Chapter II: Part 2

Taking the Christian religion as the foundation upon which our domination is sustained, it is evident that everything that contributes to destroy the religious spirit, destroys and undermines this foundation. Under this idea nothing can have more direct harm than the degradation and corruption of the minister of divine worship, and experience has demonstrated this truth. For just as the first sectarians of Jesus Christ extended his religion rapidly by means of the enthusiasm which took possession of their minds, and by means of the martyrdoms which they suffered, so also, in all places where the priests have given themselves to effeminacy, to feasting, to ambition, and to vices, the belief of the peoples has diminished from that moment, and they have ended by falling into religious indifference. The government ought, then, to consider the clergy as a power; and just as great care is taken not to introduce insubordination and demoralization into an army, so also the government ought to watch over the conduct of the curas. Let them have all the influence possible over the village, but let them always be Spanish Europeans, and allow them to feel no other interest than España. This is the vital question. If the matter be considered under this point of view, one cannot exaggerate the harm that a goodly portion of the friars are doing, and the moral force that our government is losing because of the manner in which they are living. The most general weakness is that of concubinage. Many keep a mistress (who is there called a stewardess [despensera]), inside or outside the convent. The convent in Filipinas has no cloister, as it is a parochial house. And this fault, if one considers the climate of the country, the circumstances, and the ideas of the natives, is, to say truth, the most excusable and the least harmful.

The most pernicious and transcendental fault into which many curas have fallen especially for some time back--a fault ten times more harmful than the one to which we have referred--is that of avarice, fed by the practice of trading. It is well known that the mode of trading in that country usually consists in usury, that is, in advancing money in order later to receive products in kind at a very low price. And even leaving aside this aspect of the matter, it happens, as is natural, that the minister, as soon as he has become a speculator, contrives to get some profit from his position, and from the influence which his ministry and the policy indispensable in that country give him, and thinks little or nothing of the means so long as they conduce to the increase of his capital. Sometimes this vice is united with the first, and the stewardess or her husband--who is generally one of the servants of the convent, whom the friar has married to her, in order to save appearances--is charged with the gathering, magazines, shops, sales, etc. But it must be confessed that the government has had a great part in this corruption, by protecting the religious against their superiors. Two left during the term of General Lardizabal, taking a large amount with them. When the Augustinian provincial, Father Grijalvo, went with his secretary, Father Fausto Lopez, to see him [i.e., Lardizabal] about one of them (Father Jarava) [16] who wished to go away with his money, and said provincial asserted to him that this was a very bad example, as there were many who would devote their energies to making money, and then leave, although religious are so necessary in these islands, the said general answered him: "Do not believe it. You are not so necessary. You are deceived in this. The English government in India has no friars, and yet that country is sustained and prospers." Nevertheless, in Singapor, he [i.e., Father Jarava] boasted in conversation with the good Bishop Courvery (as the latter mentioned to me) of the gold which he carried; and told him of the presents which he had had to bestow in Manila in order to obtain his passport, especially to the assessor of the government. The most illustrious bishop wrote that to that capital, and on learning it, the guileless general Lardizabal was angry enough to tear his hair, as was mentioned by the secretary of the government, Cambronero. [17] In 1840 they went to inform the alcalde-mayor of a province that all those who went away with indigo, unless provided with a pass by the cura, were detained in the bantayan (a kind of sentry-box) of a village in his jurisdiction. The alcalde ordered the matter to be investigated, and found it to be so; and some passes were brought to him, which stated little more or less than "permit So-and-so to pass with so many quintals of indigo." The reason for this was that the cura had advanced money to them, and feared that if they carried away the indigo and sold it, it would afterward be impossible to collect the money. The alcalde ordered a verbal process to be formulated, in which two friars and two secular priests made their depositions in the most effective terms against the cura in question. [The alcalde-mayor wrote to the vicar of the province, who answered him under date of Batac, July 25, 1840, to the effect that the freedom given by the government to the friars, who had been relieved of obedience to their prelates, accounted for this. The government and the ideas of the present time were to blame, consequently, not the friar prelates. The friar of whom the alcalde-mayor and the vicar wrote boasted that when he was attacked on the one side he took refuge in the jurisdiction of the other. Although he boasted that he intended to take his 40,000 pesos and enjoy life with a female companion, yet he obtained governmental permission to remain in his curacy.] The curas generally suffer from another defect, namely, that of meddling in temporal matters, or rather, of endeavoring to abrogate all jurisdictions, and then assume these in themselves. It is evident that there must be a limit to everything, and that those friars who display an insolent spirit and are usurpers of command must restrain themselves within limits. But this evil is one of the least, if our chief and vital object be considered to be the conservation of the state. Is it or not a fact that, for España to maintain this colony under its dominion, it needs the influence of the religious over the inhabitants? If it is a fact, one must consider these persons as instruments; their influence must be positive; the alcaldes and other employes must be wheels of the machine, who must be in communication with them, and to a certain point move at their impulse. So long as the villages obey the voice of the friars, the islands will be Spanish, for the friars can do no less than be so. Emancipation would inevitably cause their ruin. This will appear hard and unendurable to many who are not friends of theoretic intervention, especially among the present military and civil officers of Filipinas; but I understand it in this way, and do not see by what other agency a handful of Spaniards can, at six thousand leguas' distance, and without Spanish troops, keep obedient a vast and wealthy country, which has need of us for nothing, in which there are not a few elements of independence, and which is coveted by many foreign nations.

And if all this is a fact, we can do no less than lament the unjustifiable imprudence of having printed in the ordinances of good government now in force, which were printed and distributed throughout the whole country, the following:

[Here follow ordinances 17, 18, 24, 30, 31, 85, 87, 89, 91 and 92 (some only in part), for a synopsis of which see VOL. I., pp. 234, 235, 236, 238, 239, and 256-261. Mas continues:]

In no part did the animosity with which these ordinances were written appear so much as in these last two articles, for they treat of the construction of convents, churches, and royal houses; and since none of these edifices can be erected without the instructions of a special measure and by authorization, it follows that the government is dictating provisions to itself, and consequently, it was quite useless to insert them in a public law; and although it was intended that they should contain the expression of the royal will, the latter would always have been sufficient provided that action were taken in the proper bureau. Moreover, what ordinance 91 says about the possibility of the sumptuous convents being used as a shelter by the enemy, as was experienced in the war with the English, seems to me to be lacking in common sense. For if they are susceptible of being used as fortresses, they will be an advantage to those possessing them, who may, if they wish, burn them when they have to abandon them. In the same category are all the strongholds. For example, in the war with the English above mentioned, the latter captured Manila, and immediately made use of the forts to protect themselves from Anda's troops. Consequently, according to the argument, the fortifications of Manila ought to be demolished. If the enemy defend themselves in the convents, it will be because they have to flee from us, and then we can desire nothing better than that they shut themselves up, so that we may surround them and take them prisoners. If the Spaniards are in such a condition that they look upon the convent as a refuge, they can, since they are in their own country, get aid at any moment. A large and beautiful church, in the midst of a village of bamboo or board houses, contributes not a little to inspire a lofty idea of what is within it. All the sumptuous edifices of the ancients were temples.

The utility of protecting the religious spirit having been admitted, the Spaniards of the province, who in general give a contrary example, by not fulfilling their church duties, do great harm. This is so much more harmful, as they are in the sight of the entire village, which knows quite well the actions of their most private life. Finding myself on the day of Corpus Christi at a place where a large procession and Church function were being made, not a single Spaniard of the several who were there, went to mass, including the governor of the province. For an alcalde not to go to mass, becomes so much the more scandalous, as it is the custom for the gobernadorcillo with all the community and past captains to go to get him at the royal house in order to accompany him as a matter of ceremony to the church.

It happens on account of this that it is enough for them to give notice of a Spaniard to the cura so that the latter may have the cura told that he is not at home--a thing which contributes to destroy the prestige of our name and dominion. Surely, this, joined with other motives, has contributed to diminish the spirit of devotion, especially for the last fifteen or twenty years. This decrease is not imaginary. I have assured myself of it through several channels, among others, through a house that formerly traded in books of religion and prints. From this I deduce that our foundations are becoming weaker, and if they are not strengthened, it may be delayed more or less, but the edifice will fall. I opine then, that if the colony is to be conserved, it is absolutely necessary to take positive measures to check the exterior manifestations of irreligion; to cause the priests to appear under the most possible venerable point of view; and to endeavor to have their influence over the masses powerful. One of the acts to which the curas now see themselves obliged, and which robs them of great prestige, is the collection of the parochial fees at marriages and burials. A person who has lost a child or a parent by death, has in addition to the grief for his loss, the expense which it occasions. He goes to the cura weeping, and tells him that he has no money. The cura, nevertheless, must show himself inexorable; finally the native hands the cura a portion of the sum; the parish priest bids him go get the part lacking; he returns with another portion; and after seeing that the pretense of his poverty avails him nothing, he pays the whole fee. There are some who come with the money divided into the four corners of their handkerchiefs, and unwrap them one after the other, trying each time to avoid the payment. The same thing happens in marriages; and there are many who live in concubinage waiting until the cura marries them free of charge. These scenes are very unpleasant to the religious, and yet, they can do no less than show themselves hard, for if they did otherwise they would be unable to collect any of the fees which belong to them and form the greater part of their income. And the worst of all is, that this money which the cura would lose, would probably not be used in reproductive investments, but would be spent in feasting and the cockpit. It would be, then, much more advisable, and very much to the taste of the religious, to have a general tax imposed, and collected by the alcalde, as now happens with the sanctorum. [18] One-half real annually for each soul would be sufficient and would compensate, as some of them have assured me, for the present sum of the parochial fees. The display in the ceremony of marriage and burial ought to be suitable and designated by rules. Those who desired any music or some extraordinary mourning decorations could pay something extra. In that way, the parishioners would experience nothing more from their parish priests than agreeable things--counsel, protection, and alms.

Since it is very important that the religious, as guides of public opinion, have essentially Spanish hearts, it is absolutely necessary for all these men to be born, to have been educated and ordained in España. From this is deduced the need of protecting the colleges existing at present, and where friars are made who take a vow for Filipinas. [19]

Their pride must be entirely broken, and they must in all places and on all occasions consider the Spaniard as their master, and not their equal. Our laws of Indias, dictated in the most beneficent, but not always in the most wise, spirit, not only concede them all the rights of Spaniards, but seem in several points to prefer them to the Spaniards, especially in the possession of lands. These benevolent regulations, often executed with exaggeration by the auditors of the Audiencia, the protector of the Indians, and the governors-general who come from España, overflowing with ideas of philanthropy and humanity, and without knowing the natives otherwise than by their humble hypocritical exterior with influential persons, have raised their pretensions to an alarming degree.

[The natives have committed many acts of violence and contempt. A Recollect cura was beheaded in Talibong, Cebú; the provincial governor of Negros was assassinated in 1833, and another Spaniard severely wounded; the alcalde-mayor of Capis was attacked in 1836, but saved himself by his presence of mind; the house of the alcalde-mayor of Antique was burned and he barely escaped the flames; another alcalde-mayor was taken prisoner to Manila in an iron cage; the cura and government employes were ridiculed in pantomimic dances in Capan in 1841; a comedy was to have been enacted at the feast-day celebrations at Santa Cruz, Laguna, in 1840, in which the alcalde-mayor and his court were to be held up to ridicule, but it was avoided by the arrest of the actors. It has happened sometimes that the gobernadorcillo remains seated in the presence of a Spaniard with whom he has contests in the ayuntamiento. The members of the village ayuntamientos are not accustomed to rise when a Spaniard enters the town hall, and even laugh at them; and should the Spaniard grow angry and strike any of them, complaint is forthwith made to the governor, who punishes the Spaniard. An artillery captain and an advocate were stoned without cause in a Laguna village. A Spaniard, angered by the insolent answer of a native, struck him, whereupon the native threatened his life. In Manila, the natives are insolent. They do not yield the sidewalk to Spaniards; coachmen and porters do not rise in the presence of Spaniards; Filipino women do not yield to Spanish women either in the stores or the church. Since the new governor, Oraá, has ordered a verbal process against a commandant for punishing a servant, they have become more insolent than ever. Other acts of insolence are noted. These things are not heard of by the governor, or they lay no stress upon them as they do not recognize their political importance. "Before the justice, the Spaniards and the Filipinos are equal." The latter, however, get better treatment from the governors, who have even punished provincial governors severely, while they have treated the natives with clemency. The prestige of the Spanish name must be preserved. "He who merits it must without doubt be punished, not only for the crime which he commits against humanity and justice, but also because it obscures the luster of the Spanish character from which righteousness, benevolence, and liberality ought always shine forth. But it is advisable that this be among Spaniards, and that no account or satisfaction of it be given to the natives. Place them in the way of rights, and they will not pay until driving us from their soil." It is wrong to treat the native with less severity than the Spaniard. Mas asserts that in all the countries in which he has traveled, he has had to exercise patience to no greater degree than in the Philippines. The insolence and disrespect which he has witnessed do not allow him to see safety and security for the Spaniards. "It seems to me that the islands were more secure in the times when a native got down on his knees when a Spaniard passed." Mas advises that Spaniards alone be allowed to wear the neckerchief, and that natives and mestizos be distinguished by the loose shirt and straw hat which they have chosen themselves. Principales only should be permitted to wear jackets. The religious have destroyed distinction in rank among the natives in great measure, but while this is generous and democratic, "the destruction of rank also destroys the principle of ambition, the stimulus for economy and work."]

The places of cabezas de barangay must not be hereditary, but these posts ought to be filled by the most wealthy. Among these people aristocracy of money has great influence, but not that of family. In the colony, there must be no noble blood except the Spanish. When the Filipino or mestizo meets a Spaniard, the former shall be obliged to stop (except at Manila) to salute him. If seated, he shall rise when the Spaniard addresses him or passes in front of him. He who raises his hand against a Spaniard, although it be to defend his own life, shall incur the penalty of laboring on the public works all his life. If the offense is verbal, the punishment shall be decreased in proportion to the case. A Spaniard shall not give a seat in his house to a Filipino or mestizo, much less sit at table with him. He who falls into this fault of decorum, shall be punished the first two times by a fine, and the third time he shall be exiled from the colony. No Spaniard, under any consideration, shall be allowed to contract marriage with any Filipino or mestizo woman. The Filipinos or mestizos who desire to use a carriage or a saddle horse, shall have to obtain a permit for which an annual tax shall be charged, so that those who sustain this luxury may be very few. [Mas condemns the custom of giving the title "Don" to gobernadorcillos and principales. Even almost naked Tinguianes and Igorots are found with that title--which is ridiculous. Let the Filipinos use their own native equivalents for "Don" and "Doña." Also the natives should not be allowed to present petitions which are disrespectful because of their ignorance of the language, such as for instance calling the governor a robber.]

Government employes should be well paid, for in a country where appearances count for so much as in the Philippines, it is not well to live in a miserly manner. There are no Spanish grandees in the colony, and but few of the merchants can afford to live luxuriously. Mere living expenses are cheaper than in Spain, and one could if he desired save more, but if the natives live better than the ruling class, there will be a loss of prestige. Better salaries are paid in the Philippines than in Spain, but this is necessary. The governor, for instance, must really give some idea of the royal master whom he is serving, and this can be done through a certain amount of display. Each official ought to spend at least two-thirds of his pay.

No Spaniard ought to be allowed to go to the provinces who is not of well-known good behavior, and who does not leave in Manila a bondsman for the debts which he may contract. Passports are at times given to poor Spaniards, soldiers, or licensed corporals, for example, who go through the villages of the interior defrauding, guzzling, entering the houses of the town in an unbecoming manner, asking perhaps, food or baggage without paying for them, and finally obliging the natives to arrest them. The pernicious consequences of these examples are incalculable.

[In case that the employes of the treasury are decreased in number, and collections are made by contractors, only natives and Chinese mestizos should be accepted as such, on account of the odium incurred. The latter class will probably take the contract, which will result in good as it will tend to develop race hatred between them and the Filipinos.]

Those races are the ones who make up the population. The one excels and is strong through its number, and the other through its intelligence, activity, and wealth. The ability of the government will consist in keeping them always separated, and at swords' points, in order that they may never form a common mass or public spirit, but that, on the contrary, the one may serve as an instrument to subject the other. Filipinos would rather associate with mestizos than with Spaniards, for although the first tyrannize over them, and draw them under the yoke so far as possible, they invite them to dine, and treat them so that they all appear united. The Spaniards, for the most part, always talk to them with an air of superiority, and keep them at a certain distance--a thing which naturally disgusts the Filipino.

[The Filipinos do not, however, like the Chinese any better, but on the contrary, respect the Spaniards more as coming from a higher race. They regard the mestizos as a bastard race and beneath themselves. There are many lawsuits between the two classes for preference in rank. In villages where there are both mestizos and natives, each class has its own gobernadorcillo, although that of the latter has now been declared superior in rank, and in case of the death or absence of the alcalde-mayor, takes his place. They are jealous of these privileges, and in case of immediate separation, the mestizos would not become the dominant force in the country. This rivalry is useful for Spanish interests and must be preserved. The Chinese mestizos will within a century have grown to at least one million by natural increase and immigration from China; and will possess the greater part of the wealth of the islands. They are the proprietors, merchants, and educated people of the country, and will dominate public opinion. This class has no sympathy for Spain and will be difficult to subdue. Therefore, the moral force of the natives must be preserved, and the rivalry between the two classes fomented, so that the natives may not become the vassals of the mestizos. Mas proposes a land tax on the mestizos and a distinctive dress. Theaters for both natives and mestizos, where they can rival and ridicule each other will be helpful. Arts and the prosperity of the country must be stimulated, for if the natives are left to their natural incapacity and sloth, they will be in the power of the Chinese mestizos within a century.]

[A Spanish force of at least one thousand or five hundred men is needed. If the native soldiers mutiny, nothing can restore discipline unless there is a Spanish force. Some of the governors have opposed even Spanish corporals and sergeants. The country seems quiet but a terrible mutiny and revolt may occur any day. There were only Spanish soldiers in the old days, and respect was more manifest. Native regiments are of modern date. The disreputable regiment of Asia made up largely of criminals has caused the Spanish soldiers to lose prestige among the natives. And besides they have been wretchedly treated. It would be well to have soldiers from Borneo or other islands outside the archipelago. If the British do not object, men might even be enlisted cheaply in India. This would relieve the natives from service, from which they would gladly be free; and the country would be more secure, and more prosperous.]

[The principales should be allowed to hold meetings only in the presence of the cura. It is well known that they plot against the alcalde-mayor and the cura at times when they assemble for any common matter.]

The Spanish language ought not to be taught them, but they ought to learn to read and write in their own. It is impossible to avoid the introduction of papers and books into the provinces which it is unadvisable for them to read, and experience demonstrates that those who know our language, are almost always the restless ones of the villages and those who murmur at, censure, and act contrary to the curas and alcaldes.

[It is folly to teach the natives how to make artillery and firearms. Factories for the manufacture of these are now being finished in the islands. It would be better to send everything of this nature from Spain. Another imprudence is the manufacture of powder. Besides its inferiority to Spanish powder, and the danger of allowing the natives to learn to make it, it costs more than that sent from Spain. Although after the delivery of twelve thousand quintals, the factory and its effects are to become national property, the works which are now not worth more than ten thousand pesos, will be worthless.]

[Mas recommends the use of steam vessels for inter-island communication, for the rapid moving of troops, and the better protection of Spanish interests. They can also be used against the Moros [20] with better effect than the small squadron of sailing vessels now employed, and will be more economical. Coal and wood abound in the islands and can be used as fuel.]

The publication of a newspaper shall be permitted under the supervision of the government. In them shall be inserted descriptions of the best methods of making sugar, indigo, etc., dyeing thread, tempering iron, and in fact everything that may conduce to the instruction of agriculture and manufacture; the edicts and orders of the government; and political news, both peninsular and foreign, edited in the manner that is found advisable. [All the village ayuntamientos shall be compelled to subscribe to such a paper, and the cura shall be asked to translate into the native vernacular all useful articles. Foreign papers are admitted without any charge, and prove, instead of a benefit, an injury, for they are all democratic in tone, and foment disorder and discontent.] The non-existence of newspapers in Filipinas causes a very bad result among foreigners, who consider them and with reason, the foremost mark of civilization, and at the same time, the government is deprived of the advantage of guiding public opinion. [21]

A system of police must be established, especially in the capital. Not many years ago, there was a commission of public vigilance, which was abolished, I believe, during the government of General Camba. The neglect of the captains-general in this regard at present is scarce credible.

[Although China has caused and will cause trouble in the future, still the salutary punishments that the Chinese have received, and the rapid increase in the Filipino population, justify the admission into the islands of 15,000 or 20,000 more Chinese, on the basis that there are only 8,000 or 10,000 now in the islands. These can be scattered through the islands and would work only on the estates of Spaniards.] Twenty thousand Chinese could work 10,000 quiñons of land, which planted with sugar cane would yield annually 2,000,000 picos of sugar. This sugar sold at Manila at only 3 pesos fuertes [per quintal] would produce the sum of 6,000,000 pesos fuertes. [In case of a popular insurrection the Chinese would all side with the government and if an attack were threatened from China, it would be sufficient to turn them over to the Filipinos, who, because of their hatred for them, on account of their superior industry, would soon make short work of them.]

[Foreigners are useful because of their knowledge and capital, and create much wealth for the islands through their continued traffic with their own countries. But their presence does not promote the conservation of the colony.] Formerly the feeling against this class of persons was very pronounced, owing in great measure to the religious, who always spoke of the English, Dutch, etc., as heretics, drunkards, and barbarians. The antipathy thus engendered was highly important, in case of an outside attack. [The natives are now friendly to foreigners, who pay more liberally than Spaniards, and even Spaniards at Manila are aping the English and are friendly to them. Undesirable books have and will surely be introduced through the foreigners; and consequently, the laws forbidding them to go to the provinces must be enforced, and entrance to Manila must not be easy. La Place, the Frenchman, although he wrote many inaccurate things of the islands, [22] recognized the danger from foreigners, when speaking of the slaughter of the foreigners in 1819 during the cholera.]

3rd. The administration requires a complete reform. The command of Filipinas has always been entrusted to a governor and captain-general, as if it were a province of España. To set some balance to his power, because of the distance from the throne, certain privileges and preeminences have been granted to other persons, especially to the Audiencia, even to the point of making of the latter a court of appeal against the measures of the chief of the islands. Besides, the revenues have been removed from his jurisdiction, and the office of the intendant has been constituted, who obeys no others than the orders communicated to him by the ministry of the treasury from Madrid. [23] It is very obvious that this single point is quite sufficient to paralyze completely the action of the governor-general. Besides, since there are many matters which require to be passed on by distinct ministries, it happens that two contrary orders touch the same matter, or that one order is lacking, which is enough to render its execution impossible, the contingency moreover arising that a chief may detain a communication, even after he has received it, if it does not suit him. This system of setting obstacles in the way of the governor of a distant colony is wise and absolutely necessary, but since the Leyes de Indias are not a constitutional code, but a compilation made in the year 1754 [24] of royal orders despatched at various epochs and by distinct monarchs, in which are decided points of government, justice, war, politics, revenue, procedure, etc., there results rather than a balance among the various departments of authority a confusion of jurisdictions, the fatal fount of eternal discord. [Mas cites laws from Leyes de Indias showing the great confusion and contrariety of the orders to governor and Audiencia. This confusion has given rise to scandalous and tragic events because of the contests over authority. During these latter years have occurred many offenses of like nature. General Enrile had them with the intendant, and General Camba mentions several during the period of his government. To these difficulties, is added another, in order that the chariot may run right and easily; the government of the provinces is in charge of an alcalde-mayor, [25] who is at once judge of first instance, chief of the political matters, subdelegate of the treasury, and war captain or military commandant, for whose different attributes he is subject to authorities distinct from one another. This appears inconceivable, but yet it is a fact, although the cleverness of our India legislators has not been so great that it could free the system of the inconveniences which necessarily must obstruct it.

Whatever difficulty occurs in the fulfilment of an order, it must be solved by means of a conference and advice [consulta], [26] from which a reply is not obtained until from twelve to fourteen months. These difficulties are more frequent in Filipinas than in a province of the Peninsula, because of the lack of knowledge of the country generally possessed by the ministers who dictate the measures. Things have gone so far that it has been ordered that the cultivation of the balate (a fish) be encouraged; and that the situado of Zamboanga be sent overland, because of the loss of the ship which was carrying it across to the island of Mindanao, where D. Infantes was then governing said presidio. The superintendent Enriquez says in the document which he printed on leaving his post in 1836, [27] that in the short period in which he filled the superintendency, he sent to the court six hundred and twenty-seven questions for resolution. And to these springs of torpor in the administration of the government, we must add that the captains-general scarcely decide any question whatever, without handing the matter for report to the assessor, fiscal, Audiencia, etc., because of the distance and impossibility of consulting España, and through their fear of compromising themselves, since on many occasions, measures have been obtained against them in Madrid, through agents and representatives or through complaints sent from the islands. The same thing happens with regard to the intendant and other authorities. From this practice arises the system of expedientes [28] which reigns, and which is so fatal to the prosperity and good government of the country, since very often the arrangement that appears good to some, is contrary to the opinions or interests of others. [Expedientes lasting for years have been formulated for matters requiring immediate attention. For instance, one lasting for years was formulated in regard to an expedition against the Moro pirates. An expediente is formed when a foreigner arrives at Manila without a passport from Spain and asks permission to remain in the country, although the law on this point is explicit. Thus much valuable time is lost and the expedientes result in only a waste of paper, besides great injury to the islands. The governor often has to conform to the opinions expressed in the expediente, although he knows they will be the cause of injustice. [29] On the other hand, the governor is often directly at fault, because he enforces his own opinion on his assessor, who has often obtained his position through favoritism and is not a lawyer, and decides questions according to the will of the governor. Besides, the governor has the armed force at his disposal. The chiefs of the various departments at Manila carry on correspondence with the directors-general of their respective departments in Madrid, without the knowledge of the governor, a fact that increases the confusion and disorder. The director of the mails even is at fault in this, and renders accounts to the general post-office department in Spain.] A sub-inspector of engineers newly created, just went to Manila with orders to extend the fortifications of the capital to its suburbs. The suburbs contain about fifty thousand inhabitants scattered throughout various villages which are composed of houses all of one story in height, which is enough to give an idea of the extension of the imagined fortification. The amount of artillery for garrisoning their walls, the workshop necessary to keep the artillery in good condition, the garrison necessary for their defense, besides the operating gangs: all were to be in the greatest magnitude, and demand an annual expense which the treasury of the colony could not even remotely meet. And if one reflect that the enemy can take all the other islands and even disembark at any point of Luzon itself without the necessity of going to Manila; that if this capital were besieged, it would be by enemies coming by sea, and hence, being masters of the port, they would very quickly take by hunger a place of one hundred and fifty thousand souls, or indeed it would be surrendered by the natives, and then the inhabitants, instead of contributing to the defense, would open their doors to the aggressors; and that the concentration of the forces, the property, the archives, and public and private wealth, at one single enclosed point, is to form a target to call the attention of exterior and interior enemies: we can do no less than agree that the plan of extending the fortifications of Manila to all its suburbs lacks all reasonable foundation, and that it will be advocated only by the many people who possess houses on the shores of the Pasig River, within cannon range, because of their fear lest, if the events of 1762 are again repeated, all those edifices which they were by a fatal lack of foresight permitted to raise successively (an evil which it is now very difficult if not impossible to remedy), would be leveled to the ground.

[However, the present condition of the treasury will not allow this plan to be executed. The sub-inspector of the artillery has petitioned that all companies of the regiment be commanded by captains of the staff. This would cause discontent among the subalterns who would see all hope of promotion vanish forever. They can rise now only to captain, and some of them are even now angry. The artillery corps has always been loyal to the government and it is advisable to keep it so. Officers might indeed be trained in the military college, but in that case the promotion of the sergeants must be arranged for. Complaints of the military in the Philippines mean more than they do in Spain where the complainers are retired or exercise patience. But this substitution may be made without consulting the governor, as it is a matter concerning the artillery itself.]

In the various departments of the administration there may also be abuses to examine or correct, which will never be known or exactly proved by chiefs resident in Madrid, because of the distance which is so favorable to the distortion of facts. For example, the brigadier of the navy, Don J. Ruiz de Apodaca, told me before the sub-inspector of artillery and another chief that all the articles which were bought by the treasury for the arsenal, were charged at a much higher price than those for the fort, etc., and he invited me to go to his house where he would prove it to me with the documents. On the other side, I have heard complaints that after a contract had been made with the treasury for cables, iron, etc., it is impossible to get a receipt for them in the arsenal, unless for a bonus; that quantities of timber will not be receipted for and those who have transported it to Cavite have to sell it at any price; and that it is bought by the very ones who have qualified it as useless; that many houses have been built in Cavite with the timber given out as no good, only with the object of making new bargains. Don F. Ossorio told me in the house of the secretary of the government, and in the presence of several respectable persons, that when he was commandant of artillery at that place, he made all the furniture of his house with wood which he bought in the arsenal as firewood. It is a fact that naval construction is very dear, and that the fragata "Esperanza" cost more than 600,000 pesos fuertes. During my stay in the islands, there has been talk of trickery in the outlay of tobacco, besides a defalcation in the magazines of three thousand eight hundred bundles of leaf. It was declared that there was introduced, for example, into the factory magazines, a quantity of bundled tobacco, in which was one part composed of fillers [palos] which had to be burned as useless; but if these fillers amounted to five thousand arrobas, only four thousand were destroyed. The other thousand arrobas were taken out as leaf of the best brand [from the magazines] and was carried to private houses where it was manufactured as contraband. This leaf was replaced by the fillers which ought to have been burned. For that reason, the cigars which were sent to the tobacco shops of the provinces, and even those which were sold to the trade, were sometimes of the worst quality; that the boxes were short weight; that choice lots were finished with care, and marked with a mark, and papers were given authorizing the exchange of tobacco in the factory, by which means the associates in these speculations could buy the poor tobacco which was given to the public, and leave it in the national magazines, taking in place of it, that manufactured properly and reserved. But what I know to be a positive fact in this matter is that few or many superior or fine boxes were made, which were obtained by favor in Manila; and that when Don Luis Urrijola [30] left the intendancy, the tobacco had lost its credit, and nine thousand boxes were held in the magazines, which no merchant then or since has cared to buy. The new superintendent, Don J. M. de la Matta took direct and positive measures by separating the magazine from the factory, and reducing the functions of the latter to the manufacture only, etc., whereupon the requests for the new tobacco were renewed, so that when I left Manila, it was impossible by a great amount to meet the demands of the trade. But had it not been for the providential appointment to the superintendency of said clever and zealous employe, perhaps that revenue would have entirely ceased. This is one of the foremost resources of that country, and the governor-general would at this moment find himself, perhaps, in the greatest straits, and it would be impossible to prevent the evil, although he knew its origin and progress, as he had no intervention in the department of the treasury, which is, nevertheless, the soul of all government. In the same place I also heard talk of the sale of posts, of abuses in the pay of vouchers and other matters. [These things may be misrepresentation or calumny, but they are ever increasing in force and are being repeated with exaggeration--which tends to weaken Spanish prestige which is the source of their moral strength.]

I believe that all that I have observed is enough and more than enough to show that the actual system of administration suffers from capital defects, and to assert that, in my opinion, the organization of a government is peremptory, which besides being a check on despotism and a barrier to ambition, by means of correction and reform through itself, contains the elements of unity, concord, prudence, rectitude, power, and duration. Here follows for what it may be worth, a plan circumscribed on fundamental bases. [31]

[Mas's plan provides for a regency or commission of three persons, one of whom shall be the president and exercise the powers of the governor-general. A fourth member is to be elected as a substitute in case of death or illness, who, until called upon to fill any vacancy, shall travel through the provinces and study the conditions of the country. All matters of importance, especially money matters must be decided at a meeting of the regency, and appear by an act signed by all three. The president shall communicate and sign all orders, and all official communications must be sent to him. The two secretaries, political and military, shall receive orders only from the president, and shall attend the meetings of the regency without vote. The president alone shall decide questions of detail and procedure and execution, in accordance with the regulations, always expressing whether any measure has been voted on or not. The secretary shall send concise daily reports of all communications signed during the day by the president, noting after each one whether it was with or without the vote of the regency. Thus the other two regents having it in their power to call for the rough draft of any measure, can easily tell whether the president has overstepped his executory powers and encroached on the powers of the entire regency. This provision will obviate any such tendency on the president's part, and will remove the jealousy of his two associates. The plan further provides for a commander-in-chief of all the army; a commander of the navy; a superintendent of the treasury; a court of justice; and a Council of State, to be composed of the officials above mentioned, together with the chiefs of artillery and fortification, the contador-mayor of accounts, the contadors of the army and treasury, the archbishop of Manila, and the provincials of the religious orders. The Council which has no power to assemble of its own accord, shall be assembled to consult on serious matters by the regency. At the death of the president, the senior regent shall assume his office, the substitute shall take a regular seat in the regency, and the Council shall appoint a new substitute to act provisionally until the court make a regular appointment, which shall never be the provisional appointment of the Council. The deliberations of the Council shall be secret and the regents shall only state the matters for discussion and then retire. The Council may be assembled at the request of the regents acting either singly or in accord. In impeachments of the president, if the impeachment is sustained, the senior regent shall take his place; if it is not sustained, the Council shall retire, but may be assembled any number of times for the same matter. There is a clause against lobbying in the Council to influence the votes of the members. In case of two summons at the same time, the Council shall obey the one emanating from the president or senior regent first.]

The members of the regency shall be jurisconsults, owners of estates, or military men, and the regularly-appointed president shall always be a grandee of España. It is highly important that, at that distance, the first chief impose some personal respect, and that even his very lineage make him appear superior to all the others.

[The dissension manifest in Basco's term as governor was due to his low rank, as he was only a captain of fragata when he went to the islands as governor, a fact that gave rise to envy. He was an excellent governor, but the ministry that supported him did not know the sentiments that move the human heart. Governor Lardizabal also was of lower rank than some who served in subordinate positions in the islands. It would be better to appoint a grandee to the post of governor; for, having his estates in Spain, he would be more loyal. A grandee also could better support the prestige of the government than a poor soldier or man of no rank, as he would be more accustomed to the duties of that life. A soldier generally desires to make money, and will neglect his real duties. As a rule there are no battles to be fought, while there are many duties of an administrational and industrial character. The governor must have tact with the natives, and look carefully after foreign, commercial, and industrial relations, and the progress of the islands. It would be highly advisable to choose such a man when General Alcala is relieved.]

[For the government of the provinces, advocates shall be appointed from Spain, and they shall remain no longer than twenty years in the islands. There shall be three classes of provincial governments with distinct salaries. In addition to the requisite number of provincial governors there shall be six or eight substitutes in case of vacancies. These shall receive a salary of fifty pesos per month, so long as they are not called upon to fill a vacancy, and shall meanwhile do the bidding of the regency. A vacancy in the governments of the first class shall be filled by the regency from the governors of the second and third classes; and one in the third class from the substitutes. Governors may be transferred at will by the regency, and the relative importance of the various provinces may also vary.]

The provincial governors shall be as now political chiefs, judges of first instance, subdelegates of the treasury for the receiving of the direct incomes, managers of the mails, and war captains. This centralization has many advantages, a very chief one being the economic. The inconveniences which follow from it, will disappear when there is one supreme authority in the islands.

The limits of the provincial courts shall be enlarged to include both civil and criminal cases. This will increase the power of the subordinate authorities, and decrease the troubles of the Audiencia. The party [in the suit] shall always have the recourse of appeal.

The superior court of justice shall be composed of three persons, one of whom shall be the president. It shall try criminal, civil, and contentious matters as well as trade questions by appeal. Appeal may be had from its sentences to the regency, which shall appoint three advocates to judge the case. These latter shall become joint judges, and together with the three judges shall form the court of appeal. This court shall be presided over by one of the regents or by the substitute with a vote, the jurisconsult member being rightly preferred for this if there is one in the regency.

[The fees of the court of appeal shall be larger than those of the Audiencia; and if the decision of the latter is found correct the penalty shall be increased; the death sentence, however, being abolished. A vacancy in the court of justice shall be filled provisionally by the regency, and regular appointment shall be made from Madrid, which must be otherwise than the provisional one made by the regency, unless such appointment be made before the action of the regents is known in Spain. This will tend to make the judiciary independent of the government.]

[In regard to the treasury employes a plan similar to that of the provincial governors shall be adopted. The custom of sending employes for any of the treasury posts from Madrid, many of whom are ignorant even of bookkeeping, means death to the hopes of those already in the islands, and breeds discontent.]

[This plan does not involve any extra expense. The president shall have a yearly salary of 12,000 pesos, in addition to the palace of Manila and the house at Malacañang; the two regents shall each receive 6,000 pesos and 1,000 pesos extra for a house; and the substitute 4,000 pesos--a total of 30,000 pesos. [32] Posts of rank in Manila have lately been increased, and now there are a lieutenant-general, a mariscal de campo, six brigadier-generals, and many colonels and commandants; and yet men of lower rank than all these have been appointed governor of the islands. There is no need of so many military titles. A brigadier-general, with 6,000 pesos' pay acts as second commandant of the navy, which consists of but a few gunboats; and a sub-inspector of engineers has just arrived who has only two officers under him. Colonels can serve in place of brigadiers, and since they receive 2,000 pesos less, this will be a saving of at least 10,000 pesos. This added to the 7,000 pesos that can be saved from the affairs of justice being managed by three persons, who have no administrational duties, the 13,000 pesos saved from the present salary of the captain-general, and the 1,000 pesos given as a gratification to the commandant of the marine corps, will mean a total saving of 31,000 pesos.]

[Mas also proposes the establishment at Madrid of a ministry of the colonies, [33] through whom all the communications of the regency shall pass. It should have departments of government, war, navy, revenues, and justice. It can easily turn over to other ministries what primarily concerns them, and work in harmony with them. For instance it would not elect bishops, but would determine their number and salary.]