Chapter X: Part 10

122-127. [The deputies of Manila were not satisfied that this concession should be limited to a term of two years, and again petitioned the king, asking that the trial be made for two or three five-year terms, on account of the many difficulties which that commerce must encounter. The king consented (October 21, 1726) to extend the term to five years, and a despatch of September 15 prescribes the conditions and regulations under which the trial of the new plan should be made--for a term of two years, extended to five by another decree of October 31. The annual galleon shall carry no more than 4,000 piezas, 500 of these being half-chests [medios caxones] containing the silken fabrics and the finer ones of cotton; the rest shall be half-bales [medios fardillos] bags [churlas] of cinnamon, cases of porcelain, and cakes of wax. The size or weight respectively of these packages is prescribed: the half-chests and half-bales shall be each 1 1/4 vara long, 2/3 vara wide, and 1/3 vara deep, [92] an allowance of two dedos on each measure being made for the outside cover or packing of the half-chest and for the compression used on the half-bale. The bag of cinnamon shall weigh 150 libras gross (that is, including all packing and covers), but at Acapulco it may be allowed four or five libras more of weight, the difference between the weight of Manila and that of Nueva España. The case [balsa] of porcelain must be one vara high and 2 1/4 varas in circumference at the mouth, no allowance being made. The cakes of wax must weigh twelve arrobas at Manila, four or five libras being allowed at Acapulco for the difference in standards of weight. Besides the 4,000 piezas, unlimited pepper and storax may be shipped; and Chinese cabinets and screens [biombos] may go in larger boxes than the regulation size, provided that the capacity of these be figured in terms of piezas. Passengers on the galleons are allowed each two chests containing their personal property, without any articles of merchandise. The dimensions and crew of the galleon shall be as stated by the Manila deputies. The committee for allotting lading-space shall be as suggested by them, save that the governor shall be included therein. Space is allowed to the extent of 100 piezas to the governor and other royal officials for their personal shipments, but these must come out of the 4,000 piezas. A limited amount of space is allotted to the ecclesiastical cabildo and to the officers on the galleons; also to the widows of traders and military officers. Allotments of space may be transferred to other persons who are approved by the committee. Due provision is made for the valuation, registration, and lading of goods at Manila, and the inspection and sale at Acapulco; for the allowance of small quantities of merchandise to the Spanish seamen and artillerists; for the shipment of the returns from the investments, whether in money or goods; and for penalties against transgressors. The Manila merchants are to pay alcabala on any sales outside of Acapulco; 25,000 pesos annually on each galleon which shall arrive at Acapulco (afterward changed to 20,000 pesos a year during the five years' term), as a contribution to the royal service; duties of five per cent at Acapulco "for the embarkation of the entire product from the aforesaid 4,000 piezas, and the pepper and storax, which is the same that the traders of España pay at Cadiz;" and the following specific duties: for each half-chest, 45 pesos; each half-bale, 30 pesos; each bag of cinnamon, 25 pesos; each cake of wax, 18 pesos; each case of porcelain, 12 pesos; each chest of cabinets or screens, 18 pesos for each of the piezas to which the chest is equivalent; and each arroba of pepper or storax, 12 silver reals.]

(To be concluded.)

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA

The documents contained in this volume are obtained from the following sources:

1. Jesuit missions.--From Murillo Velarde's Historia de Philipinas (Manila, 1749); from a copy in possession of Edward E. Ayer.

2. Condition of the islands, 1701.--From Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library), v, pp. 201-230.

3. Events of 1701-15.--From Concepción's Historia de Philipinas, viii, pp. 299-391; from a copy in possession of the Editors.

4. Government of Bustamante.--The first part is from Concepción, ut supra, ix, pp. 183-424; the letters of Otazo and Cuesta are from Ventura del Arco MSS., iv, pp. 249-295.

5. Letter from Santistevan.--From a MS., probably the original, in possession of Edward E. Ayer.

6. Commerce of the Philippines.--From the Extracto historial (Madrid, 1736) of Antonio Alvarez de Abreu; from a copy in possession of Edward E. Ayer.

NOTES

[1] From Murillo Velarde's account of his order in the Philippines we extract such matter as describes their missions, their general labors in Manila for both Spaniards and natives, their methods of work, and some occurrences of special importance to them as an order. The "edifying instances," and biographies of the Jesuit fathers, and other devotional reading it is necessary to omit here, as our limited space forbids its presentation.

[2] The papal concession for this jubilee of fifteen days had come that summer, and had been announced on November 18, just before the appearance of the comets.

[3] The word Moreno is used by the earlier writers rather confusedly, and applied to more than one race, whether pure or mixed; but in later times it apparently refers chiefly to the swarthy-complexioned people from the Malabar coast and to their descendants.

[4] The Tagálog word for "bridge."

[5] Spanish, sermones de tabla. The tabla is the list kept in the church sacristy which designates on what days certain functions are to be held; it is the tabella of the Italian sacristies, the church calendar of ours. Cathedrals and even lower grade churches (as collegiates, nunneries, hospitals, etc.) had their sermons (d'occasion, as the French say) on certain set days as marked in their local calendars, or tablas; these were always very grand, and delivered by renowned preachers and orators; many of these I have heard.

The phrase "endowed feast" (fiesta dotada) is used also in Italian and French. It was a custom, which I presume still holds, in all those countries (as I often saw in Italy), that a municipality, society, confraternity, or indeed any body of persons, had its feasts on set days in the year--for instance, feasts of their patron saints, or of thanksgiving, etc. Fairs also were endowed; that is, bequests (perhaps centuries old) provided that on set days the people were to have a fiesta, with music, fireworks, games, sermons, etc., with an alms for the poor--all paid for, as also would be the premiums for the fairs. These were occurrences always of great festivity and merriment; and in Italy, at least in the part where I lived, the smallest towns and hamlets had their fiestas dotadas.--Rev. T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.

[6] The Exercitia spiritualia of Inigo de Loyola, founder of the Jesuit order; it has long been a text-book therein, and a manual of devotion for persons under direction of the Jesuits. See account of the examination of conscience prescribed in it, in Jesuit Relations (Cleveland reissue), lxviii, p. 326.

"In Europe it is customary for persons at particular seasons to retire for a time from the world, to give themselves up entirely to prayer and meditation. Some part of the season of Lent is generally selected for this purpose; and many, for the sake of more entire seclusion, take up their residence during this time in some religious house. This is called 'going into retreat.'"--Kip's Jesuits in America, p. 302.

[7] That is, "headland of Bondoc" (or Bondog); a mountain 1,250 feet high, at the southern end of the peninsula of Tayabas, Luzón. (U. S. Gazetteer of Philippines, p. 397.)

[8] Marinduque is an island off the coast of Tayabas province, Luzón; it is round in shape, about twenty-three miles in diameter, and has a population (Tagálog) of about 48,000. It has some good harbors; and it produces abundance of rice, cocoanuts, and abacá. (U. S. Gazetteer of Philippines, pp. 643-647.)

[9] Theriacs were held in great estimation during the middle ages. They were composed of opium flavored with nutmeg, cardamom, cinnamon, and mace--or merely with saffron and ambergris.

[10] Aornis (or Aornos), a lofty rock in India, taken by Alexander the Great; thus named, as being so high as to be inaccessible even to birds.

[11] That is, as alternate or substitute for Encinas, in case of the latter's disability or death.

[12] Interesting information about Lake Lanao is given in the following letter from the Jesuit Juan Heras to his superior, dated at Tagoloan, October 6, 1890; it is printed in Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, cuad. ix (Manila, 1891), pp. 254, 255.

"Desiring to furnish to your Reverence as accurate information as possible regarding the lake of Malanao, we sent again for some men who lived there many years as slaves. They are an intelligent family. The father is a Tagálog, captured when he was a mere youth; he was carried to the Lake, and later married a girl, also a Tagálog who had been enslaved. They had three children, and when one of these was ten years old and another one somewhat older, they made their escape, in the year 74. The father and mother lived at the Lake more than twenty years; they settled in Jasaán, and lived there very happily after their children had been baptised. The father has traveled entirely around the lake by the highroad, and the second son had gone half-way round, from the northeastern end to Ganasi. The information, then, which they had given us--precisely the same both tunes, for they had been questioned previously, last March--is as follows:

"The length of the lake from north to south--or from the mouth of the Agus River (which empties near Iligan), to Ganasi, the point of departure for Lalabúan, which is on Illana Bay--is 24 hours of straight sailing, with steady rowing and the wind astern. The breadth from east to west is half the length. It has many promontories, which form large curves [in the coast]; and the shore is steep and rocky at Lúgud and Tugua, at which points vessels cannot find anchor. The lake contains four islets. A good highroad runs around the lake, which is interrupted only near Taraca, by the extensive mud flats which form the rice-lands (or basacanes). Taraca is the principal town, and the sultan lives there. The places which are noted as villages [i.e., on an accompanying map?] are not really such, but are the jurisdictions of the dattos. The settlement is one continuous street, with houses on both sides of the highroad almost all the way round the lake.

"The population is a large one, as several married couples live in the same house, and there are many dwellings. The people who have the reputation of being the bravest are those of Unayan, Bundayan, Ganasi, and Marántao. From Ganasi the highroad goes toward Lalabúan; it has no steep ascents or descents, nor does it cross large rivers; and by following this road Lalabúan is reached in one day. Half-way on this journey is the village of Limudigan, the sultan of Poalas, the richest of all those in the Lake region. Our informants state that the cannon are kept in Ganasi, in a large shed, to a considerable number. The places where the people have most guns are Maraui and Marántao; the number of firearms cannot be exactly stated, although these men say three are many of them. From Maraui one can go to Ganasi in three days, by taking the road to the right, and in four days by going to the left; it therefore takes seven days to make the trip around the lake--but the circuit of the lake is probably somewhat exaggerated. It is said that those people have many mosques. Maraui is on the Agus River, quite near the lake; these men say that there are many horses there. As to the exactness of these data, it is evident that we cannot be altogether certain; but it is certain that each of our informants has confirmed the other's statements."

In the same volume of Cartas is a valuable appendix by Father Pablo Pastells, in which he sets forth the importance of the plan formed by General Valeriano Weyler (governor of the islands during 1889-91) for completing the subjugation of Mindanao to the Spanish crown, and presents a brief historical sketch of the Spanish conquests in that island, and an account of conditions therein and of the natural resources of the country. He argues that the forcible expulsion of all its Mahometan tribes would be impossible, and that the proper way to hispanicize Mindanao must be the slow one--but sure, if the results of the labors of Jesuit missionaries among the Moros be considered--of education, the introduction of civilized modes of life (especially by the cultivation of the soil), a political organization like that already in vogue among the Tagálogs and other christianized peoples, the influence of the Christian religion in displacing their superstitious and false beliefs, governmental protection to the peaceable natives, and the promotion of migration of Filipinos from the northern islands to Mindanao, thus gradually colonizing the latter with industrious, civilized, and Christian inhabitants. Statistics are added to Father Pastells's memorial, showing that the (Jesuit) missions of Mindanao contain (in 1892) a total Christian population of 191,493 souls; this number he compares with the list given by Murillo Velarde (1748; including all the missions of the Jesuits in Filipinas), which foots up to 209,527 souls. At the end of the Cartas is a map (dated March 19, 1892) of the "second and fifth districts"--i.e., those of Cagayán de Misamis and Cottabato--on a scale of ten kilometers to an inch; it contains the latest geographic data up to 1892, and is especially full in the Lanao region and the course of the Pulangi River or Rio Grande, the headwaters of that great river almost interlocking with those of the Cagayán and another large stream which empties into Macajalar Bay. The map also shows the native tribes that occupy the region which it depicts.

[13] Gabe or gabi is the native name (Tagal, Visayan, and Pampango) for the roots of Caladium esculentum (also known as Colocasia antiquorum), which are used considerably as food. This plant is frequently cultivated in the United States for its foliage, and is popularly called "elephant's ears," from the shape of the leaves.

[14] A bay or inlet at the southwest angle of Iligan Bay, extending 12 miles southwest, its inmost point lying but 13 miles from the northern extremity of Illana Bay, which is on the south side of Mindanao. The fort here mentioned must have been at the mouth of Lintogut River.

[15] Spanish, tierra de S. Pablo; but no information is available for its identification.

[16] One of the very rare allusions to this mode of conducting commerce, as used among the Moros, which--although common enough in all parts of the world from very early times, and practiced by most peoples who have risen beyond the savage condition--seems to have been even to the present time undeveloped among the Moros, partly on account of their fierce natures and the feuds among them, partly because of their habits of piracy, plunder, and bloodshed. Of especial interest in this connection is the account published in the New York Outlook, December 23, 1905, of the "Moro Exchange" established at Zamboanga, Mindanao (July, 1904), by Captain John P. Finley, governor of Zamboanga district. Intended from the outset to replace slavery and piracy by honest labor, it has gradually gained the respect and coöperation of the Moro chiefs; and by taking advantage of their talent for trade is exerting a wide and strong influence in the development of industry and peaceful relations among them. This exchange even in its first year had a volume of business amounting to $128,000; and now its daily transactions run from 500 to 800 pesos, while in the Zamboanga district it has fourteen branches.

[17] Spanish, al reir del alba, literally, "at the smile of the dawn."

[18] Limbo (from Latin, limbus): in scholastic theology, a region bordering on hell, where souls were detained for a time; hence, applied to any place of restraint or confinement.

[19] The lists of Augustinian friars in the Philippines record the names of some thirty members of that order who became insane or demented; and probably similar lists could be given by the other orders. Perez's Catálogo (Manila, 1901), and Gaspar Cano's Catálogo (Manila, 1864) present biographical information regarding all the members of the order who labored in the islands from 1565 down to their respective dates of publication; Pérez enumerates 2,467 for the term of 336 years from 1565 to 1901, and of these 1,992 belong to Cano's period, ending in 1864. Cano names thirty friars (two of them being lay brothers) who died in a demented condition; the first of these was Fray Francisco de Canga Rodriguez (1616), who was 55 years professed. Pérez mentions but twenty-seven of Cano's list, but adds four others for the years following Cano's record (1865-1901), a total of thirty-one names. Both these compilers record the facts of dementia among the friars in varied phrases; and Cano speaks (p. 20) of "the many things which there are in Filipinas to cause the loss of one's mind." Zúñiga, in his Estadismo, refers to the liability of the missionaries in the islands to suffer mental alienation from homesickness, solitude, and lack of congenial companions, especially in districts where the natives were of low intellectual calibre. When I was a student in Rome, Pope Pius IX had a college (the Pio Latino) opened for Spanish Americans (from Mexico and South America); this was about 1860. The Italians said that the young students from those countries seemed to be especially given to excessive homesickness (nostalgia).--Rev. T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.

[20] That is, "Go ye into the whole world, and preach the gospel to every creature" (Mark xvi, v. 15).

[21] Thus characterized, because this long account of the hardships and dangers of missionary life is inserted in the midst of a sketch of Father Francisco Paliola, martyred in Mindanao in 1648.

[22] "And the earth was corrupted before God, and was filled with iniquity" (Genesis 6, v. 11).

[23] The Jesuit Diego Luis de San Vitores had just arrived (July, 1662) in Luzón with fourteen companions, in a patache, sent from Acapulco by Conde de Baños, viceroy of Mexico.

[24] "Through evil report and good report" (II Corinthians vi, v. 8).

[25] Tagálog words, meaning young men and girls of marriageable age. Barbateca does not appear in the standard lexicons.

[26] See note on the masses, in VOL. XXXIX, p. 246, note 148.

[27] "Saying: 'Holy, holy, holy, Lord God Almighty, who wast, who art, and who art to come.'"

[28] After citing numerous examples from the customs of various nations, Herbert Spencer concludes--Ceremonial Institutions (New York, 1880), pp. 128-131: "It seems that removal of the hat among European peoples, often reduced among ourselves to touching the hat, is a remnant of that process of unclothing himself by which, in early times, the captive expressed the yielding up of all that he had."

[29] The provincial of the Society of Jesus in the Filipinas Islands, in a report to the king dated June 20, 1731, declares that the Society reckoned 173,938 souls in the 88 principal villages and some visitas which they were administering. This number, compared with the estimate for the preceding period of six years, showed an increase of 11,886 Christians; by this may be seen the increase which the population is steadily gaining--except that of the Marianas Islands, which has decreased. (Ventura del Arco MSS., iv, p. 307.)

[30] Spanish, azicate; "a long-necked Moorish spur with a rowel at the end of it" (Appleton's Velázquez's Dictionary). The Latin quotation means, "He who spares the rod hates his son."

[31] Spanish, lolios y zizañas. Lolio is an old form of joyo; and both joyo and zizaña (modern, cizaña) refer, according to Appleton's Velázquez's Dictionary, to the common darnel, or Lolium temulentum.

[32] Spanish, la inata del Pays, la conatural al sexo, y la congenita entrañada en la Nacion.

[33] That is, to Zabalburu, just one month after his entrance into office.

[34] Polo: a personal service of forty days in the year.

[35] This was Francisco Gueruela; see summary of his report on this visitation, in VOL. XLII, p. 120.

[36] "Except the master-of-camp Endaya, who charged him nothing for the house in which he lived, and spent more than twenty thousand pesos in maintaining him and all his retinue. Endaya made all these demonstrations because he had taken refuge in a church, and the patriarch [i.e., Tournon] condoned all his offences and enabled him to leave his asylum--without any one saying anything to him; nor did the judges dare to lay hands on a man whom the legate a latere had pardoned." Other favors and honors were conferred on Endaya by Tournon. (Zúñiga, Hist. de Philipinas, pp. 412-413.)

[37] Archbishop Camacho was appointed in 1703 bishop of Guadalajara; and early in July, 1706, he went to take possession of that see (which he retained until his death in 1712), abandoning his diocese of Manila. He left as ruler of that see Don Francisco Rayo (who was not a member of the cabildo), despite the protests of the chapter-members. On August 19 the cabildo declared the see vacant, and chose as its provisor the archdeacon Doctor José Altamirano y Cervantes. At first his title was contested by Rayo; but the latter was finally induced to give up his pretensions, and by August 28 "the cabildo remained in peaceable possession of its government and vacant see." (Ventura del Arco MSS., iv, pp. 247, 248. In the same volume, pp. 135-206, is a detailed account of Camacho's controversy with the orders and the papal delegate, with a royal decree on that subject, dated May 20, 1700.)

[38] "As soon as he took possession of his archbishopric, he began to busy himself with the building of the seminary of San Phelipe; and the first error that he committed was, to place the arms of the cabildo on the front of the edifice together with the arms of the king, which he placed on one of the stories. He also drew up the instructions for this collegiate seminary; and when he came to the admission of students he did not remember the [rights of the] royal patronage, and arranged for their admission without mentioning the vice-patron. The king's fiscal, who saw therein one of his Majesty's prerogatives wounded, strongly opposed the exercise of the archbishop's claims, and from this ensued some mortifications to his illustrious Lordship; but the college was completed, and the seminarists were appointed, as the king commanded." (Zúñiga, Hist. de Philipinas, pp. 417, 418.)

[39] "Because of the controversies which Señor Camacho had had with the regulars about subjecting them to the visitation, the pope issued a brief, in which that subjection was decreed; it came endorsed by the [Spanish] Council, and it seemed as if, in virtue of a decision so clear and explicit, no reply was left for the religious save that of the submission which Señor Cuesta desired; but their ingenuity found a mode of escape from this strait. They replied that this brief was a declaration of the rights of the archbishop, which they did not deny; and that their only proposition was, that it was not expedient to execute this decree in these islands (in regard to which his Holiness ought to have given a hearing to the religious orders). They asserted that it was, so far as concerned the point at issue, obtained surreptitiously; for it was staled therein that there were entire orders who were willing to come to these islands in the position of subordinates to the bishops--which was false, because the only authentic thing about it was, that the vicar-general of the Recollects had promised a hundred religious who should minister in Philipinas as subject to the visitation and the [royal] patronage; but when this was known to the general of the calced Augustinians, he had censured this proposal and compelled its withdrawal. The orders therefore petitioned that the execution of the papal brief be suspended, until appeal could be taken to his Majesty. Señor Cuesta, who was a very peaceable man, and averse to disputes, agreed to this, and sent a report to the king. The representations of the regulars were considered in the Council of the Indias, and it was decreed that the regulars must submit; but his Majesty, being informed by a member of his Council of the injurious results which might follow from this visitation, approved the proceedings of Señor Cuesta, and ordered him not to annoy the religious in this matter until further orders." (Zúñiga, Hist. de Philipinas, pp. 418, 419.)

[40] "He sent away most of the Chinese, and retained only those whom he deemed necessary for the mechanical offices and the service of the public; in this matter his reputation suffered somewhat, for it was reported that he had a share of the proceeds from the licenses of those Chinamen who remained in the country. However that may be, his decision was a very sagacious one, and advantageous to this country; for the Sangleys who come to Manila are more slothful than the Indians themselves. They remain here [pretending] to cultivate the land, and on account of this pretext licenses are given to them; but there is not one in each thousand of the Chinese who applies himself to this labor. The rest of them are all devoted to trade, a mode of life well suited to their idle dispositions and to the [social] system of their nation--where it is a received idea that he who is most deceitful is most clever. The Sangleys adulterate everything--coins, measures, sugar, wax, and whatever they can thus handle without the fraud being known. Every one of them is a monopolist; they all secrete their wares, even those of prime necessity, and sell them at the price that they choose to ask. The oddest thing is, that by dint of presents they are able to gain protectors, who defend them; and even if sometimes a fine is imposed on them, on that very day they plunder [people] in their trading, in order to pay for their losses. In this way they become rich in a short time, and send much money to their relatives in China, or else go back with it to their own country, defrauding the Philipinas Islands of this silver." (Zúñiga, Hist. de Philipinas, pp. 422, 423.)

[41] Zúñiga says (Hist. de Philipinas, pp. 443-445) that the Moros of Joló and Mindanao, although their rulers were nominally at peace with the Spaniards, had frequently ravaged the islands, the sultans pretending that they could not restrain their subjects; Bustamante accordingly decided to rebuild the fortress at Zamboanga, but when he laid this plan before the junta of treasury officials they refused it by a vote of ten against seven--on the ground that the fort was of no service against the Moros, and would cause extraordinary expense. "As a matter of fact, the entire situado of that military post amounts, in supplies and money, to about 25,000 pesos, which only serves to enrich the governor, who is sent from Manila every three years. Against the majority of votes in the junta the governor gave orders to reëstablish the post, exasperating people's minds, and giving occasion to the malcontents to exaggerate his despotism. The Recollect fathers, who had returned to the province of Calamianes because the secular priests--whom the bishop of Zebú had stationed there when the Recollects abandoned it--could not maintain themselves there on account of the Moros, erected with the money of their province some little forts, hardly deserving that name, which did not shelter many places in those islands from the pirates; and they requested the governor to establish a post in the island of Paragua, at Labo, hoping that thus they would be freed from those annoying enemies. The governor consented to this, and established a post [there] at much less cost than that of Zamboanga, but equally useless."

[42] The Jesuit Delgado says of this (Hist. de Filipinas, p. 205): "I was at that time in Manila, and saw the bodies of those unfortunate men, dragged along, stripped of their garments, and covered with some old rags; and I was obliged, in order that I might enter the anteroom of the palace, to step over the body of the governor, which was lying across the threshold of the door." The editor of Delgado reproduces in a footnote Otazo's letter (q.v. in this volume, post), with the following remark: "Don José Montero y Vidal, in his Historia de la piratería, t. 1, p. 254, asserts that Don Fernando de Bustamante was assassinated in a tumult at the head of which the Jesuits placed themselves. The following document will show that gentleman the falsity of his assertion."

[43] Archbishop Cuesta surrendered the government of the islands to Bustamante's successor, the Marqués de Torre Campo, who took possession of it on August 6, 1721. The home government censured Cuesta for too little strictness in investigating Bustamante's murder, and transferred him to the bishopric of Mechoacan, Mexico. He arrived at Acapulco January 11, 1724, took charge of his see on April 18, and died on May 30 following.

[44] "The long residencia of the persecuted auditor Torralba--imprisoned sometimes in Cavite and sometimes in Manila, and always loaded with taunts and annoyances--was settled by the Council of Indias, who condemned him to pay a fine of 100,000 pesos, besides the 20,000 previously imposed, with perpetual deprivation of office and exile from Madrid, and Filipinas. He was reduced to such want that he had to beg alms to support himself; and when he died, in 1736, he was buried as a pauper in [the church of] San Juan de Dios." (Montero y Vidal, Hist. de Filipinas, i, p. 436.)

[45] According to Zúñiga (Hist. de Philipinas, p. 443), the hatred of the citizens arose from the fact that Bustamante's harsh collection of the debts due to the royal treasury, many of those who owed the king having died, or being in great poverty, obliged the bondsmen to pay those debts; this was so resented by them that the citizens of Manila began to hate the governor.

[46] In the Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library), iv, pp. 433-435, is a letter, apparently by one of the Jesuits, describing this attack; it differs from that of Concepción in some points. The attack was made by Malanaos, from La Sabanilla, under the chief Balasi; and warning of it was sent to the governor, Sebastian de Amorena, five days beforehand, by Prince Radiamura, brother of the sultan of Mindanao. The attack was made by the "king" of Joló and Buhayen, with 104 joangas, and a force of 3,000 men by land and sea. In the fort were not more than 200 men--Pampangos, creoles (probably "Morenos," that is, Malabars, etc.), and a few Spaniards; but they fought so bravely that the enemy could accomplish nothing in a siege of three months. Finally Radiamura sent a force of 1,090 men to aid the Spaniards, and at this the enemy raised the siege and went back to their homes. The above document is preceded by an account (pp. 409-432) of affairs at Zamboanga from its rebuilding to 1721, also from a Jesuit hand. The writer says that 3,000 men were sent for this enterprise, who built a town in a few months, although under the greatest difficulties, the former buildings being destroyed, and the site overgrown with shrubs and trees. By that time Bustamante seemed to have forgotten the undertaking, and they were neglected and left without aid. Of the soldiers, "some had but small wages, and most of them none; and the workmen were almost all obliged to serve at their own expense." Desertions ensued, so that "at the end of six months, hardly 300 men remained; and of these no small number died and many of them were sick, overcome by labor, or hunger, or the unusual difficulty of working the hard soil." So great were their miseries that they talked of abandoning the fort and returning to Manila; but in the following February several Jesuits arrived at Zamboanga and brought tidings that a new governor (Amorena) was to come with reënforcements, and supplies of money and food. This was accomplished in June, when 200 soldiers arrived from Manila; while in May the Jesuit José de Zisa had brought from Cebú supplies of money and food, with 200 Boholans--who, however, "are very much afraid of the Moros." Governor Cuesta sent orders for the old soldiers at Zamboanga to return to Manila, and for the Boholans to go back to their own villages; thus the garrison was left in poor condition to withstand an enemy, which probably emboldened the Moros to attack the fort in the following December, as is told above. The writer here mentioned states that the Jesuits had succeeded in making a surprising number of conversions, almost 600 persons being baptized in the Zamboanga district.

[47] Spanish, Instituta, i.e., the compendium of Roman civil law compiled by the emperor Justinian. The mention of "the university" in this sentence is presumably of San José, the Jesuit institution.

[48] Thus in Ventura del Arco; but the indicative form in the second clause seems hardly satisfactory. One would rather expect a subjunctive with ut, making it read, "Who are they, that we may praise them?"

[49] Cuesta here alludes to the decree ordering the surrender of the records, and to its encroachment on the ecclesiastical immunity.

[50] In text, malos fundamentos; but malos seems improbable, as applied to the archbishop's own measures. It may be regarded as probably a copyist's error for solos.

[51] Miguel Molinos was a Spanish theologian, born at Zaragoza in 1627. He was one of the mystical thinkers, and attracted a considerable following, not only in Spain but in Rome, where finally he settled. He there published a book entitled Guia de la piedad, in which was taught the doctrine called "quietist;" this was condemned by Innocent XI, who caused him to be placed in the dungeons of the Inquisition, where he died (1696). An interesting account of him is given in the historical romance by J. H. Shorthouse, John Inglesant.

[52] When Archbishop Camacho attempted to enforce the episcopal right of visitation of the regular curas, the superiors of the orders replied to him "first verbally and afterward in a written statement, which was composed by the Jesuit Father Avina, who had been an auditor of the royal Audiencia of Manila." (Zúñiga's Historia, p. 398.)

[53] Spanish, economica potestad; but the word economica is here applied in an unusual sense, which is not made apparent by the definitions in the lexicons. It is possible that, as used here, it is derived from ecónomo, "he who is appointed to administer and collect the incomes of ecclesiastical posts that are vacant, or are held in trust" (Barcia)--the governor, as possessing this power, endeavoring to force a vacancy in the offices of archbishop and others, that he might use that power. Or, economica may mean "reserve," applied to powers placed in the governor's hands in reserve, only to be used in emergencies.

[54] "Never has there been seen a tumult [of the people] in which ambition was less dominant; all were content with their own offices, and at seeing themselves free from unjust and violent imprisonments. Only the archbishop, who had risen to the post of governor, was disturbed and uneasy; but his mind was somewhat calmed when he received a royal decree in which his Majesty commissioned the archbishop to restore the royal Audiencia to the same footing which it had before, and to set free Señor Velasco; and, in case he should be hindered by the governor, to suspend the latter from his office and himself assume the government in person--which was almost the same as what had just been accomplished, so far as this uprising concerned him." (Zúñiga, Hist. de Philipinas, p. 463.)

[55] Spanish, lo que se llevó la trampa; literally, "what the trap carried away with it;" a variant of the phrase llevarselo el demonio. It is translated above in accordance with the definition in Caballero's Diccionario de modismos (2nd edition, Madrid, 1905), p. 744.

"Fairs" [ferias] here alludes to the annual sale or fair at Acapulco which took place at the arrival of the galleon from Manila; in this case the goods from Filipinas evidently were sold at a loss.

[56] Apparently referring to Juan Ventura de Maturana, who was royal secretary in the Council of the Indias in 1734-35.

[57] This was Doctor Carlos Bermudez Gonzalez de Castro, a secular priest, a native of Puebla, Mexico, and a prominent ecclesiastic at Nueva España. He arrived at Manila on June 29, 1728; displayed great zeal in his office, kindness to the Indians, and piety and charity in his personal character; and died on November 13, 1729, being nearly seventy-two years old. (Concepción, Hist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 167-170, 182-184.)

[58] This house must have been, since it was under the control of this provincial, the beaterio of Santa Catalina, founded under Dominican auspices. Its first prioress was Sor Francisca del Espiritu Santo, who died on August 24, 1711, at the age of sixty-three years.

[59] In the text, a cuya accion tuvieron todos aqui; but evidently some word is omitted after tuvieron--probably mal, as such a proposal could not be generally approved.

[60] A sort of coach, with four seats: it was closed with doors; and the body was supported by heavy straps, and placed between two wooden shafts (Dominguez).

[61] Espolios: property left by a prelate at his death.

[62] Spanish, decima; possibly meaning a tenth part due to the crown.

[63] Boleta: referring to the assignments of lading-space in the Acapulco galleon; each ticket giving its owner the right to ship one pieza of goods. See VOL. I, p. 63.

[64] Spanish, Paysanaje, literally "peasantry;" applied here somewhat scornfully to the mass of citizens as distinguished from the nobility and military class, and especially to the merchants of Manila. Cf. French, bourgeoisie.

[65] Probably referring to Don Joseph Patiño, then one of the ministers of the Spanish government, through whose hands much of the business relating to the Philippines seems to have passed (as mentioned in Extracto historial).

[66] In this document we resume the history of the commerce between the Philippines and Nueva España which is presented in the Extracto historial (Madrid, 1736), the first two "periods" of which appeared in VOL. XXX of this series (q.v., pp. 23-101). The great length of this work compels us to condense and abridge most of it here; but "Periods" ii-vi are presented in full (save for the text of some long decrees), as being of earlier date, and covering a longer space of time, while they are comparatively brief in statement. In thus condensing this work, it has been our aim to retain all matter of vital interest and real value, eliminating only "vain repetitions" and matters of trifling importance. The first memorials presented by Manila and Cadiz respectively set forth various facts connected with the Manila-Acapulco trade, on which are based their main arguments, each endeavoring to justify its own side of the controversy and its demands from the Spanish government; the succeeding memorials largely repeat these statements and arguments, in new combinations, with wearisome iteration--kaleidoscopic effects produced by the same old bits of glass--which it seems useless to reproduce in our translation. But we have carefully preserved all new facts, dates, and arguments adduced, and whatever will throw additional light on that commerce, or on the social and economic conditions of Spain, the mother-country, at that period, since these must naturally affect those of her colonies. Wherever possible, we have used the exact wording of the text, and have made full citations from it which are indicated by quotation-marks; and the numbers of sections are everywhere retained, thus facilitating easy reference to the original work. The Extracto, thus made accessible to English and American readers, and all that is really important in it presented in compact form and accurate translation, is a valuable addition to the history of commerce, as well as to that of colonial development and administration. Not are its psychological aspects less interesting and valuable, although perhaps not so obvious at first glance; it shows the demoralizing effects on the Spanish people of their conquests in the New World and of the flood of wealth poured into Spain in consequence of these, and the results of too paternal a mode of government in her colonies--in both cases destructive to ambition, industry, personal initiative, patriotism, and even common honesty. (Cf. notes in our VOL. XXX, pp. 71, 77.)

[67] Expediente: "the collection of all the papers belonging to a subject in a transaction," here evidently referring to the documents pertaining to the Manila trade, which as Abreu says (see VOL. XXX, p. 24), were placed in his hands by the Council of the Indias (of which he himself was a member) for use in compiling the Extracto.

[68] Consulado: equivalent to the American phrase "board of trade."

[69] See section 35, post.

[70] The phrase regulacion de derechos apparently means, in reality, a (special) rule for the payment of duties; that is, if the Manila merchants would pay the 100,000 pesos which they had offered as an "adjustment" according to the special rule for the collection of those duties--a rule going above the duties as prescribed by law--they should be permitted to do so, and should be excused for the penalties which had accumulated, or at least for the back dues remaining unpaid during the time when the "indult" bad been conceded to them of compounding the duties at 74,000 pesos only. The stress seems to be laid upon the fact that they must not be permitted to consider their payment as an "indult," but us an arrangement, and one that was based on a somewhat higher rate than had previously been granted to them. Even though it may be considered as a sovereign favor to them, objection is made to having it specifically stated as an "indult."

The usage of the word indulto in this connection will become more clear if it is remembered that it means a special favor in one form or another, a grace of the sovereign, a special exemption from rule or penalty. Barcia and others define indulto as an impost levied on the cargoes of the galleons from the Indias; but it seems doubtful if this be strictly correct, as no impost by that name can be found in Leyes de Indias or Ordenanzas de Bilbao, even in connection with averías and almojarifazgos. I take it to mean, rather, the exemption from the duties on ships' cargoes which would, under other provisions of law, be owed. There is one interesting instance of the use of indulto to signify exemption, in Teatro de la legislación universal de España é Indias (Madrid, 1790-97; 28 vols.), ii, p. 341, under the head, "Administration of averías," where it is provided by Carlos II that "the proceeds of certain indultos for gold, silver, and merchandise unregistered shall be applied to the fund from averías, in order that it may result to the benefit of those who shall not have transgressed the laws of registration; and notification shall first be given to the Council." This seems to confirm my belief that the indulto was not properly a tax, but the favor of an exemption, in cases, from the tax; or of exemption (in this case, it would appear) from the penalty to fall upon him who had evaded the tax by concealment; it was, then, by derivation a composition of the tax. But the king here provided that it should not be paid into his coffers, but be applied to the fund from averías, thus swelling the fund from which all shippers benefited, and to which they were supposed to contribute to make the trade possible; see the chapter on "Averías," in Leyes de Indias. The foregoing statements suggest a reason why the royal authority was opposed, in this Manila trade controversy, to having the composition of the duties, and of the penalties which the merchants had incurred by past violations of the rules, regarded or considered as an "indult," and not as a "regulation" or rule specifying a lump sum to be paid as duties. This indult might (by this and other laws) have had to go into other funds; though I know of no fund for averías in the Manila trade, yet the Spanish mere desire for uniformity of legislation and practice might explain this strenuous objection to considering this regulation as an indult or grace of the sovereign (in the special sense that had been established for this sort of favor) in the galleon trade with the West Indies.--James A. LeRoy (now [1906] U.S. consul at Durango, Mexico).

[71] The Duke de Alburquerque took possession of his office as viceroy of Nueva España on November 27, 1702; his term of office lasted a little more than eight years. Little of importance occurred therein except several raids by pirates (among whom was Captain William Dampier) in Mexican waters. Alburquerque was succeeded (January 15, 1711) by Fernando de Alancastre, Duke de Linares, who was an able, vigorous and benevolent ruler, and spent or bequeathed the greater part of his fortune for the benefit of the poor--whose number and sufferings were enormous at this time, through unusual calamities of floods and earthquakes, famine and pestilence. Linares's term of office expired on August 15, 1716, and he died in June of the next year; he was succeeded by Baltasar de Zúñiga, Marqués de Valero. (Bancroft, Hist. Mexico, iii, pp. 278-290.)

[72] Spanish, harrieros, "muleteers;" for goods and silver were transported across Mexico by pack-trains of mules.

[73] That is, the present attempt by Linares to inquire into and settle past irregularities; for it gives those who are suspected an opportunity to compromise the affair.

[74] That is, not only because money can (speaking generally) easily open the way for a settlement in such case, but because, in this specific matter, it is a fair supposition that large speculations cannot be carried on with small capital--and indeed most of these Mexican transgressors are too poor to pay the penalties incurred by their past infractions, if these were strictly adjudged against them.

[75] Barracan is a woolen fabric impenetrable to water, about half a vara wide, of which rain-cloaks and other articles are made; picote is a coarse, rough fabric made from goat's hair (Dominguez).

[76] At fol. 40 verso of the Extracto, elefantes are defined as "linen goods of that country [i.e., Filipinas], having no durability, and but little valued in that kingdom [i.e., Mexico]."

[77] It is apparently a lapsus calami by which the consulate of Cadiz is mentioned in nos. 61-64, and that of Sevilla in nos. 45-50, here cited in the text; but the commerce of both cities was included under the former consulate.

[78] Linens (Spanish, lienzos and lencería) have always been one of the chief products of China, especially around Canton; and the term "Canton grass linen" is often used to define the particular kind of linen most commonly produced there, which very closely resembles the linen produced from flax. The European languages have always defined these Chinese textiles as "linen." The term "elephant" must here refer to the mark or brand of a certain kind of linen goods; the Chinese are greater devotees of the "trademark" idea than perhaps any other people. The mark of a kind of goods to which they are accustomed is known today as the "chop," and it is exceedingly difficult to induce them to try a new "chop" if the old one has established itself. "Cambayas" are cotton cloths from Cambaya. "Chitas" (more generally spelled "chites") mean India calicoes, and sometimes chintzes. The Filipinos knew how to weave in colors, although not to figure goods (as they do not yet); and the Spaniards would be apt to designate by the words lienzos and lienzos pintados (perhaps also by elefantes) the Philippine fabrics woven from hemp and banana fibers, which have somewhat that texture, and which have stripes of red, blue, and other colors run through them more often by far than they are left plain. Strictly speaking, these are neither linens nor cottons; but they have the feeling of linen rather than of cotton. The goods thus designated probably included not only those of Philippine manufacture, but those made in India and other Eastern countries and traded in at Manila. Sayasaya was the Spanish name for a kind of Chinese silk; and I would conjecture that pitiflores meant some kind of Chinese brocade.--James A. LeRoy.

The term "Canton grass linen" mentioned above apparently means the fabrics made from the so-called "China grass" (see VOL. XXII, p. 278). Note the statement in sec. 92, post, that the lencería sent to Acapulco "are all of cotton," evidently being made in imitation of the real linen goods; cf. the statement in Casa-Fuerte's letter, in VOL. XLV, sec. 164. The name "chimones" in the text suggests, especially in view of its context, the Japanese garment called "kimono," so generally adopted in America for negligé wear.--Eds.

[79] In the text, mantas de hilazos, evidently misprinted for Hilocos. On fol. 61 a similar list has mantas de Ilocos.

[80] i.e., of the vessel and carge, in case of attack by enemies--whom the seamen would resist more valiantly if they also had property of their own to defend.

[81] In all, making 3,500 piezas, as in sec. 79, post; the same explanation is given on fol. 110 verso of the Extracto.

[82] A marginal note in the text adds to this name "y Ossorio."

[83] Spanish recopiladas, apparently meaning that these decrees have been included in the official Recopilación de leyes de Indias.

[84] "The censos yield only five per cent." Censo refers to annuities in some form or other, and especially to "quit-rent;" it also sometimes means "interest," which is a derivative and special meaning; in a general sense, it may be rendered "income."--James A. LeRoy.

Dominguez (Diccionario nacional) enumerates several different kinds of censo (which he defines as "a contract by which one person sells and another buys the right to receive a certain annual pension"); the statements in our text relative to the status of houses and lands in and near Manila would indicate the probability that the censos there mentioned were what Dominguez calls consignativos, "in which a certain amount is received for which must be given in return an annual pension, giving security for the said sum or capital with rent-producing property or real estate." He instances as a censo reservativo the arrangement made by Joseph with the Egyptians (Genesis, ch. xlvii), by which, after all the land in that country had become the property of the crown, the people received back their fields on condition of their paying to the king the fifth part of their produce, which constituted an annual pension or quit-rent (censo). The same word may also mean "census" and "tax-register;" Dominguez states that when the Spaniards conquered America they found the tax-register established in Mexico and Peru.--Eds.

[85] A marginal note at the beginning of each of these letters states its authorship; but that on the Jesuit provincial's letter adds, "with very well-grounded arguments" (muy fundamentalmente).

[86] Spanish, theatro; that is, the personnel of the Spanish body of citizens.

[87] Cf. the prices paid somewhat later for the wine monopoly, in the first document of VOL. XLVI.

[88] Spanish, trage de golilla. The golilla was "a certain ornament made of pasteboard faced with taffeta or other black fabric, which surrounded the neck, over which was placed a pleating of gauze or other white stuff, which was starched. At present this decoration is used only by the togated officials and others attached to the courts of justice." (Dominguez.)

[89] For notices of this missionary, see VOL. XXXVI, pp. 218, 219. Calderon's memorial is more fully described post, near the end of sec. 94 of the Extracto.

[90] See account of Quiroga's proceedings in VOL. XXX, pp. 50-52, 85-88, 91, 105.

[91] Millones: "an excise or duty levied in Spain on wine, vinegar, oil, meat, soap, and tallow candles, to defray the expenses of the army" (Velázquez).

[92] These dimensions are equivalent in English or U.S. measure to 41 3/4 inches long, 22 1/4 wide, and 11 1/8 deep; and the allowance of two dedos, to 1 1/3 inch.