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Chapter XLV (2)

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[68] One of the chief causes of the great depopulation of Mindanao and the Visayan Islands was the slavery produced by the piracy of the Lutaos, encouraged by the Moros of Borneo, Célebes, Gilolo, Macazar, Ternate, and the other Moluccas, who brought the slaves in the markets to which they were conveyed. (Pastells and Retana's Combés, col. 659.)

[69] The Baganis, who dress in the manner described by the author, generally count the number of their victims, by placing on the edge of the shield as many locks of hair as the assassinations that they have committed. One Macusang gave Father Pastells his shield as a present, as a sign that he would kill no more Christians; and that shield held one hundred and eight locks of hair. (Pastells and Retana's Combés, col. 659.)

[70] Now called bido. They dress like women; and some think them hermaphrodites. (Pastells and Retana's Combés, col. 659.)

Henry Ling Roth, in his Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo (London, 1896), i, pp. 270, 271, describes these men in women's attire as found in Borneo, where they are called Manang bali. Before such assume women's dress they are unsexed; and thenceforth they endevour to imitate as nearly as possible the women in everything, he who can best do so being regarded as the most successful. Their services are in great demand and they generally grow wealthy, when in order the better to act their assumed character as women, the manang bali takes a husband. The latter is despised by the women and disliked by the men of the tribe, and is completely under his so-called "wife's" domination. Men are not brought up in this office as a profession, but one becomes a manang bali from pure choice, or by sudden inclination, at a mature age. He is always a person of great consequence in the village, and may become the chief. He has many cares, and acts often as a peacemaker, in which he excels, all little differences being brought to him. His wealth is often at the service of his followers, and he is ready to help in times of trouble and distress. When the manang bali marries, he generally adopts some children; and if he has had children before he becomes a manang bali, he must give them their portions and start in that career unencumbered.

Cf. the "berdashes" among the North American Indians; see Jesuit Relations (Cleveland reissue), lix, pp. 309, 310.

[71] Retana (Pastells and Retana's Combés, col. 786) derives "labia" from "labi" and "a" "he who advantages the others." "Tuto" is said by Retana (ut supra, col. 790) to be equivalent to "tuud-tuud" meaning "in real truth."

[72] Either the eleventh or twelfth of November. The first date is the day of St. Martin, the blessed confessor; and the second that of St. Martin, pope and martyr, who was martyred in 655.

[73] The island of Pañgutarang, of the Sulu group. It is about 11 × 9 miles in extent, and is low, but is densely inhabited and has considerable trade with Joló. It has some settlements of the Sámals, the descendants of the Sámal Laút or "sea gypsies." See U. S. Philippine Gazetteer, and Census of the Philippine Islands, i, p. 464.

[74] At present, when anyone dies, those of his house break out into uncontrollable lamentations, and the father or husband becomes so beside himself at times that, seizing his bolo, he slashes right and left whatever he finds, destroying his clothes, furniture, utensils, and even the very floor of the house; and it is necessary to lay hold of him in order to avoid a worse ending to such uncontrolled actions. (Pastells and Retana's Combés, col. 660.)

[75] Socsocan (Sofocan, Sogsocan) was a Basilan by birth and one of the most esteemed of Corralat's chiefs. He became friendly to the Spaniards and served them well as commander of the Lutaos. His name is said to signify "he who penetrates the fortresses or the ranks of the enemy." (Pastells and Retana's Combés, col. 735.)

[76] Captain Gaspar de Morales was made admiral of the squadron in Joló. He fought bravely in La Sabanilla and in Joló, where he was severely wounded. He became commandant of the stronghold and afterward was governor of the Joloan fort. As governor he was an utter failure; for by his avarice and licentiousness he occasioned the insurrection of Salibansa (whose daughter he had seized), and the loss of the Sulu archipelago for more than two centuries. (Pastells and Retana's Combés, col. 723.)

[77] Among woods of extraordinary hardness is the magconó (Xanthostemon verdugonianus naves). This wood is so hard that if a nail be driven into its heart and it be afterward sawn apart, one does not observe where the saw strikes the nail, and it said that both substances are of equal hardness. Father Pastells asserts that he has seen bits of this wood that have been converted into real flint after only twenty-five years. (Pastells and Retana's Combés, col. 660.)

[78] Of these people, properly called Guimbajanos (Guinbajanos, Guimbanos, Guimbas, and Quimpanos), Blumentritt (Tribes of the Philippines, Mason's translation) says: "The historians of the seventeenth century, under this title, designated a wild, heathen people, apparently of Malay origin, living in the interior of Sulu Island. Their name is derived from their war drum (guimba). Later writers are silent concerning them. In modern times the first mention of them is by P. A. de Pazos and by a Manila journal, from which accounts they are still at least in Caroden and in the valley of the Loo; it appears that a considerable portion of them, if not the entire people, have received Islam." Retana (Pastells and Retana's Combés, col. 779) derives the name of these people from guimba, "a mountain." They are not mentioned under this name by the Census of the Philippines.

[79] Pedro de Almonte Vérastegui, of Sevilla, was a brave soldier, who served as general and sargento-mayor, and admiral of an expedition against Maluco. He was especially distinguished for his honesty and uprightness. In Sibuguey he attained equal merit with Corcuera, and in 1638 conquered Joló. Diego Fajardo assigned him the encomienda of Lorenzo Cañete, left vacant (July 1, 1645), by the death of the latter's son. (Pastells and Retana's Combés, col. 695.) Almonte Vérastegui has often been mentioned in this series.

[80] The Chinese, during the Spanish régime of the Philippines, were allowed to smoke opium under certain rules; but its use was prohibited to the natives, although it was at times used secretly. (Pastells and Retana's Combés, col. 781.)

[81] The former officer of the crown of Aragon, who was assigned to duty immediate to the king's person. He enjoyed several privileges, one of them being to hold the royal sword naked in public ceremonies. (Dominguez, Diccionario nacional.)

[82] The arms of the natives of Mindanao, like their clothes, are manufactured by themselves. The spears and campilans are said to be finely tempered. They themselves adjust the dies for their pataquias. The sheaths, like the hafts of their krises, are of gold richly engraved. The haft of the kris used by Dato Ayuman of Tabiran was of solid gold, and was engraved with sentences from the Koran in Arabic characters. The usual weapons are: campilans, krises (straight and wavy), machetes, bolos, ligdaos, súndanes, various kinds of spears, balaraos, and badis. They use coats-of-mail made of brass, tortoise-shell, malibago [-bark], or very thick cloth, or long sashes wound about the breast. Spears and arrows are generally poisoned with the resin of the tree called quemandag or the poison of red ants or scorpions; and the points of their daggers and balaraos are also poisoned. They also use darts made of steel, iron, bone, palm-wood and bamboo. For defense they construct traps, dig pits, and set bamboo points. They use also various kinds of lantacas and other kinds of firearms, with which the Chinese supply them, or which they manufacture themselves. These were considered contraband of war during the Spanish régime. (Pastells and Retana's Combés, col. 782.)

[83] Juan José Delgado was a native of Cadiz; the time of his birth is not known. In 1711 he left Spain for Filipinas, and perhaps remained for some time in Mexico: it is probable that he reached Filipinas as early as 1717. He seems to have spent most of his life in the Visayan Islands--Sámar, Cebú, Leyte, etc.--but to have visited most of the peoples in the archipelago at some time or other. His Historia was written during the years 1751-54; the date of his death is not known. See sketch of his life in the Historia (Manila, 1892), pp. x-xi.

[84] Mas used the MS. of the Museo-Biblioteca de Ultramar, which is wrongly dated. See post, pp. 278-280. Of the letter itself he says (i, "Poblacion" p. 63): "These paragraphs and other ancient documents will show us ... how little the individuals who now occupy us have changed since that time."

[85] For instance, Mas says (p. 63): "Here follows what the author of the celebrated work on the Philippines, called Cronicas franciscanas [referring to San Antonio's Chronicas] says: 'The very reverend father, Fray Gaspar de San Agustin, an Augustinian from Madrid,'" etc. Bowring makes this: "Among the most celebrated books on the Philippines are the 'Cronicas Franciscanas' by Fr. Gaspar de San Agustin, an Augustine monk of Madrid;" and following gives the impression that he makes the selections directly from San Agustin--a ridiculous error.

In regard to the word "monk" used by Bowring, that author is again in error, technically at least, an error that is quite often met with in many works. As pointed out by Rev. T. C. Middleton, O.S.A., in a letter dated December 8, 1902, the only regulars in the Philippines who could rightfully be styled "monks" were the Benedictines. The members of the other orders are "friars," the equivalent of the Spanish "frailes." The monks are strictly cloistered. The friars appeared first in the thirteenth century, and do not live a strictly cloistered life.

[86] M. reads on the outside wrapper: "Letter by Fray Gaspar de San Agustin;" and the heading of the letter is as follows: "+ Letter written by an aged religious of Philipinas to a friend in España, who asked him as to the nature and characteristics of the Indian natives of these islands." D. reads: "Letter written by the very reverend father Fray ... giving him an account ..."

[87] M. and D. read "mathematical side;" and continuing D. reads "of the double of the cube of the sphere."

[88] i.e., "I was with this generation for about forty years, and I said 'These people always err from the heart.'" M. omits the Latin phrase and reads in its place "and I have only learned that they are almost incomprehensible." D. reads as M. and then adds "and therefore I shall only say," followed by the Latin phrase.

[89] i.e., "He himself knew our formation." The last word of the Latin phrase is omitted in M.

[90] D. reads "excuse myself from the burden and difficulty."

[91] i.e., "It is difficult to know man--a changeable and variable animal." M. gives only the first four words of this Latin phrase.

[92] i.e., "I see men as trees walking."

[93] Not set off into lines in the Ayer MS. A literal translation of the citation, which is rather freely translated in the text, is: "Spring makes me green; burning summer, yellow; autumn, white; and chill winter, bald." M. omits all the quotation after the first three words; D. reads "Glaucumque" instead of "flavamque." The poet mentioned by San Agustin was a Welshman by the name of John Owen, or, according to his Latin name, Joannis Audoenus. He was born about 1560, at Armon, Wales, and died in London, in 1622. He studied law at Oxford, and afterward became a teacher at various places. He imitated the Epigrams of Martial, and his Epigrammata were published first in three books at London, in 1606, but were later augmented by seven more books. They were reprinted many times in various countries and even translated into other languages--among the latter, into English, French, and Spanish (Madrid, 1674-82). One of the best editions is that printed at Paris in 1774.

[94] D. omits this last phrase.

[95] M. omits the epigram. It is the forty-seventh epigram of the twelfth book, and is translated thus in Henry G. Bohn's Epigrams of Martial (London, 1877): "You are at once morose and agreeable, pleasing and repulsive. I can neither live with you nor without you." It has been several times translated into English verse.

[96] i.e., "As many opinions as persons."

[97] From the Greek words monos, "one," "single," and pas, "all;" thus meaning, "homogeneous."

[98] The Monophysites held that there was but one nature in Christ. They were condemned at the fourth general council held at Chalcedon in 451, but the decision of that council was a few years later set aside by an imperial encyclical issued by the emperor Basilicus. During the next century the Monophysites split up into many sects, and fought among themselves. The Monophysites still exist in Armenia, Egypt, Syria, and Mesopotamia; and are represented by the Armenian National church, the Jacobite Christians of Syria and Mesopotamia, the Coptic church, and the Abyssinian church. The schismatic Christians of St. Thomas are now connected with the Jacobites. See Addis and Arnold's Catholic Dictionary, pp. 597, 598.

[99] M. greatly abridges this paragraph, among other things omitting all mention of the Monophysites. D. also omits the latter.

[100] At this point M. adds "who are the true Indians, so named from the River Indus or from Indostan, for our Indians are so by catachresis or misusage."

[101] The title of the Franciscan Juan de Torquemada's book, is as follows: Ia (-IIIa) Parte de los veynte y un libros rituales y monarchia Indiana con el origen y guerras de los Indios occidentales de sus poblaçones, descubrimiento, conquista, conversion y otras cosas maravillosas de la misma tierra (Sevilla, 1615; in three parts).

[102] The title of Antonio de Ramesal's book is Historia general de las Indias Ocidentales, y particular, de la governacion de Chiapa, y Guatemala. Escrivese juntamente los principios de nuestro glorioso Padre Santo Domingo, y de las demas religiones (Madrid, 1620).

Remesal was born in Allariz in Galicia, and took the Dominican habit in Salamanca, where he also became doctor of theology. He was sent to Central America in 1613, and on his return wrote his book. See Moreri's Dictionaire, vii, p. 68; and Hoefer's Nouvelle biographie générale, xli, col. 956.

[103] See Vol. VIII, p. 38, note 1.

[104] Bartolome (not Bernardino) de las Casas, the great apostle of the Indians. He first went to the New World in 1502 as a planter, became a Dominican religious in 1510, and in 1514 began to preach against the cruelty inflicted on the Indians by the Spaniards, for the purpose of alleviating their misfortunes, making numerous trips to Spain. He finally obtained from Cárlos I the "New Laws," which were so rigorous that an attempt to enforce them resulted in an insurrection in Peru under Gonzalo Pizarro, for an account of which see Pedro Gutiérrez de Santa Clara's Historia de las guerras civiles del Peru, 1544-1548 (Madrid, 1904-05). He finally returned to Spain for the last time, and died after a few years in the Dominican convent of Valladolid. His writings are many, and important. The reference in the text may be to his Brevissima relacion de la destruycion de las Indias (Sevilla, 1552); or to his Historia general de las Indias, which existed only in MS., until 1875.

[105] See Vol. XXIX, p. 189, note 42. San Agustin probably refers to his Virtudes del Indio (1650?). Palafox left many writings, a number of which are of a controversial nature.

[106] In D., "taught."

[107] In D., "collect."

[108] M. and D. call these last two peoples the "Mogores" and the "Camarines."

[109] Baltasar Gracian was born in Calatayud, Aragon, in 1601, and entered the Society of Jesus in 1619. He taught belles-lettres, philosophy, moral theology, and the Holy Scriptures, and preached for several years. He was rector of the college at Taragona, Catalonia, where he died December 6, 1658. His first book, El Heroë, appeared in 1630. The most famous of his numerous works was his Criticon, which is probably the book referred to in the text. It is a sort of satire on the vices and customs of the times; and in places reminds one of Pilgrim's Progress. It was published in three parts, the first in 1650 at Madrid, and the other two at Huesca, in 1653. Most of his works were published under his brother Lorenzo's name. His talent in writing is vitiated by his affectation and other faults. See Ticknor's History of Spanish Literature (New York, 1854); Sommervogel's Bibliothèque; Moreri's Dictionaire, iv, p. 174; and Hoefer's Nouvelle biographie générale, xxi, cols. 570, 571.

[110] M. and D. add "For most of the defects and vices of these Indians are common, on account of the," and continue as above.

[111] This passage is badly confused in the three copies. The transcriber of M. has wrongly made the viviendo acephalos of the Ayer copy, bebiendo à sed [i.e., drinking when thirsty?] which hardly makes sense. That MS. continues, "and in confused anarchy," which is better than the Ayer reading. D. reads "Who besides having been living as the greatest barbarians, leaderless, and in confused anarchy."

[112] Both M. and D. omit the passage referring to the influence and dominion of the moon. M. gives the names as "Beyerlinhe," and D. as "Bayarlinch."

Laurentius Beyerlinck was a noted Flemish savant and litterateur. He was born at Antwerp in 1578, and, after studying in that city with the Jesuits, went to Louvain, where he enjoyed a benefice until 1605. In that year he was recalled to Antwerp to become head of the seminary, and soon afterward obtained a canonry and then an archdeaconry there. His death occurred in Antwerp June 22, 1627, at the age of forty-nine. Notwithstanding his short life and his religious labors, he wrote a surprising amount. An edition of his Magnum Theatrum Vitæ Humanæ appeared in London, in eight volumes, in 1678. See Moreri's Dictionaire.

[113] "When they grow delirious in their sickness, they are never frantic, but calm." (Mas, p. 64.)

[114] M. and D. add here "slow."

[115] In the Ayer MS. "serithnophagos." D. makes it "ictiófagos," which reading we have adopted; and M. omits the phrase.

[116] The abundance of fish is one of the means by which nature aids their necessities. In the rainy season, all the creeks and ravines are full of water and fish. The very rice fields swarm with eels, shrimps, and a species of fish called dalag, which is about two palmos long and more than two inches thick. It is especially interesting for an European to see a crowd of people in the month of October on the high-road, busily fishing in the sowed fields. As the rice is now grown, it is impossible to see the water that bathes and wets its roots, and consequently, when the hooks are drawn out with fish two palmos long on them, it appears to be enchantment, or the inconsequential things of a dream. As the water dries up, the fish, still living, gather down in toward the hollows where there is yet some water; and they are there caught with the hand, or killed with clubs.

"The Indians have three meals [per day]: breakfast, dinner, and supper. These three meals consist of rice boiled in water but dry like the rice cooked in the Valencian style, or like the Turkish pilao. In addition they eat a trifle of fresh or salt fish, some sort of meat stew, camotes, etc.; but rarely do they have more than two different dishes, unless it is the occasion of a banquet. In the dearest provinces, the [expense of] common food cannot be estimated at more than one-half real of silver per day per adult; and since the daily wage that they earn is at least one-half real and their food, it results that this race have great opportunity to save and acquire considerable wealth. But their vices, their few necessities, and their disposition, which is indifferent and lacking in foresight, does not allow them to better the condition of their birth; and they remain in the wake of the mestizos, who are always the wealthy people of the villages." (Mas, pp. 64, 65.)

[117] Mas says (p. 65): "It is not easy for anyone to explain them, so long as he tries to consider these men equal to the Europeans."

[118] This sentence is omitted in M. and D.

[119] All the matter above between the word "father" and this point is lacking in M.

[120] The solidus was a coin of the Roman empire, which was at first called "aureus," and worth about twenty-five denarii, but afterward reduced to about one-half that value. It is used in the same manner as "farthing" or "cent" would be in English.

[121] These passages are translated as follows in the Douay version of the Bible:

4. Many have looked upon a thing lent as a thing found, and have given trouble to them that helped them.

5. Till they receive, they kiss the hands of the lender, and in promise they humble their voice.

6. But when they should repay, they will ask time, and will return tedious and murmuring words, and will complain of the time:

7. And if he be able to pay, he will stand off, he will scarce pay one-half, and will count it as if he had found it:

8. But if not, he will defraud him of his money, and he shall get him for an enemy without cause:

9. And he will pay him with reproaches and curses, and instead of honour and good turn will repay him injuries.

[122] i.e., "Scarce does he return the half."

[123] In the Douay version: "The sinner shall borrow and not pay again;" being only one-half the verse. M. omits the reference, but gives the passage.

[124] Delgado (Historia, p. 306) commenting on this passage says: "I find noted many actions of the Indian boys who serve in the houses and convents; and all are ridiculous things which we ourselves did in our own country when we were boys like them." He objects to San Agustin's quotation from Scripture on the ground that it is too general, and that those words were not written merely for them. "If twenty cases have been experienced where the Indian borrower has failed to return what he borrowed, it cannot be said that the entire Tagálog nation are sinners, let alone other nations, which may not have been seen. Such a supposition is illogical."

[125] The paragraph structure of M. and D. differs from our text in the above two paragraphs, and in other places throughout this letter; and the paragraphs are also unnumbered in both of these versions. The copy owned by Eduardo Navarro, O.S.A., Valladolid, agrees with the Ayer MS. in having numbered paragraphs, but the numbering is not in all cases the same.

[126] At this point the following paragraphs which are not contained in either the Ayer MS. or in D. occur.

"They think that it is a fine thing to meddle and take part in things where they are not invited. Consequently, if any of Ours wishes to attend to any bodily necessity, not fit to mention, even when he least wishes it, there comes an Indian before or behind him even though he leave the banca and seek the most retired spot to do what no other can do for him.

"They cruelly treat the animals that serve them, and the danger of losing them does not move them to the contrary. Thus following the very opposite of St. Paul's command: Non alligavis vos bobi trituranti [i.e., "Thou shalt not muzzle the ox that treadeth out the corn,"--I Tim. v, 18, a quotation from Deut. xxv, 4], they tie the poor cow or carabao to a post after it has worked all day; and, if it is a horse, they feed it without removing bit or bridle. And if they have to look after their carabao it must be on condition of their being atop of it while it moves from place to place; and on the road they make sores on its buttocks."

That the Indian does not shut a door that he has opened, etc.; Delgado says (p. 306): "This is done by boys, and is common in our own country. It is not because of laziness, but perchance, for lack of attention, or the liveliness or mischievousness of boys, in which the aged and prudent Indians cannot be included." He has often seen the carpenters carefully collect their tools and take them away, so that they should not be lost. San Agustin's criticism is too general and has proceeded from what he has experienced in a few foolish lads.

[127] "This," says Delgado (p. 307) "is peculiar only to some workmen, and not to all the nations of these islands, and the same thing happens also in our own country among cobblers, tailors, and other deceitful and tricky workmen."

Mas comments as follows (pp. 66, 67): "There is no tailor, cobbler, or workman of any kind, who does not begin by begging money when any work is ordered. If he is a carpenter, he needs the money in order to buy lumber; if a laundryman, to buy soap. This is not for lack of confidence in receiving their pay, for the same thing happens with those who have the best credit, with the cura of the village, and even with the captain-general himself. It consists, firstly, in the fact that the majority have no money, because of their dissipation; and secondly, because they are sure that after they have received a part of their price, their customer will not go to another house, and that he will wait for the workman as long as he wishes (which is usually as long as what he has collected lasts), and that then the customer will have to take the work in the way in which it is delivered to him."

[128] M. reads, "in the region of the genitals;" and D., "ears."

[129] Delgado says of this: "Let us give thanks to God that our parents reared us in civilized ways; for if they had not, we would do the same. But how many blows and lashes we had to take to become so! And indeed it must be noted that it is not so much because of rudeness that the Indian scratches himself, or does other things somewhat more indecent and coarse, as has happened to me at times when with them; but because of a sort of fear or respect, that so confuses them that they do not know at times what they are doing, or even what they are saying." The criticism, like others of San Agustin, is too sweeping. Delgado has not noticed this among the Visayans, although he has noted it among the Tagálogs. Because some women are coarse, coarseness cannot be charged in general upon all the women of the islands.

[130] D. reads "And as yet they have not gotten over the difficulty of folding a cloak with the right side in."

[131] M. and D. read "make gestures of wonder."

[132] "I have observed that they are very stupid in making anything when one tries to give them instructions, but not when one allows them to work in their own manner. For example, one desires to have the cork which has slipped down into a bottle drawn. The best thing to say then, is 'See here, get this cork out without breaking the bottle. Take care!' Thereupon the Indian goes and fixes it as well as he can. Once I asked an old woman for some fire to light my cigar. There were many live coals on the ground remaining from a fire. She took a handful of earth in her palm, and atop of that placed a coal which she presented to me. In this way they do things that at times show sufficient ingenuity and skill, especially with bamboo and rattan. General Alava declared that their brains were in their hands." (Mas, pp. 67, 68.)

[133] These last six words are lacking in M. This refers to the well-known myth of Orpheus and Eurydice. By Auresteo, San Agustin means Aristæus, probably an early Greek poet, but deified as a beneficent god and worshiped in various parts of Greece and other places. He was said to be the son of Apollo and the Thessalian nymph Cyrene, and was reared by Hermes, who made him immortal; although he is also sometimes called the son of Urana and Gæa. His connection with the Orpheus myth was probably an innovation of Virgil (Georgics, iv, ll. 315-558) who tells how he caused the death of Eurydice, who was killed by a serpent while fleeing from his persecutions. See Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, and Seyffert's Dictionary of Classical Antiquities (London, 1891).

"It is still the custom in many of the churches for the men to take their positions in the center toward the upper part, and the women in the lower half." (Mas, p. 68.)

[134] The last two words are missing in M. and D.

Curiosity, says Delgado (p. 307) and impertinence is a characteristic of all the peoples of Asia.

"They have asked me often as to my employment or occupation, my manner of living, and the amount of my pay. This proceeds from the tolerance and benevolence that they generally find in The Spaniards." (Mas, p. 68.)

[135] This argues only their wildness and lack of civilization, says Delgado (pp. 307, 308), and they ought to be taught civilized manners by their masters, or at least by the missionaries. The Spanish houses generally have porters, so that the Indians cannot penetrate into the most retired apartment. It may happen at times in Manila, or in some of the missions; but it is not the custom in the Visayas, or in the province of Tagálos. Delgado has never had such a thing happen to him, for the Indians have always announced their arrival before entering.

[136] "This proves the severity with which they are treated by their own people, and the kindness that they experience in us." (Mas, p. 68.)

[137] "Thank God," says Delgado (p. 308) "that I find the prognosis above that says 'they are great sleepers' absolutely false."

[138] This sentence is lacking in M. and D.

[139] In D., "where the women go."

"They do this because they are humored like children in the convents." (Mas, p. 69.)

[140] M. and D. omit "and perukes."

[141] Literally, "the flower of the saints," perhaps alluding to some book of lives of saints, thus entitled. M. has "the isles of the saints."

[142] M. and D. omit the last three words.

[143] "Nearly all the villages have theaters for cock-fighting. Before fighting, some very sharp knives are fastened to the spurs so that one or the other is killed at the first meeting. On this account the cockfight does not offer the interest or sport that it does in España and other places, and it occupies the attention of these people solely as a means of winning or losing money. In reality, a cockpit is a house of play. Before the two fowls are placed in attitude of fight, the bets are placed on two spindles. One of them generally offers a great sum in favor of the black cock, while others bet on the white one, until the sum is matched. The leading cocks are loosed and one of them is killed in less than two minutes. This is in fact a 'monte,' as is playing the races or betting on the jack [at cards]. The Filipinos, by nature idlers and greedy, are passionately fond of play, for they consider it an excellent and unique way of getting money without working; and they gather like flies to these pernicious places, in order to spend what they have and what they can succeed in borrowing or robbing, abandoning their most sacred and peremptory obligations. Furthermore, they pass many hours, both in their houses and in the cockpit, teaching a cock how to fight and to have no fear of the people; and examining the other cocks, in order to ascertain by certain rules and marks which will triumph and which will succumb. There is nothing more commonly seen even in the very streets of Manila itself, than a man squatted down on his heels with one of these fowls, in order that it might become accustomed to the noise, so that it might not grow confused or become frightened in the pit. There are men who take heed of nothing else or have other thought during the day than of their cocks.

"The government authorizes these wretched gatherings, not only on Sundays, but also on Thursdays or fair-days, which are not few, and has rented out the right of opening these theaters. Last year this department produced about 40,000 pesos fuertes. A sad recourse which must have occasioned and will occasion so many tears, crimes, and punishments, since so much vagabondage is thereby caused. There are often serious quarrels, which two judges of the theater end by deciding according to the laws. When any one of the contestants does not conform to the sentence, he has recourse to the alcalde, who takes the evidences in regard to the matter; and these quarrels generally go on appeal to the superintendency and to the upper litigious assembly. These causes are judged according to existing instructions, which were written in America.

"The Indians are also very fond of cards. They play brisca, burro (which is distinct from that of España), and panguingui, which is a game played very commonly by the Chinese. In this occupation they often pass all the night until dawn; and the cabezas de barangay lose the tributes of their subjects, and they have to go immediately to jail, or take to the mountain.

"They generally play duplo at their parties--a game consisting in arithmetical combinations--and also our game of forfeits." (Mas, pp. 69-71.)

[144] Delgado (p. 308) admits that the youthful servants do break dishes, but they are cheap. "There are Indians in Manila who make and repair watches and other delicate baubles, and do not break them. Consequently, not only can they handle bamboo, rattan, nipa, and bolos, but also other things; and they make and handle them lovingly."

"This is because they are generally heedless, sometimes through stupidity, and at other times because they are thinking of their sweetheart, or of something else, instead of what they are doing. When the Filipino drops a dish, the Spaniard says nothing, or is satisfied by calling him only a brute, animal, or savage; while in his own home, he would not escape without some buffets, which have more effect on this race than would the Philippics of Cicero." (Mas, p. 71.)

[145] "The father must have said this of the country people, or of those who are servants; for among those who devote themselves to the arts there are some who turn out work very delicate and difficult to execute, even in Europa--as, for instance, the textiles and embroidery of piña, and the gold chains or bejuquillos, etc." (Mas, pp. 71, 72.)

[146] D. adds "or [rather] not eating." This incident is related in the second part of Don Quixote, chapter xlvii.

[147] This sentence is omitted in M. The following is there a question, "And what shall we say if they bring four eggs?"

[148] A Dominican and the assistant of Archbishop Pardo, who became acting archbishop after the death of the latter. See Ferrando's Historia de los PP. Dominicos, vi, p. cxlvii; and our Vol. XXXIX, "The Pardo Controversy."

[149] Don Fernando Valenzuela, a grandee of Spain, marquis of San Bartolomé de los Pinales and of Villasierra, chief master of the horse, gentleman of the chamber, etc., the favorite of the mother of Carlos II of Spain, Mariana of Austria (with whom his connection was said to be dishonorable), was, as a youth, page to the Duke of Infantado. He went to Rome with the duke, who was appointed ambassador to the papal court. On his return he gained the favor of the queen's confessor the German Jesuit Nitard, who introduced him into court circles. His rise to favor was rapid, for he was talented and handsome. After the downfall of Nitard, he gained entire ascendancy over the weak queen, who showered honors upon him. Finally he was exiled to the Philippines (1670), through the efforts of Don Juan of Austria, uncle of the king, and was imprisoned in the fort of Cavite where he landed March 29, 1679. On the death of Don Juan, the first act of the queen was to have Valenzuela freed from his exile, and a special ship was sent to the Philippines to take him to Spain. It is reported, however, that he died in Mexico, while on his way to Spain, from the kick of a horse. He built the bridge over the Manzanares at Toledo, at the cost of one million ducats. See Harrison's History of Spain (Boston, 1881); Montero y Vidal, i, p. 364; and Concepción, Hist. de Philipinas, vii, pp. 349-364. A document in Ventura del Arco's MS. collection (vol. iii)--which is a compilation from original documents in the Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid--gives an account of the reception accorded to Valenzuela on his arrival at the Philippines, and some details of his life there.

[150] M. reads "rice in the husk."

[151] M. and D. add "pesos."

[152] Delgado says (p. 308): "If they had as much understanding as the reverend father, they would not do it." The cases cited prove nothing general, since they are only particular cases. "But it must be borne in mind that all the Indians of these islands are very poor, and dress very poorly and live meanly; and when they see that the Spaniards, and especially these bishops and marquises, bear themselves with so great ostentation, and are so free and magnanimous and liberal, as their nobility demands, some Indians of little capacity are emboldened to beg from them things that they ought not; for they think that such men will never remain poor even though they give much." We beg God often for things out of season.

"This is because they know beforehand that they ask nonsense, and assume that their demand will not be granted, but they only are trying to see whether it might be met by any chance; for they are accustomed to the extreme goodness of the Spaniards, and do not fear making them angry by an absurd demand." (Mas, pp. 72, 73.)

[153] M. and D. read: "Although the Sangleys cheat them, as if they were simpletons, and they are satisfied to be cheated by them."

Delgado says (p. 309): "This I absolutely deny, for I have more than once seen that after the Indians have traversed the whole Parian of the Sangleys to sell their goods, if they are not offered more than four they immediately carry their goods to the Spaniards or to the fathers, in order to get eight for them; and this must be tongod sa calooy, that is, for charity, which the Spaniard and the father always practice with them."

"This is a fact, but it needs explanation. The Filipino is by nature phlegmatic, and especially when it is a question of buying or selling anything; for he exerts himself to get the largest profit possible, and the calculation of that costs him much trouble. A countryman comes, for instance, to sell two or three quintals of indigo to a merchant. Thereupon, he does not come alone, but is accompanied by relatives and friends, and sometimes women. Very often the indigo belongs to four or five owners, who all come in the wake of the seller. Each proposition must be communicated to the society that is squatted there in a circle on their heels. The matter is discussed at length, and then it is decided to lower the price one peso per quintal. The buyer claims that the price should be three pesos. Finally this point is settled. Then another discussion begins, namely, that the indigo is damp, and that some pounds must be allowed for waste. In short the transaction is so tiresome and so eternal, that there are very few Spaniards who have the patience to endure so much impertinence and importunity; and they generally end by saying dryly, 'Will you or will you not give it?' And then they order them angrily into the street. The Chinese and mestizos do not hurry them, but on the contrary invite them to eat, and keep them in their houses for three or four hours, and sometimes days. Finally they get the goods for what they wish to give, and more often cheat them like Chinese. For the Filipino is very stupid even in matters of self-interest. Once I was with a Spaniard who was buying indigo. After the trading had cost him more patience than Job must have had, the indigo was weighed before him, the account was reckoned, the money made ready and placed on the table in piles of 20 pesos, while there was one of 7, which was placed separately, and another of reals and copper coins. The man who had been most attentive to everything took the piles of 20's and left the pile of 7. We called him back to tell him to take that money which he had left. Thereupon he took the seven pesos, and it was necessary to call him back the third time to tell him that all the money on the table belonged to him. He himself had determined that the price should be 52 or 53 per quintal, and then he took what was given him. The majority are the same. Then it is learned that a Chinese has bought for 20 the same quantity of indigo for which a Spaniard offered 25. It is said that a Filipino would rather receive one real from a Chinese than one peso from a Spaniard, as we have just seen was written by Father Gaspar." (Mas, pp. 73, 74.)

[154] "And tell me, your Paternity," says Delgado (p. 309), "who is not given to this vice in this land?"--an interesting commentary on social conditions.

[155] Commenting on this, Delgado (p. 309) says: "Who are the ones who cut the timber, and build the ships, galleys, and galliots, as says Father Murillo, and work in the ships in the port? Then they do this stretched out in their houses, as says our father master? It is true that they are always poor, but the true cause of that is different. Let them not admit into Manila so many heathen Chinese, who possess in themselves all the trades and employments, by which one may seek his livelihood. The Indians would apply themselves to these trades, and would not lie stretched out in their houses, for the Sangleys do not allow them to engage in these or to seek their livelihood."

Mas says (pp. 75-77): "I have never read a single manuscript or printed book about the Filipinos that does not speak of their laziness.

"I, accustomed to hear the term 'lazy' given to Spaniards, and to other men who have been or are idle--rather through the influence of bad laws or because of the lack of laws, than because of the impulses of their physical organization--was ready to believe that the Filipinos would be found to exhibit the same characteristic in regard to this--especially when I remembered the system of delivering the provinces to trading governors and monopolists and the prohibition for so many years of trading with foreign ports, which still exists, with the exception of the city of Manila. But in spite of the fact that these things powerfully influence the obstruction of the founts of wealth and choke incentives to work, I have seen things that have made me change my opinion. For instance, I have desired to send people to get grass for my horses; and, in spite of the facts that it was very abundant and near, and there was not the slightest doubt about the pay, I have been unable to get anyone to go for it. On arriving at a village, I have endeavored to get a guide to accompany me to the next village; and, in spite of the facts that the distance was not more than one hour and the road excellent, I have found it difficult to obtain him. And even I have obtained it by means of the justice, as [a carrier of] baggage; although one pays for this service, according to the schedule, one silver real, with which a Filipino has enough to live on for at least two days. A few weeks before my departure from Filipinas I was at an estate belonging to religious, where there are various individuals who enjoy an annual salary sufficient to support themselves, on condition that they guard the estate against robbers, and that they work whenever necessary, in which case their day's wage is paid them. The question was raised of transferring the rice in the husk from one granary to another, distant about 20 paces, and they were not to work more than the hours usual in that country, which are very few, for which they were to be given one silver real daily, besides their food. All this was in addition to their annual pay. It is to be noted that the season was the dryest and coolest of the whole year, namely, the month of January, and a Filipino's support cost then about five cuartos per diem. However, by no means would they consent to work consecutively all the days, for they said that when night came they were exhausted, and needed rest on the following day. Had I not been present there I would not have believed it. I have been in many Filipino huts where I saw many men and women pass the day without doing anything, while everything was indicative of their poverty. I have examined the condition of the fields, and I have discovered that any man may become wealthy, and yet all live in wretchedness. I have been much surprised to hear that they must be ordered by edict to sow the fields, so that the propitious season may not pass by; and that those who allow their houses to burn are punished. Especially have I noted that the Chinese mestizos, who are partly of the same blood as the most diligent Chinese immigrants, are always comfortable, and some of them have accumulated considerable wealth. This might all be in the hands of the Filipinos, who are the most ancient inhabitants, have enjoyed and enjoy greater protection, and have been owners of all the estates that are now possessed by the mestizos, which the latter have bought by the fruits of their industry and their economy. It is to be noted that all the Chinese who come to Filipinas are very poor, and come from a colder country. Gentil says that the Filipinos have acquired their laziness from the Spaniards; but if they have learned indolence from the Spaniards, why did not the mestizos learn it also, who are on the contrary so active and industrious? Why have they not learned to be diligent from the mestizos, since they have a more continual and intimate intercourse with them than with the Spaniards? I conclude by saying that after examining and weighing everything thoroughly, I am of the opinion that there exists in the nature of the Filipino, quite independent of any accessory and modifying cause, an element of quiet and inertia that is but slightly neutralized by the ambition of acquiring consideration and wealth."

[156] Delgado (pp. 309-310) says: "This happens perhaps among the boys who serve in the convents in Tagalos and in no other missions; and I have also seen them awakened in another manner. And although this seems a matter for laughter among us Spaniards, it is not so for them. For they do it in order not to make the other impatient by waking him suddenly, and it serves among them as a kind of prudence and respect. The game thing happens when they call at the door of any house. But generally they enter without the formulas of etiquette."

"This is a hard fact and has been called to my attention often. For in any other matter whatsoever, it is well understood that ignorance makes an unpolished man appear quite distinct from a civilized man. But when it comes to waking one who is sleeping, I cannot conceive that wisdom, or even a knowledge of reading, can have the least influence. But I believe that I have discovered the origin of this peculiarity. The remontados Filipinos of Abra have the greatest respect for a sleeping man. Their deepest curse is 'May I die when asleep.' Their oath, when they come to the province of Ilocos for the election of gobernadorcillos, for causes, etc., is 'May I die when asleep,' 'May a bolt of lightning strike me,' etc. This same fear of dying when asleep exists also in other tribes and in the provinces of Ilocos, and must have been formerly a general idea, since, as we have already observed, the origin of our Christianized Indians and those at present remontados and called infidels was the same. Whether this fear arose from some disease in which the people slept and did not awaken, or whether only from the similitude of sleep to death, it is difficult to ascertain. However, it is always surprising that, since no one now dies or becomes sick because his rest is interrupted, the Indians still constantly preserve this so stupid dread; so that even after a master has ordered his servant to awaken him, the latter has great difficulty in doing it in a quick and positive manner, although he knows that, if he do not execute it, it will put his master out greatly. That shows at least the most powerful influence of habit on the minds of these men. Somewhat similar to this is our custom of saying 'Jesus,' when anyone sneezes--a custom which I have heard expressed by 'God bless you,' 'Á vous souhaits,' 'Salute,' etc., among all the peoples of Europa.... This custom generally allows the man who receives an accident to die without aid, because of not awaking the physician or cura." (Mas, pp. 77, 78.)

[157] This is because the Indians do not appreciate the danger, says Delgado (p. 310). This happens often on narrow roads, and not to Indians, but to Spaniards or mulattoes, and neither will yield to the other, whereupon quarrels ensue. But the lesser always yields to the greater. It has happened once or twice to Delgado.

"This is a fact, and a proof of their indifference and stolidity." (Mas, p. 78.)

[158] The lengua franca is the trade-jargon of the Orient. The original of the passage above is as follows: "Deó grande nopillar fantacia; mondo cosi cosi; si estar escrito in testa andar andar; sino acá morir." M. reads "an andar andar," and has other slight differences. D. reads "ha (de) andar" and has also other slight differences.

The full name of the author above mentioned is Gabriel Gomez de Losada, and his book is Escuela de trabaios, in quatro libros dividida: Primero, del cautiverio mas cruel.... Segundo, Noticias y govierno de Argel: Tercero, necessidad y conveniencia de la redempcion de Cautivos Christianos: Quarto, el mejor cautivo rescatado.... (Madrid, 1670).

[159] M. and D. add (though with a slight difference in wording) "for they will not believe that he who loves danger will perish in it."

Some Indians are fatalists, but not all, says Delgado (p. 310). The Visayans are generally careful, and watch out for the crocodiles. Those who have been devoured by those reptiles have always been evil, and were so punished by God for their sins. Mas says (p. 79), that this fatalism must have been imported from Asia.

[160] Delgado says (p. 310): "This proceeds from their barbarous condition, and because the Spaniards commonly deceive them, and teach them things that are not very good, especially the convict guachinangos, of whom this country is full. But that they cannot be persuaded that it is a sin to steal from the religious or from the Spaniards, I regard as a misapprehension, or at least it is not common for this to happen, although his Paternity brings forward such evidence, that one cannot doubt him. For I have seen the contrary in many villages."

Mas (pp. 80, 81), says: "It is a fact that some Indians have but little scruple in stealing from Spaniards, for they say that all that the latter possess is of the Philippines and consequently theirs. But do not believe that they have any consideration for their fellow-countrymen. In its proper place we shall see that theft is the greatest part of the criminality of the islands.... It is to be noted that they generally rob on a small and rarely on a large scale; for their ambition is limited to satisfying a vice or to bettering their present condition, but not in changing it.

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The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 - Volume 40 of 55, 1690-1691Chapter XLV (2)

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