, that crime has not yet been punished. Inasmuch as it is not right that such a crime remain without punishment, I have considered it fitting to send you a copy of the said letter, so that if the relation made by the said Don Francisco de Caravajal Campo Frio be true, you may enact justice, in order that, in the future, it may serve as a warding. For this you shall have recourse to the provincial of the said order. Given in Madrid, May twenty-one, one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven.

_I The King_

Countersigned by Don Juan Fernando Ruiz de Contreras, and signed by the members of the Council.

[_Endorsed_: "To the Manila Audiencia, sending it a copy of a letter written to your Majesty by Don Francisco Caravajal Campo Frio in regard to the outrage committed against him by certain religious of St. Augustine, so that, if his report be true, justice may be done."]

_Granting alms to the Augustinians_

The King. To the officials of my royal treasury of the Philipinas Islands: You know already that it was ordered by a decree of the king my father (who is in glory), dated August seven, of the former year six hundred and one, that a ration for two additional religious be given for four years longer to the convent of St. Augustine, of that city of Manila, in the manner that it is given to four religious in that convent; and that he prolonged the said time for another four years by another decree of six hundred and sixteen, and for another four years (which are completed) by another decree of May nine, six hundred and twenty. Now Fray Hernando Guerrero, of the said order, bishop-elect of the city of Nueva Segovia in those islands, has reported to me in the name of the said convent, that the religious of his order from the other convents are entertained and treated there in their sicknesses; and that it is in a college and seminary of grammar, the arts, and theology, whence subjects go out to preach the holy gospel. In consideration of that, he petitions me to order that the said ration continue to be given to the said two religious for such time as I may choose.

The matter having been examined by the members of my royal Council of the Indias, I have considered it advisable to order that it be given to them for another four years, that time to run and be counted from the day on which the said last four years were completed. Accordingly, I order you to pay to the said monastery of the Order of St. Augustine in that city, from any revenue that may be in that my treasury, the said ration for the said two additional religious, during the said four years of this prolongation, in the same form and manner as it is given to the other four religious; for such is my will.

Given in Madrid, June eleven, one thousand six hundred and twenty-seven.

_I The King_ Countersigned by Fernando Ruiz de Contreras.

_Recommendation of the Council of the Indias regarding the Recollects_

Sire:

Fray Pedro de la Madre de Dios, procurator of the order of discalced Augustinians in the Philipinas Islands, has represented that the poverty of the religious of that order is very great, as they have no income; and inasmuch as medicines are dear, they cannot get the money in order to buy those necessary for the sick, whence it follows that they cannot maintain the health necessary for their attending to the ministry of preaching and instruction among the Indians, and the relief of the royal conscience. He petitions your Majesty, in consideration of the above, to grant alms to the said religious, so that they be given the medicines urgently necessary to treat themselves, as these are given to the religious of St. Dominic and St. Francis. He says that what they can use would amount to one hundred and fifty pesos annually. The matter having been examined in the Council, and the poverty of the said order appearing, and seeing that they have no income, and having considered how well they serve our Lord in the conversion of the natives under their charge; it seems best that your Majesty grant favor to the said religious, for six years, of the medicines that may be necessary in order to cure the sick, provided that it do not exceed in any year the stated sum of one hundred and fifty pesos above mentioned. Your Majesty will show them such favor as is in accord with your royal will. Madrid, November 4, 1627.

[Signed by the members of the Council.]

[_Endorsed_: "Council of the Indias. November 4, 1627." "+That your Majesty might grant concession for six years to the discalced friars of the Order of St. Augustine, of the medicines necessary for the treatment of their sick." _In a different hand, evidently that of the king_: "+It is well."]

DECREES REGARDING THE CHINESE

The King. To Don Juan Niño de Tavora, my governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia resident therein: Fray Melchor de Manzano, of the Order of Preachers, has reported to me, in the name of the Sangley Chinese who live in those islands, that the said Chinese, in order to avoid the wrongs that they received from the [government] ministers who were exacting daily assessments that were levied on them for my royal service, established a chest with three keys, in which each one was to deposit annually twelve reals in silver, in order to aid in the despatches of the warships, galleys, and trading-vessels for Nueva España, the powder-house, the artillery, the building of ships and other undertakings. Among other conditions that they required, in order that this assessment might be made among them, was one that they were to have no protector; but that in case one were assigned them, he be not the fiscal of that Audiencia, as such office was incompatible with his duties, and because of the experience of long years that it was rather a damage than an advantage to him--and that, for that reason, the said office of protector had been made separate in the beginning from that of fiscal, until Don Juan de Albarado Bracamonte, when fiscal, had so negotiated that the said occupation be assigned to him. The father petitioned me that since the said Sangley Chinese spend so much in aiding my service and pay so fully the salaries to their alcalde, and chief of guard, lesser protector, and to the ministers of instruction, without any expense therein to my royal treasury, it be ordered that the said fund cannot be altered or suppressed, unless the said Chinese should voluntarily wish to do away with it or to make some alteration, or change certain of the conditions which they established when the fund was established; and that the said office of protector be distinct from that of fiscal, and that the office be given to a person who will protect and defend them. If there remain any balance in the said fund at the end of each year, he petitions that the Chinese be allowed to spend it, without the permission of any person, for the welfare and benefit of their village or church. By that means they will be spared new expenses that must necessarily be made for that purpose. After examination by the members of my Council of the Indias, of this request and of the statements regarding it by my fiscal of the Council, Licentiate Juan Pardo, it was voted that I should order this my decree to be given, by which I command you to provide and order that the said office of protector be not held by the fiscal of that Audiencia. From now and henceforth, you shall appoint to it a satisfactory person, giving him the salary that is assigned. You shall charge him to look after the said Sangley Chinese very carefully, so that they may not be annoyed or vexed, and that no ill treatment be accorded them. You shall order that the balance remaining each year in the said fund be left there, and that the Chinese be assessed so much less the following year, After the accomplishment and execution of the aforesaid, you and the said Audiencia shall inform me of the status of matters, and what are the facts in regard to what is mentioned by the said Fray Melchor de Manzano, and the advantages or disadvantages, present and future, of what he asks for; so that, after my said Council has examined it, the advisable measures may be taken. Madrid, September 10, 1627.

_I The King_ By order of the king, our sovereign: _Don Fernando Ruiz de Contreras_

The King. Fray Melchor Manzano, of the Order of St. Dominic, has reported to me, in behalf of the Sangley Chinese living in the Parian outside the walls of the city of Manila, that they experience much extortion and injury, on account of not only what pertains to the Christianity that they profess, but their liberty, possessions, and honor, by making them cut their hair when they become Christians--a thing regarded as ignominious by their nation, and which is an obstacle to their conversion, and contrary to the orders of the decree of the king our sovereign and grandfather, who is in glory; as also that they pay annually sixty-four reals in silver, in addition to the ordinary tribute, or that they return to their own country, which means that they are forced to abandon the faith which they received with baptism. He declares that that tribute was never paid by the Christians until it was imposed by Don Alonso de Faxardo, my former governor of the Filipinas Islands, contrary to the advice of my Audiencia resident therein. Fray Melchor has petitioned me that, attentive to the above, I be pleased to order that those converted to our holy Catholic faith be not obliged to cut their hair, or pay the said tribute, or anything else besides the ordinary tribute paid by the natives of the said islands; or that it be moderated so that their conversion may not thereby be made difficult, and that those who once receive the faith be not obliged to abandon it by returning to their country because of their inability to pay so large a tribute--since the majority of those converted are poor laborers, who cannot earn that tribute. Having examined the matter in my royal Council of the Indias, I have considered it expedient to order this my decree to be issued. By it I order that for the first ten years after their conversion the said Sangley Chinese pay no tribute, and that none be collected from them, as I have commanded shall be done in regard to the other pagan Indians who are converted. After the ten years, the tribute shall be collected from them, as from the natives of the said islands. I order my governor and captain-general of the islands to see that the above is strictly obeyed and observed, and not to allow their hair to be cut, in observance of the decree that has been issued concerning this matter. Madrid, November 19, 1627.

_I The King_ By order of the king, our sovereign: _Don Fernando Ruiz De Contreras_

INADVISABILITY OF A SPANISH POST ON THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA

I would consider it a very important fact that the Spaniards of Filipinas have seized and fortified a site on the island of Hermosa, if that would be the efficacious means of driving out the Dutch from their fort and from that island by force of arms, but otherwise not.

In order to discuss this proposition reasonably, it will be necessary first to investigate the objects that the Dutch may have had in order to have fortified, as they have done for the last three or four years, the island of Hermosa.

Some have thought that the purpose of the Dutch must be to destroy commerce between China and Filipinas, by plundering more at their ease the Chinese ships, because they are there near China, and in a place where the fleets from Manila which have sometimes defeated them, cannot attack them. But in my judgment, this is not their purpose, although it is a fact that they are very near the coasts of China in the island of Hermosa. For that reason, even the Chinese, before they set sail, ascertain by means of oared craft whether Dutch vessels are waiting in that place. Consequently, they either do not leave their ports, or if they leave, accomplish their voyage, since they can do so easily by sailing so as not to go within sight of the island. But it is impossible to escape the Dutch ships when they await the Chinese on the coasts of Filipinas, as they have done since the year 609, when they began that practice, until that of 625. During that time scarcely any ship escaped them; for the Dutch generally go to the coasts of Filipinas when there is no time to advise the Chinese not to leave their country. The latter, having sailed, necessarily fall into the hands of the Dutch. However, it is true that when the Dutch await the Chinese on the coasts of Manila, they need a larger fleet; and that they risk its loss by fighting with that of Manila. Here the capture of the Chinese is assured, while for the above reasons (of which the Dutch are not ignorant) that is almost impossible in the island of Hermosa.

In my opinion, then, the purpose of the Dutch is to establish a factory in the island of Hermosa, in order to trade with the Chinese by buying silks from them, and to sail with these to Japon (although taking some of them to Europa also, as well as other goods), just as the Portuguese of Macan do. I am persuaded of this, for, while I was sailing from Filipinas to Nueva España as captain and master of the ship "San Francisco," which was wrecked in Japon in the year 609--the first time when the Dutch went to that kingdom--the Dutch petitioned for a factory from him whom we style emperor of Japon, offering to take him silks from China. Thereupon it was given to them, notwithstanding that the emperor was informed by the Spaniards, and by one Guillermo Adan [40]--an Englishman who had been living married in Japon for many years, to whom the emperor turned for information--that the Dutch were rebel vassals [of the Spaniards] and pirates; and that they could not get the silks if they did not plunder them from the Chinese. Thus did they establish their factory in the port of Firando, where they have maintained themselves to this very day, taking the silks that they have pillaged from the Chinese, and certain cloth stuffs from Europa, and buying food and supplies for their forces in the Malucas and other islands of those regions. Governor Don Juan de Silva, having conquered on the coasts of Filipinas the fleet of the Dutch who were robbing the Chinese in the year 610, it was learned from the instructions of Count Mauricio that they were forbidden to plunder the Chinese and other nations, and that they were only permitted to trade with them. Thus, although they robbed the Chinese, it was on their own responsibility, and incited by greed; and even that they palliated by making a price on the silks, by weighing them, and settling the account for that amount. Paying for the goods partly in reals--although only a small part--they gave to the Chinese due-bills on the factory of La Sunda. I saw those papers in their own flagship, as I was captured by the Dutch in the said year 610, when I was returning from the wreck at Japon to the Filipinas. Nor does it contradict this that since then they have continued to plunder the Chinese, since they have given out that they do it because the silks were bought for silver which the Spaniards of Manila are sending to China; and because even supposing that the silks be some belonging to the Chinese, they do not wish the latter to trade with the Spaniards, their enemies. Consequently, although the Dutch have pillaged them, it has been by affecting this pretext, and giving them to understand that the Dutch were not their enemies.

But what most persuades me to believe that this is the object of the Dutch is because they are not ignorant of the great advantage to them of buying silks from the Chinese and taking their investments to Japon; for it is evident to them from the high profits made by the Portuguese of Macan. That profit will be greater for them because of the greater ease of making the investment, and their nearer and easier navigation. Whenever any other nation wishes to trade with the Chinese, that trading must be done entirely with silver; and as the Dutch can take so little silver from Europa, and have no opportunity to get it from Japon unless in exchange for Chinese merchandise, it is certain that, both because of the high profits of this trade and in order to maintain themselves in their factory at Japon--whence they furnish the forts of the Malucas, Ambueno, and other places with supplies and some food--they will procure the trade with the Chinese by all possible means, by maintaining a factory in the island of Hermosa. Thus, becoming wealthy, they will utterly destroy Macan and deprive the Filipinas of the trade of Chinese silks which they had in Japon, which was formerly of so great profit that the investment generally yielded one hundred per cent in eight or nine months.

It is to be noted that this trade of Macan and Filipinas with Japon is the principal thing that should be aided by España, for it does not involve the danger of having the silver of the Indias wasted in China, if voyages are made to Macan from Lisboa by way of India, because it comes from China to Portugal, and from Nueva España to the Filipinas in return for what is taken to Nueva España. As for the investments made in Macan and Filipinas for Japon, the return for these is silver from the mines of Japon itself.

Now, then, it seems very advisable, for the above reasons, immediately to drive out the Dutch from the island of Hermosa, if there is any possibility and power therefor, uniting the forces of Filipinas, if necessary, with those of Macan--to whom the question is so vital, both because of the said reason of the commerce (which is of prime importance), and because the island of Hermosa lies in the path of the voyage from Macan to Japon; and also, I do not deny, because it is possible that the Dutch have taken a port in the island of Hermosa in order to conquer Macan therefrom, to which they are very near, as they attempted to do in the year 622. Therefore, it will be more expedient and convenient to drive out the Dutch from this island of Hermosa as soon as it is attempted; and that will be very gratifying to the Chinese, who are much offended at the Dutch because of the many robberies of their ships in the Filipinas trade that the Dutch have committed for the last seventeen years, and are bitterly hostile to them. But although it seems that that hostility will be sufficient, for the present, for the Chinese not to make any beginning in commerce in the island of Hermosa with the Dutch, that disinclination will disappear in a short time--both because of the kind reception that the Chinese will experience from the Dutch, and because the Chinese are so notably covetous that, although they are prohibited under penalty of losing life and property from trading with Japon, some ships laden with silks have gone to that kingdom during the last few years, pretending in Chinese ports that they are going to the Filipinas.

The above is what occurs to me in regard to the first part. In regard to the second, namely, that it is not advisable for us to have a port in the island of Hermosa, whether the Dutch are there or not, my opinion is the following.

Since the Dutch are there, one would think it advisable to prevent them by force of arms from the commerce of China. But for that one must attack either the Chinese or the Dutch. Since the Chinese are our friends, and since we cannot live in the Filipinas without their trade, I do not see how it can be done justifiably, as they are free to trade with all. Even should we attempt it, they will oblige us to permit them [to trade as they choose] by taking the trade from the Filipinas. But if it should have to be by attacking the ships of the Dutch, new and very long and costly wars would be renewed which would complete the exhaustion of the Filipinas, as has been done in those of Terrenate. Then, too, we would not have greater advantages in this war in the island of Hermosa than in those of Terrenate; for it also is a war to be carried on with ships, and the Dutch have their factories of Japon very near by. They are not inferior to us in accommodations, although the island of Hermosa is near the Filipinas.

But if the Dutch were expelled from it, neither do I find any advantage in the Spaniards having a fort and settlement in that island at present, considering the condition of the Filipinas, unless it be to prevent the return of the enemy to refortify it. For first we must determine for that purpose, whether we can prevent that, by the nature of the island and by other circumstances that would render it very difficult--as was seen in Terrenate, when, although we had five hundred or more Spaniards there, the Dutch built another fort almost in sight of ours (which they still hold), as soon as we gained that small island. Now, too, although the Dutch were fortified first in the island of Hermosa, they have not prevented us from effecting a settlement there. For among other things, for such purposes, more men are necessary, and the cost of those men with whom a fortress in a kingdom not one's own is generally maintained.

But, as this object is not involved in the other considerations which present themselves to my mind for keeping up a Spanish settlement in that island, I do not see that, for the present, the Spaniards are obliged to do that. For that island is not of importance to us, either for its own products or for the commerce of China--on the former ground, because it is a poor and barren land, of which it is now always said in the Filipinas that it only produces fruits and timber; nor is it for the second, for if it be made a way-station, wherein to invest in the silks of China, that means to add a new voyage from the Filipinas, which on account of its expenses cannot make up for the convenience of purchasing in Filipinas those same products, which the Chinese carry to Manila. If one tries to say that, by this means, the Chinese ships would not be stopped by the Dutch ships that await them on the coasts of Filipinas; and that if that voyage be made from the island of Hermosa in Spanish ships, they will sail more secure: I answer that there is less danger for the ships as they sail now. For, since the Chinese do not understand latitude and the directions of the compass perfectly, they do not know enough to go [by direct routes] to sight land in the Filipinas, thus making safe the coast where the Dutch await them; [41] but in that case [i.e., if they go only to Formosa] the Dutch, changing their position, would go to await the Chinese and our ships near our port or the island of Hermosa. Since those ships would have to sail so well equipped that they could defend themselves, it would be so costly an undertaking that it could not be maintained--especially at the present time, when the Filipinas are so exhausted and so in need of men, by reason of the reënforcements to Maluco, the entrances into Mindanao, and the insurrections in certain provinces of the natives. Besides, there is the so great danger to Manila from the swarms of abandoned heathen Sangleys who live there, besides other Chinese residents who are married and Christians, but lazy, and the great number of non-producing Japanese there also; and for security and defense from all these, the Spaniards do not even possess what is necessary.

Neither has that island of Hermosa such a location that it can be desirable for the ships of Filipinas that sail both to Japon and to Macan, to put in or to seek shelter there; and even less so for those returning from a port where they have taken refuge when they sail to Nueva España, or when, in sailing from Nueva España to Filipinas, by arriving late, the vendavals overtake them; or for ships on any other of the courses that we sail today.

But if one would say that it is a matter of importance for greater attempts that could be offered in time, by reason of the entrance into or conversion of China, that is not approved now. On the contrary, I fear from the caution and mistrust of the Chinese, that if we maintain a settlement in the island of Hermosa, and it is not clear to them that it is strictly necessary for that conservation, [they will act] without heeding other ends which they must obtain by way of diverting the trade with the Filipinas (since we see that they forced the Portuguese to tear down the fortification that they permitted them to erect in Macan, in view of the risk of its being captured by the Dutch in the year 622, who threatened to return to attempt it with a greater fleet the following year, although they had not returned up to the year 625). They are not unaware that Castilians and Portuguese are vassals of one and the same king. Neither have the Dutch failed to publish (as they did in Japon), that it is the custom of the king of España to conquer kingdoms under pretext of religion. That report, according to the religious of Japon themselves, has been one of the chief causes for the instigation of so terrible a persecution against Christians. Very true is it that the success in conversion in which his Majesty has so disinterested and holy an end, can neither be assured nor guided only by human reason. Consequently, what I judge to be an unsuitable thing might be the best method to attain it. In this argument one ought also to consider the heathen natives themselves in the island of Hermosa; but, admitting this, even for them at present I conclude that his Majesty is under no obligations whatever, because he has in the Filipinas not a few Indians who pay tribute, but who do not have sufficient ministers to instruct them. Also there are many heathen, who, because their country is not yet conquered, are without any knowledge at all of the holy gospel. But I shall not go into greater detail on this point, for it may, perhaps, seem to be outside the question.

Neither do I imagine that all that has occurred to me concerning this matter, and much more, has been left unconsidered by Don Fernando de Silva, governor of Filipinas, at whose order a site was occupied on Hermosa Island; for he is a very prudent gentleman and a gallant soldier, and one who will not have permitted the desire for glory and honor, of which the discoverers and conquerors of new lands are justly worthy, to carry him away. Yet I do not, on that account, regard myself as under no obligations to advise you of my opinion. Madrid, December 20, 1627.

_Doctor Don Juan Cevicos_

DOCUMENTS OF 1628-1629

Relation of 1627-28. [Unsigned]; July, 1628.
Report of appointments made by the governor. Juan Niño de
Tavora; August 2, 1628.
Letters to Felipe IV. Juan Niño de Tavora; August 4, 1628.
Economic reasons for suppressing the silk trade of China
in Spain and its colonies. Juan Velazquez Madrco; October
7, 1628.
Decrees regarding the Chinese. Felipe IV; June, 1628-March,
1629.
Relations of 1628-29. Hernando Estrado, and others; 1628-29.

_Sources_: Most of these documents are from MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla, The first one is from the Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library); the fifth, from the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid; and the last, from MSS. in the Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid.

_Translations_: The second of these documents is translated by Robert W. Haight; the second part of the last, by Arthur B. Myrick; all the rest, by James A. Robertson.

RELATION OF 1627-28

_Copy of a relation-written by a father of this residence of Manila on the condition of these Filipinas Islands, and other surrounding kingdoms and provinces, from the month of July, 1627, until that of 1628._

In the port of Cavite, which lies three leguas away from and opposite the city of Manila, four very fine galleons were being equipped, that in size and strength could compare with the best in the world. For the flagship was the "Concepción;" for almiranta, the "Santa Teresa;" while the other two were called "San Yldefonso" and the "Peña de Francia." Besides these there was another smaller ship called the "Rosario," and two other pataches and two galleys. The work was progressing rapidly; for as soon as the merchant ships that sail to Nueva España were despatched, our people had to begin their voyage to the island of Hermosa near China, in order to dislodge the Dutch who were fortifying themselves there. [42] That might result in notable damage to this city of Manila, and to Macao, by obstructing their trade with China, Japon, and other kingdoms. The food, ammunition, and artillery were already embarked, and many implements of war, in order to carry on the war by sea and land. On July 7. they began to lade the flagship with quantities of tiling which it was also necessary to take. But, burdened with the great weight, the flagship showed that it was not to make the voyage; for it commenced to leak so badly that it could not be kept pumped out. Consequently, it was necessary to unlade it, and they had to resolve to leave it behind in the port, to their great sorrow.

The galleon "San Yldefonso" became the flagship. The season was already advanced, and especially for the galleys, which need more calm weather to enable them to navigate. Accordingly, the galleys were despatched ahead July 26, under command of Don Pedro Alcarazo. On August 17, the chief part of the fleet, namely, the galleons and pataches, left port. Governor Don Juan Niño de Tabora was in the flagship; master-of-camp Don Lorenzo de Olaso in the almiranta; in the "Peña de Francia," Sargento-mayor Alonso Martin Quirante, an old and well-tried soldier; in the ship "Rosario," Captain Lazaro de Torres, a daring man in war; and in the other two pataches, two other captains. Each vessel carried a quantity of artillery, each galleon having more than forty very large pieces. There were many and very courageous men; although when they saw that contrary weather was setting in it did not fail to dishearten them, as was immediately seen. For scarcely had they left the port of Cavite (even before emerging from that bay), when so fierce a storm overtook them that the fleet was in danger of being wrecked. One patache sprang a leak, and commenced to take in water so badly that it was forced to make port and remain there. The governor--seeing that as the season was so late, it was quite possible that he could not get to the island of Hermosa and return to port with the fleet; and as quite a long period had passed since any reënforcement had been sent to our fort on the same island of Hermosa; and since he imagined that they were suffering very great need of everything necessary--in the probability of what might happen, determined to send Captain Lázaro de Torres ahead with his little vessel the "Rosario," which was carrying a large quantity of food. As it was a small, swift-sailing ship, he hoped that it would surely arrive, which was not looked for in regard to the rest of the fleet. We shall relate the experience of this vessel later.

Our fleet proceeded on its course, but with so contrary winds from the north that they [as it were,] consumed the vessels; and the seas ran mountain high toward the heavens, so that one would believe that they were trying to engulf them. They reached Cape Bojeador, although after considerable danger. That is the end of the island of Manila, where one crosses to the island of Hermosa. At that point the storms increased so violently that, a council of the pilots having been called, all thought that they should put in to port; for it was impossible to go any farther until the next year, when the expedition could be undertaken at a better season. They put back, and the fleet reentered Cavite on September 6. That was considered as not a little [good fortune by the Dutch]; for, as was afterward learned from some Dutchmen, whom the Portuguese of Macan captured, the enemy on the island of Hermosa were very weak and determined not to fight, but to leave their fort at the arrival of our fleet. Now the Dutch will be in a state of readiness, so that it will cost a triumph to capture the fort; and, even, may it please God that we can gain such a result.

Some fathers of St. Dominic and of our Society were going in the fleet with the intention of remaining in the island of Hermosa, in order to engage in the conversion of its natives who are heathen. As servants of our fathers were also going two disguised Japanese fathers, in order to see whether they might go to Japon by way of the island of Hermosa. Their provincial had sent them for that purpose from Macan; for, as the door of Japon is so tightly closed, Ours seek extraordinary means to enter there, to aid that afflicted Christian people.

But let us return to follow our galleys. One can well guess how they would fare, when so large galleons suffered from the storm. They were struck very severely, but they made their voyage nevertheless, until they sighted the fort of the Dutch enemy on the island of Hermosa. From there, they put back to this island of Manila, in the province of Ylocos, because of the violence of the weather. While in port there, they had so fierce a storm that, having been hardly used by the past storm, their seams opened and they went to the bottom. Twenty convicts were drowned, and three Spaniards. The other men, even the commander himself, got away by swimming, and, as the land was near, they were able to reach it without much difficulty. That disastrous news reached this city October 20.

We come now to the ship "Rosario" in which Captain Lazaro de Torres was sailing. It made its voyage, although not without trouble. It reached our fort on the island of Hermosa, and its arrival gladdened and rejoiced our men greatly, for they were in great need of food. It had been more than a year since aid had been sent to them from Manila. At the ship's arrival, it was found that a disaster had overtaken our men. It happened that there was a chief on the river of Tanchuy, not far from our fort, who professed great friendship for our men for his reasons of state, which are not wanting even among barbarians. Those reasons were that that chief had wars of long standing with another chief whose domain was on the other side of the river; and he wished to have our men on his side, for whatever might happen. Our men trusting to his friendship, and forced by the necessity that they were suffering, the commander sent Captain Don Antonio de Vera with twenty Spaniards to the said river of Tanchuy to bring back rice to our men; for that is the ordinary bread, and that country abounds plentifully with it. Captain Antonio de Vera and his twenty Spaniards remained one or two months with the chief of Tanchuy, who, although he feasted them, did not conclude by giving them the provisions to return. The captain began to fear some detention, and sent to our fort for more men, in order to negotiate with arquebuses what they were unable to compass by kindness; but these were not sent. The chief concerted secretly with his opponent, and made peace with him. One day he took Captain Don Antonio and the other Spaniards out hunting; and suddenly attacked them, and killed the said captain and seven others. They first sold their lives, and with greed for death itself, killed some of their false friends, really their enemies--among them the very chief who contrived that treachery. The other Spaniards sought shelter in a small boat which they had there, left the river, and went to our fort, giving news of the disaster just as Captain Lazaro de Torres arrived. With the help that had just come to them, they determined to take vengeance for that perfidy. The commandant sent the said captain, Lazaro de Torres, with one of the galleys which they had there, accompanied by one hundred infantrymen. They entered the river of Tanchuy, which is very beautiful, and densely inhabited by the natives. The latter immediately deserted their settlements, and our men went to the rice granaries, and filled their galley and four large champans, which are used as freight ships in these seas. They could have filled fifty if they had had them, so great is the abundance in that country. They captured I know not how many persons; then without doing any more evil or burning their villages, they retired with plenty of food, which was the most important thing. This feat having been performed, the said Lazaro de Torres returned with his ship to Manila, where he entered February 21, 1628.