Chapter IV: Part 4
Notwithstanding the seeming nastiness of their Dish of Goats Maw, they are in their Persons a very neat cleanly People, both Men and Women: And they are withal the quietest and civilest People that I did ever meet with. I could never perceive them to be angry with one another. I have admired to see 20 or 30 Boats aboard our Ship at a time, and yet no difference among them; but all civil and quiet, endeavouring to help each other on occasion; No noise nor appearance of distaste: and although sometimes cross Accidents would happen, which might have set other Men together by the Ears, yet they were not moved by them. Sometimes they will also drink freely, and warm themselves with their Drink; yet neither then could I ever perceive them out of Humour. They are not only thus civil among themselves, but very obliging and kind to Strangers; nor were their Children rude to us, as is usual. Indeed the Women, when we came to their Houses, would modestly beg any Rags, or small pieces of Cloth, to swaddle their young ones in, holding out their Children to us; and begging is usual among all these wild Nations. Yet neither did they beg so importunely as in other Places; nor did the Men ever beg any thing at all. Neither, except once at the first time we came to an Anchor (as I shall relate) did they steal any thing; but dealt justly, and with great sincerity with us; and made us very welcome to their Houses with Bashee drink. If they had none of this Liquor themselves, they would buy a Jar of Drink of their Neighbours, and sit down with us: for we could see them go and give a piece or two of their Gold for some Jars of Bashee. And indeed among Wild Indians, as these seem to be, I wonder'd to see buying and selling, which is not so usual; nor to converse so freely, as to go aboard Stranger's Ships with so little caution: Yet their own small Trading may have brought them to this. At these entertainments they and their Family, Wife and Children drank out of small Callabashes; and when by themselves, they drink about from one to another; but when any of us came among them, they would always drink to one of us.
They have no sort of Coin; but they have small Crumbs of the Metal before described, which they bind up very safe in Plantain Leaves, or the like. This Metal they exchange for what they want, giving a small quantity of it, about 2 or 3 Grains, for a Jar of Drink, that would hold 5 or 6 Gallons. They have no Scales, but give it by guess. Thus much in general.
To proceed therefore with our Affairs, I have said before, that we anchored here the 6th day of August. While we were furling our Sails, there came near 100 Boats of the Natives aboard, with 3 or 4 Men in each; so that our Deck was full of Men. We were at first afraid of them, and therefore got up 20 or 30 small Arms on our Poop, and kept 3 or 4 Men as Centinels, with Guns in their Hands, ready to fire on them if they had offered to molest us. But they were pretty quiet, only they pickt up such old Iron that they found on our Deck, and they also took out our Pump-Bolts, and Linch-Pins out of the Carriages of our Guns, before we perceived them. At last, one of our Men perceived one of them very busie getting out one of our Linch Pins; and took hold of the fellow, who immediately bawl'd out, and all the rest presently leaped overboard, some into their Boats, others into the Sea; and they all made away for the Shore. But when we perceived their Fright, we made much of him that was in hold, who stood Trembling all the while; and at last we gave him a small piece of Iron, with which he immediately leapt overboard and swam to his Consorts; who hovered about our Ship to see the Issue. Then we beckned to them to come aboard again, being very loth to lose a Commerce with them. Some of the Boats came aboard again, and they were always very Honest and Civil afterward.
We presently after this sent a Canoa ashore, to see their manner of living, and what Provision they had: The Canao's Crew were made very welcome with Bashee drink, and saw abundance of Hogs, some of which they bought, and returned aboard. After this the Natives brought aboard both Hogs and Goats to us in their own Boats; and every day we should have 15 or 20 Hogs and Goats in Boats aboard by our side. These we bought for a small matter; we could buy a good fat Goat for an old Iron Hoop, and a Hog of 70 or 80 pound weight for 2 or 3 pound of Iron. Their drink also they brought off in Jars, which we bought for old Nails, Spikes, and Leaden Bullets. Besides the fore-mentioned Commodities, they brought aboard great quantities of Yams and Potatoes; which we purchased for Nails, Spikes, or Bullets. It was one Man's work to be all day cutting out Bars of Iron into small pieces with a cold Chisel: And these were for the great Purchases of Hogs and Goats, which they would not sell for Nails, as their Drinks and Roots. We never let them know what Store we have, that they may value it the more. Every Morning, as soon as it was light, they would thus come aboard with their Commodities; which we bought as we had occasion. We did commonly furnish our selves with as many Goats and Roots as served us all the day; and their Hogs we bought in large Quantities, as we thought convenient; for we salted them. Their Hogs were very sweet; but I never saw so many Meazled ones.
We filled all our Water at a curious Brook close by us in Grafton's Isle, where we first anchored. We stayed there about three or four days, before we went to other Islands. We sailed to the Southward, passing on the East-side of Grafton Island, and then passed thro' between that and Monmouth Island; but we found no Anchoring till we came to the North end of Monmouth Island, and there we stopt during one Tide. The Tide runs very strong here, and sometimes makes a short chopping Sea. Its course among these Islands is S. by E. and N. by W. The Flood sets to the North, and Ebb to the South, and it riseth and falleth 8 Foot.
When we went from hence, we coasted about 2 Leagues to the Southward, on the West side of Monmouth Island; and finding no Anchor-ground, we stood over to the Bashee Island, and came to an Anchor on the North East part of it, against a small sandy Bay, in 7 fathom clean hard Sand, and about a quarter of a Mile from the Shore. Here is a pretty wide Channel between these two Islands, and Anchoring all over it. The Depth of Water is 2, 14, and 16 Fathom.
We presently built a Tent ashore, to mend our Sails in, and stay'd all the rest of our time here, viz. from the 13th day of August till the 26th day of September. In which time we mended our Sails, and scrubb'd our Ships bottom very well; and every day some of us went to their Towns, and were kindly entertained by them. Their Boats also came aboard with their Merchandize to sell, and lay aboard all Day; and if we did not take it off their Hands one Day, they would bring the same again the next.
We had yet the Winds at S.W. and S.S.W. mostly fair Weather. In October we did expect the Winds to shift to the N.E. and therefore we provided to sail (as soon as the Eastern Monsoon was settled) to cruize off at Manila. Accordingly we provided a stock of Provision. We salted 70 or 80 good fat Hogs, and bought Yams and Potatoes good store to eat at Sea.
About the 24th day of September, the Winds shifted about to the East, and from thence to the N.E. fine fair Weather. The 25th it came at N. and began to grow fresh, and the Sky began to be clouded; and the Wind freshened on us.
At 12 a clock at night it blew a very fierce Storm. We were then riding with our best Bower [27] a Head and though our Yards and Top-mast were down, yet we drove. This obliged us to let go our Sheet-Anchor, veering out a good scope of Cable, which stopt us till 10 or 11 a clock the next day. Then the Wind came on so fierce, that she drove again, with both Anchors a-head. The Wind was now at N. by W. and we kept driving till 3 or 4 a clock in the afternoon: and it was well for us that there were no Islands, Rocks, or Sands in our way, for if there had, we must have been driven upon them. We used our utmost endeavours to stop here, being loath to go to Sea, because we had six of our Men ashore, who could not get off now. At last we were driven off into deep Water, and then it was in vain to wait any longer: Therefore we hove in our Sheet Cable, and got up our Sheet Anchor, and cut away our best Bower, (for to have heav'd her up then would have gone near to have foundred us) and so put to Sea. We had very violent Weather the night ensuing, with very hard Rain, and we were forced to scud with our bare Poles till 3 a Clock in the morning. Then the Wind slacken'd, and we brought our Ship to, under a mizen, and lay with our Head to the Westward. The 27th day the Wind abated much, but it rained very hard all day, and the Night ensuing. The 28th day the Wind came about to the N.E. and it cleared up, and blew a hard Gale, but it stood not there, for it shifted about to the Eastward, thence to the S.E. then to the South, and at last settled at S.W. and then we had a moderate Gale and fair Weather.
It was the 29th day when the Wind came to the S.W. Then we made all the Sail we could for the Island again. The 30th day we had the Wind at West, and saw the Islands; but could not get in before night. Therefore we stood off to the Southward till two a Clock in the morning; then we tackt, and stood in all the morning, and about 12 a clock, the 1st day of October, we anchored again at the place from whence we were driven.
Then our six men were brought aboard by the Natives, to whom we gave 3 whole Bars of Iron, for their kindness and civility, which was an extraordinary to them. Mr. Robert Hall was one of the Men that was left ashore. I shall speak more of him hereafter. He and the rest of them told me, that after the Ship was out of sight, the Natives began to be more kind to them than they had been before, and persuaded them to cut their Hair short, as theirs was, offering to each of them if they would do it, a young Woman to Wife, and a small Hatchet, and other Iron Utensils, fit for a Planter, in Dowry; and withal shewed them a piece of Land for them to manage. They were courted thus by several of the Town where they then were: but they took up their head quarters at the House of him with whom they first went ashore. When the Ship appeared in sight again, then they importuned them for some Iron, which is the chief thing that they covet, even above their Ear-rings. We might have bought all their Ear-rings, or other Gold they had, with our Iron-bars, had we been assured of its goodness; and yet when it was touch'd and compar'd with other Gold, we could not discern any difference, tho' it look'd so pale in the lump; but the seeing them polish it so often, was a new discouragement.
This last Storm put our Men quite out of heart: for although it was not altogether so fierce as that which we were in on the Coast of China, which was still fresh in Memory, yet it wrought more powerfully, and frighted them from their design of cruising before Manila, fearing another Storm there. Now every Man wisht himself at home, as they had done an hundred times before: But Captain Read, and Captain Teat the Master, persuaded them to go toward Cape Comorin, and then they would tell them more of their Minds, intending doubtless to cruize in the Red Sea; and they easily prevailed with the Crew.
The Eastern Monsoon was now at hand, and the best way had been to go through the Streights of Malacca; but Captain Teat said it was dangerous, by reason of many Islands and Shoals there, with which none of us were acquainted. Therefore he thought it best to go round on the East-side of all the Philippine Islands, and so keeping South toward the Spice Islands, to pass out into the East-Indian Ocean about the Island Timor.
This seemed to be a very tedious way about, and as dangerous altogether for Sholes; but not for meeting with English or Dutch Ships, which was their greatest Fear. I was well enough satisfied, knowing that the farther we went, the more Knowledge and Experience I should get, which was the main Thing that I regarded; and should also have the more variety of Places to attempt an Escape from them, being fully resolv'd to take the first opportunity of giving them the slip.
CHAP. XVI
They depart from the Bashee Islands, and passing by some
others, and the N. End of Luconia. St. John's Isle, and other
of the Philippines. They stop at the two Isles near Mindanao;
where they re-fit their Ship, and make a Pump after the Spanish
fashion. By the young Prince of the Spice Island they have
News of Captain Swan, and his Men, left at Mindanao: The Author
proposes to the Crew to return to him; but in vain; The Story
of his Murder at Mindanao. The Clove-Islands. Ternate. Tidore,
&c. The Island Celebes, and Dutch Town of Macasser. They
coast along the East side of Celebes, and between it and other
Islands and Sholes, with great difficulty. Shy Turtle. Vast
Cockles. A wild Vine of great Virtue for Sores. Great Trees;
one excessively big. Beacons instead of Buoys on the Sholes. A
Spout: a Description of them, with a Story of one. Uncertain
Tornadoes. Turtle. The Island Bouton, and its chief Town and
Harbour Callasusung. The Inhabitants Visits given and receiv'd
by the Sultan. His Device in the Flag of his Proe: His Guards,
Habit, and Children. Their Commerce. Their different esteem
(as they pretend) of the English and Dutch. Maritime Indians
sell others for Slaves. Their Reception in the Town. A
Boy with 4 rows of Teeth. Parakites. Crockadores, a sort
of White Parrots. They pass among other inhabited Islands,
Omba, Pentare, Timore, &c. Sholes. New Holland: laid down
too much Northward. Its Soil, and Dragon-trees. The poor
winking inhabitants: their Feathers, Habit, Food, Arms,
&c. The way of fetching Fire out of Wood. The Inhabitants
on the Islands. Their Habitations, Unfitness for Labour,
&c. The great Tides here. They design for the Island Cocos,
and Cape Comorin.
The third Day of October 1687, we sailed from these Islands, standing to the Southward; intending to sail through among the Spice Islands. We had fair Weather, and the Wind at West. We first steer'd S.S.W. and passed close by certain small Islands that lye just by the North-end of the Island Luconia. [28] We left them all on the West of us, and past on the East-side of it, and the rest of the Philippine Islands, coasting to the Southward.
The N. East-end of the Island Luconia appears to be good Champion Land, of an indifferent heighth, plain and even for many Leagues; only it has some pretty high Hills standing upright by themselves in these Plains; but no ridges of Hills, or chains of Mountains joyning one to another. The Land on this side seems to be most Savannah, or Pasture: The S.E. part is more Mountainous and Woody.
Leaving the Island Luconia, and with it our Golden Projects, we sailed on to the Southward, passing on the East-side of the rest of the Philippine Islands. These appear to be more Mountainous, and less Woody, till we came in sight of the Island St. John; the first of that name I mentioned: the other I spake of on the Coast of China. This I have already described to be a very woody Island. Here the Wind coming Southerly, forced us to keep farther from the Islands.
The 14 day of October we came close by a small low woody Island, that lieth East from the S.E. end of Mindanao, distant from it about 20 Leagues. I do not find it set down in any Sea-Chart.
The 15th day we had the Wind at N.E. and we steered West for the Island Mindanao, and arrived at the S.E. end again in the 16th day. There we went in and anchored between two small Islands, which lie in about 5 d. 10 m. North Lat. I mentioned them when we first came on this Coast. Here we found a fine small Cove, on the N.W. end of the Easternmost Island [i.e., Sarangani], fit to careen in, or hale ashore; so we went in there, and presently unrigg'd our Ship, and provided to hale our Ship ashore, to clean her bottom. These Islands are about 3 or 4 Leagues from the Island Mindanao; they are about 4 or 5 Leagues in Circumference, and of a pretty good heighth. The Mold is black and deep; and there are two small Brooks of fresh Water.
They are both plentifully stored with great high Trees; therefore our Carpenters were sent ashore to cut down some of them for our use; for here they made a new Boltsprit, which we did set here also, our old one being very faulty. They made a new Fore-yard too, and a Fore-top-mast: And our Pumps being faulty, and not serviceable, they did cut a Tree to make a Pump. They first squared it, then sawed it in the middle, and then hollowed each side exactly. The two hollow sides were made big enough to contain a Pump-box in the midst of them both, when they were joined together; and it required their utmost Skill to close them exactly to the making a tight Cylinder for the Pump-box; being unaccustomed to such work. We learnt this way of Pump-making from the Spaniards; who make their Pumps that they use in their Ships in the South-Seas after this manner; and I am confident that there are no better Hand-pumps in the World than they have.
While we lay here, the young Prince that I mentioned in the 13th Chapter, came aboard. He understanding that we were bound farther to the Southward, desired us to transport him and his Men to his own Island. He shewed it to us in our Draft, and told us the Name of it; which we put down in our Draft, for it was not named there; but I quite forgot to put it into my Journal.
This Man told us, that not above six days before this, he saw Captain Swan, and several of his Men that we left there, and named the Names of some of them, who, he said, were all well, and that now they were at the City of Mindanao; but that they had all of them been out with Raja Laut, fighting under him in his Wars against his Enemies the Alfoores; and that most of them fought with undaunted Courage; for which they were highly honoured and esteemed, as well by the Sultan, as by the General Raja Laut; that now Capt. Swan intended to go with his Men to Fort St. George, and that in order thereto, he had proffered forty Ounces of Gold for a Ship; but the Owner and he were not yet agreed; and that he feared that the Sultan would not let him go away till the Wars were ended.
All this the Prince told us in the Malayan tongue, which many of us had learnt; and when he went away he promised to return to us again in 3 days time, and so long Captain Read promised to stay for him (for we had now almost finished our Business) and he seemed very glad of the opportunity of going with us.
After this I endeavoured to perswade our Men, to return with the Ship to the River of Mindanao, and offer their Service again to Captain Swan. I took an opportunity when they were filling of Water, there being then half the Ships Company ashore; and I found all these very willing to do it. I desired them to say nothing, till I had tried the Minds of the other half, which I intended to do the next day; it being their turn to fill Water then; But one of these Men, who seemed most forward to invite back Captain Swan, told Captain Read and Captain Teat of the Project, and they presently disswaded the Men from any such Designs. Yet fearing the worst, they made all possible haste to be gone.
I have since been informed, that Captain Swan and his Men stayed there a great while afterward; and that many of the Men got passage from thence in Dutch Sloops to Ternate, particularly Mr. Rofy, and Mr. Nelly. There they remained a great while, and at last got to Batavia (where the Dutch took their Journals from them) and so to Europe; and that some of Captain Swan's Men died at Mindanao; of which number Mr. Harthrope, and Mr. Smith, Captain Swan's Merchants were two. At last Captain Swan and his Surgeon going in a small Canoa aboard of a Dutch Ship then in the Road, in order to get Passage to Europe, were overset by the Natives at the Mouth of the River; who waited their coming purposely to do it, but unsuspected by them; where they both were kill'd in the Water. This was done by the General's Order, as some think, to get his Gold, which he did immediately seize on. Others say, it was because the General's House was burnt a little before, and Captain Swan was suspected to be the Author of it; and others say, That it was Captain Swan's Threats occasioned his own Ruin; for he would often say passionately, that he had been abused by the General, and that he would have satisfaction for it; saying also, that now he was well acquainted with their Rivers, and knew how to come in at any time; that he also knew their manner of Fighting, and the Weakness of their Country; and therefore he would go away, and get a Band of Men to assist him, and returning thither again, he would spoil and take all that they had, and their Country too. When the General had been informed of these Discourses, he would say, What, is Captain Swan made of Iron, and able to resist a whole Kingdom? Or does he think that we are afraid of him, that he speaks thus? Yet did he never touch him, till now the Mindanayans kill'd him. It is very probable there might be somewhat of Truth in all this; for the Captain was passionate, and the General greedy of Gold. But whatever was the occasion, so he was killed, as several have assured me, and his Gold seized on, and all his Things; and his Journal also from England, as far as Cape Corrientes on the Coast of Mexico. This Journal was afterwards sent away from thence by Mr. Moody (who was there both a little before and a little after the Murder) and he sent it to England by Mr. Goddard, Chief Mate of the Defence.
But to our purpose: Seeing I could not persuade them to go to Captain Swan again, I had a great desire to have had the Prince's Company: But Captain Read was afraid to let his fickle Crew lie long. That very day that the Prince had promised to return to us, which was November 2, 1687, we sailed hence, directing our course South-West, and having the Wind at N.W.
[The course of the ship after leaving Mindanao may be seen from the heading to this chapter. Of Australia (or New Holland, as it was then called) Dampier says: "New Holland is a very large tract of Land. It is not yet determined whether it is an Island or a main Continent; but I am certain that it joyns neither to Asia, Africa, nor America."]
[From Australia (chap. xvii) the adventurers sail along until they reach Nicobar Island, where Dampier and two others receive permission to remain, together with four Malays and a Portuguese; and have various adventures with the natives of that island. Finally leaving there (chap. xviii), they go to Sumatra, where the small band is decimated by the death of one Malay and the Portuguese. The two Englishmen go to the English factory. Leaving the island, Dampier sets out as boatswain of an English ship for Nicobar, but returns to Achin. Thence he makes various voyages (in 1688 and 1689) in Eastern waters, and finally becomes gunner at the English factory at Bencouli (1690); but, that post proving uncongenial, he deserts and takes passage for England (January 2, 1691). The journey to the Dutch colony at the Cape of Good Hope (chap. xix--misnumbered xx) witnesses a slight engagement between the French, with whom hostilities have broken out, and the Dutch and English; and the mysterious death of many of the sailors on the English vessel, from the bad water, Dampier thinks. England is finally reached (chap. xx), and the author's long voyage is over, September 16, 1691.]
PETITION FOR DOMINICAN MISSIONARIES
Fray Francisco de Villalva of the Order of Preachers, and procurator-general (in virtue of powers which he presents) of the province of Santo Rosario, which the said order has in the Filipinas Islands, declares: That, as is well known, the religious of his order in the said islands have converted to the Catholic faith, and now have in their charge, the provinces of Cagayan, Pangasinan, Mandayas, part of Tagalos, Zambales, and the island of Babuyanes--in which territory there is diversity of languages, and a great number of convents provided with ministers for the instruction of the Indian natives; from this labor always has been and still is gathered the spiritual harvest which is well known. Moreover, those fathers have made extensive conquests in various parts of those kingdoms, founding many churches--as they actually are maintaining public worship at this very time in the vast empire of Great China. There they are suffering immense hardships and persecutions, shedding their blood in the violent acts committed by tyranny, in order to plant there the Christian faith and religion; for this cause, and in its defense, seventy-eight religious have given their lives as martyrs in that province, leaving the church made illustrious by this triumph. And besides this, they have in the city of Manila their principal convent, which continually maintains the practices of hearing confessions, preaching, and giving consolation in the sicknesses and trials of the citizens, with great comfort to all. They have also the college of Santo Tomàs, in which are taught grammar, the arts, and scholastic and moral theology, to the benefit of all that community and the entire archipelago. They support students holding fellowships, usually twenty-four to thirty, without receiving any stipend: and have thus sent out, as they are still doing, graduates of much learning, for the dignities and curacies of those islands. They have also another college, that of San Juan de Letran, with more than a hundred orphan boys, the sons of poor soldiers who have died in the service of your Majesty--giving them all that is necessary for their support, and instructing them in reading, writing, religious conduct, and virtue; while those boys who are not inclined to study are aided in obtaining positions as soldiers, artillerists, mariners, and in other occupations in which they are employed to the service of your Majesty. Another enterprise is also at the expense and charge of the said religious order and province--the Parian, which is the silk-market of the Chinese; it is close to the walls of Manila, and from five to six thousand Chinamen usually reside in it. For the Christians preaching in their own language is furnished every feast-day in their own church, and there is continual preaching to the heathen through the streets; with this labor they have made a great many conversions, and gained an enormous number of souls. For this same nation those fathers maintain a hospital, in which, with the good example of those religious, and their instruction and continual assistance in the sicknesses of the Chinese, they have gained so great a harvest that from its foundation (which was in the former year of 1588) to the present year of 1677, [29] seldom has a patient died without receiving the water of holy baptism. This religious order also have at San Juan del Monte a sanctuary which is the object of devotion of all that colony; and at the port of Cavite, three leguas distant from Manila--where the galleons and other vessels of smaller size are built--they have the convent of San Thelmo, the religious of which assist the soldiers, mariners, and sailors with their preaching and instruction, so that all of them may live Christian and orderly lives.
This religious province administers the functions entrusted to it without any worldly advantage, receiving neither imposts nor fees for burials, marriages, feast-days, or sermons--its religious being supported only by the stipend which your Majesty assigns to the ministers in the mission villages; and from this amount they spend much and distribute [alms] among the poor and needy Indians of their districts. Nor is there in any convent of the said province any fixed income; nor has the province ever accepted deposits or valuable articles, or permitted its individual religious to keep these things in their cells, or anything except a breviary and the holy Bible, for the preaching of the holy gospel. Their clothing is of coarse, rough frieze without, and their inner garments of what your Majesty (whom may God guard) grants them as alms. All this is evident by the publicity of the facts, and by official information which on various occasions has been sent to the glorious Catholic sovereigns, your Majesty's predecessors, and to their royal and supreme Council of the Indias by the governor and royal Audiencia of the islands, and the cabildos, ecclesiastical and secular, of the said city of Manila.
In consideration of these things, and of the fact that so numerous Christian communities are persevering in the Catholic faith, and that these are spreading with the new conversions, his Majesty who is now in glory, moved by the fervent zeal which he always had for the good of souls, continued to send to the said islands religious of the Order of St. Dominic, in order that by their apostolic lives and doctrine they might teach and preach the holy gospel. And finally, in the past year of 1668 her Highness the queen-regent, the mother of your Majesty, was pleased to grant permission that some of those religious should go thither at the cost of the royal treasury; in accordance with this thirty-three religious went to those islands, thirty priests and three lay brethren. [30] But, although that permission and the number of missionaries were enough for one shipment, they do not suffice for the succor of so many souls as that province has in its charge, and for the new conversions which continually present themselves. Moreover, with the long voyage, the unaccustomed climates, the continual toil, and the austerity which is observed by this province--which follows the primitive rule of its order--the number of its members must necessarily diminish. This has actually been the case, since from the time when permission was given for the last shipload of religious, which was nine years ago, a greater number have died than those who went to the islands in that band, as was evident from the last reports which the said province sent [to España], and which the petitioner will exhibit, if necessary. And today, counting in the sick, crippled, and old men, there are not ninety priests in the said province; and even though there were many more, since more are actually necessary it is highly expedient that other and fresh religious should go thither, that they may be rendering themselves capable in the languages and ministries, so that ready and intelligent laborers may never be lacking for the instruction and teaching of the natives, and for the new conversions, which our sovereigns the Catholic kings of España have so earnestly striven to maintain and increase, sending religious every four or six years, and sometimes every two years; without the ministries being less than they are now, nor do fewer die now than then.
In order to provide those who should go, and to find the number for whom your Majesty shall be pleased to grant permission, to obtain information about them, to examine into their virtue and learning, and to secure a judicious choice, the petitioner needs about a year, in which time he can go personally to the convents of the three provinces of España; for the importance of so delicate a matter will not permit that it be entrusted to letters alone. Accordingly, he should have at least the time until St. John's day next, or when the first fleet shall be equipped; otherwise he cannot sail from España and make a voyage to Filipinas with religious. To reach those islands, two years are usually required, and at the very least more than one year; and by that time eleven or twelve years will have passed since the last permission [of that sort]. In that protracted course of time, there must necessarily have occurred many deaths among the laborers who work in that vineyard--of whose labor and conversion of souls God has made watch-towers for our sovereigns the Catholic kings of España, and for their royal and supreme Council of the Indias, upon whom is laid this heavy weight of obligation--in fulfilling which they have always made every exertion, giving permissions, orders, means, and aid to the ministers who have gone thither to cultivate that field.
Therefore the said province, and the said Fray Francisco de Villalva in its name, have recourse to the kindness and fervent zeal of your Majesty, with which you have always striven for the preservation and propagation of the Catholic faith; and prostrate at your royal feet he entreats that your Majesty will be pleased to take pity on so many souls and the conversions for which the religious of St. Dominic are caring and in which they are laboring in the said Filipinas Islands. They ask that you will grant to the said province forty religious, [31] and a suitable number of lay brethren; and to the petitioner permission to conduct them thither in his company, and the necessary supplies for him and them, so that on the first opportunity when there is a fleet they may embark for their voyage. In this, God our Lord will regard himself as well served; and that poor and remote province will be anew constrained, in return for this favor and grace, to continue its prayers and sacrifices for the life and health of your Majesty, and for the welfare and increase of your entire monarchy.
EVENTS IN FILIPINAS, 1686-88
Diary of new events in Filipinas, from June, 1686 to June in 87
On June 11, 1686, the galleon "Santo Niño" discovered, twenty-two leguas from the island of San Juan, a new island, larger than any of those discovered in Marianas; it is named San Bernabé, because it was discovered on the day of that saint.
On July 11 the bells were rung in Manila for the arrival of the galleon "Santa Rosa."
On the twelfth they hanged five Sangleys, who were found guilty in the mutiny.
On the fourteenth news came that all the people who were in the lancha that lost its course in Marianas had safely reached port in Cagayan.
On the eighteenth the courier [32] arrived with the mail.
On the nineteenth the auditor Don Diego Calderon died.
On the second of August, Licentiate Don Rafael Tome, a student in San José, died.
On the twenty-seventh, the sloop for Marianas sailed from Cavite; and Fathers Diego de Zarzosa and Jacinto Garcia, [33] and Brother Melchor de los Reyes, embarked in it.
On the twenty-sixth, our mail reached Manila. On the twenty-eighth, that from Roma was opened, and no [provision for our] government was found.
At the beginning of September, the Augustinians brought suit against us before the archbishop, regarding the administration of Mariquina.
On the sixth of October, Father Jose Lopez died in Palapag.
On the twelfth the father provincial, Francisco Salgado, [34] and the father rector, Luis Pimentel, [35] were notified of the judicial decision by the archbishop--who, declaring himself to be a competent judge, notwithstanding [our] challenge of his cognizance, although he had approved our licenses and our administration of the sacraments, revoked the said licenses, and decreed that no one of the Society should minister in Mariquina, [36] and that the ministry there should devolve upon the Augustinians.
On the same day, the twelfth of October, it was decided in a provincial council that the paths of government should be opened. The first was entered by Father Geronimo de Ortega, and the second by Father Juan Andres de Palavicino; but, on account of the death of both these, Father Luis Pimentel--at the time, rector of the college of San Ignacio--began to govern.
On the thirteenth of October, the armada entered the port of Cavite.
On the fifteenth, Father Antonio Jaramillo [37] began to officiate as rector of the college of Manila.
On the eighteenth of October, a decree was made known to the provisor, who had gone to Mariquina and Pasig, forbidding any official whatever of the archbishopric from taking action in matters pertaining to the lawsuit of Mariquina.
On the twenty-first, a decree was made known to the archbishop strictly charging him that he must refrain from taking action in the lawsuit of Mariquina, and that he must exhibit the records.
On the eighteenth of December, the archbishop was notified and charged not to disturb us in the Mariquina affair. On the nineteenth, a similar charge was laid upon the prior of Pasig; and another, on the twentieth, on the prior-general of the Augustinians.
On the same day, the twentieth of December, the archbishop sent a denunciation of excommunication, with the curse of God--Father, Son, and Holy Spirit--and his own, and that of the apostles Peter and Paul, to the governor and to Auditor Bolivar, in order that they should not interfere in the Mariquina affair.
Year of 1687
On the twenty-first of January, 1687, General Don Juan de Zalaeta was arrested by order of the governor, and thrust into the sulphur dungeon [calabozo de azufre]. Item, they also arrested Licentiate Don Miguel de Lozama, and conveyed him, wearing two pairs of fetters, to the fort of San Gabriel. The goods of both were seized, and several of their clerks arrested.
On the twenty-second, Doña Ynes, the wife of the said Don Miguel, sent a petition to the said governor, who answered that the judge of the suit was Don Francisco Velasco, alcalde-in-ordinary. Doña Ynes came before the royal Audiencia, and that body passed an act providing that the said alcalde should, after taking the confession of the accused, present the documents within twenty-four hours. The governor, having seen this decree, issued another, prohibiting further action by the royal Audiencia, and ordering the alcalde to prosecute the case without surrendering the documents. At night the governor summoned the auditors and fiscal to a conference, and made an address to them--from which resulted, as was noticed, great fear in the auditors, who almost decided to forsake the Audiencia, and take refuge in sanctuary.
On the seventh of February, they arrested the auditor Don Diego de Viga, put him on a vessel, and conveyed him to the island of Mariveles. At the same time they made the most careful search, in order to seize the auditor Don Pedro de Bolivar; but by that time he had fled to sanctuary.
On the fourteenth of February, they took from his house, where she had remained with guards, Doña Josefa Moran de la Cueva, the wife of the auditor Don Pedro de Bolivar, and carried her into banishment at Abucay.
On the sixteenth, they also seized Doña Ynes, sister of the said Doña Josefa, and wife of Licentiate Don Miguel de Lezama, and carried her to the same place, Abucay.
On the twenty-sixth of February, the college of the Society of Jesus was surrounded [by soldiers], to remove thence the person of the auditor Don Pedro de Bolivar; and not finding him, the men remained on guard, both within and without the college, for the space of nine days. In that time they searched the house eleven times--four of these with violence, wrenching the locks from doors, and breaking open tables; but they did not find the said Don Pedro. At the end of the nine days, he showed himself, of his own accord, and they arrested him and took him to Mariveles; several days before they had removed from the said island the auditor Don Diego de Viga, and transferred him to that of Lucban.
Just about this time a new Audiencia was formed, which was thus arranged: the governor was its president; the royal fiscal became an auditor, Captain Don Jose Cervantes was judge of Audiencia, and Captain Juan de Agulo attorney-general.
On the fourth of March--the day on which [the college of] the Society was first searched with violence--the English pirate captured a sloop of the king's, which was coming from Pangasinan laden with three thousand cabans of cleaned rice. Item, he also captured a champan belonging to the alcalde of Pangasinan, which came laden with rice and other products. [38]
On the same day, the fourth of March, the archbishop sent to Mariquina to investigate whether Father Diego de Ayala was officiating as cura; the latter prevented the notary from doing so, and, when other people went to make the said investigation, he told them that they need not take that trouble--that he was acting as cura in virtue of the bull of St. Pius V and of his assignment [to that parish] by the [royal] patron.
On the fifth of March there was preaching in the royal chapel by a Recollect friar, against whom the governor issued a royal decree very sharply rebuking him, which he caused to be read to all the religious orders. A few days later, the archbishop sent an act to the prior of Pasig, ordering him to officiate as cura to the people of Cainta. [39]
About Christmas, the royal magazines in Panay were burned, and in them some six thousand cabans of rice. On the first of March, Saturday, the Augustinians set fire to the cottage on the ranch which the college of the Society of Jesus at Yloilo owns in Suaraga. On the following Saturday, March 8, fire visited the Augustinians, destroying a visita, a church and convent, and more than forty houses in the village. Item, and the following Saturday, March 15, the church and house were burned in the village of Dumangas, without their being able to save their valuables, or to prevent the burning of the pious offerings [colectas] of Cebu, which had been stored [in that convent]; and, besides this, more than two thousand cabans of rice.
On the sixteenth of March, Passion Sunday, while Father Diego de Ayala was saying mass in the village, the church was entered by armed men, with Bachelor Teodoro de Aldana, the notary of the archbishop; the prior of Pasig, with two laymen; and other people. After mass was ended, they read to the Indians an act by the archbishop, which commanded them, under penalty of flogging and the galleys, to appear within three days before the prior of Pasig, resorting to the latter for religious ministrations, and to repeat the sacraments.
On the seventeenth of March, the father procurator, Antonio de Borja, [40] presented a petition to the governor that he, as vice-patron, should take measures regarding the violent spoliation which the archbishop had inflicted on the Society. The governor referred the petition to the royal fiscal, as being his Lordship's counselor, but the said fiscal excused himself. Then it was referred to Doctor Cervantes, to Fray Francisco de Santa Ynes, and to many other persons, both ecclesiastics and laymen, but all excused themselves; and in these proceedings much time passed, so that it was the end of May before anything was accomplished.
On the nineteenth of March, in the afternoon, the secretary came to deliver in behalf of the royal court a verbal message to the father procurator [sic] Antonio Jaramillo, advising him of the oversight of the preacher, who that morning in the sermon--at which the governor and the king's fiscal were present--had omitted to use the phrase, "very potent sir." The same message was sent to the superiors of the other religious orders, because, several days before, the prior of St. Augustine and another religious, a Dominican, had fallen into the same offense, when preaching in the royal chapel.
On the twenty-seventh of March, Holy Thursday, the monument [41] of the Tagálogs in the church of Santo Domingo was burned. On the twenty-eighth, Good Friday, there was a fire in Binondo and part of Tondo; and one thousand two hundred and sixty houses were destroyed--two hundred and fifty-eight in the village of Tondo, and one thousand and two in that of Binondo. Thirteen persons were burned to death, and many others escaped only with serious injuries. The fire caught three times in the church of Binondo, but the Indians of San Miguel and Dilao put it out.
On the twelfth of April the archbishop demanded aid from the governor, and with it arrested the cantor Don Geronimo de Herrera, and placed him in the fort of Santiago. Soon afterward, the governor caused the arrest of Don Juan de Cordoba and one Carcano, respectively procurator and receptor in the royal Audiencia; and afterward, on the twentieth of April, of Blas de Armenta, secretary of the court, and of Captain Diego de Vargas and others.
On the twenty-second of April Father Ferragut died in the college.
On the eighteenth of April, Domingo Diaz came to give the father rector, Antonio Jaramillo, a copy of a petition by the Augustinians; the father rector, before he knew that the said Domingo Diaz had come, had made, in scriptis [i.e., in writing], his protest of incompetency of the judge, and of challenge and appeal.
On the twenty-third of April, the father procurator, Antonio de Borja, sent to the archbishop a document in which was set forth in due form the said protest, challenge, and appeal. He also presented to the governor a petition that he would give proper attention to the disturbance which the Society had suffered, and the injury inflicted on the royal patronage.
On the twenty-eighth of April, Domingo Diaz came again to give Father Borja a copy of another petition from the Augustinians, who said that the challenge and appeal which he had interposed were of no force.
On the fourth of May, they brought Captain Mateo Perea under arrest from the Lake [of Bay], and left him in his own house with guards. On the sixth of May, Domingo Diaz came to make known to Father Borja an act of the archbishop--who declaring that there was no occasion for the challenge and appeal interposed, commanded that the parties should make their complaint; and that within six days the documents for the sentence should be brought to his illustrious Lordship. On the tenth of May, Father Antonio Borja presented before the royal Audiencia a plea of fuerza, in order that he might make known the injury which the archbishop had done to the Society and the royal patronage.
On the fourteenth of May, Domingo Diaz came to summon for the sentence of the archbishop the father rector, Pedro de Oriol, [42] who replied that he did not regard himself as summoned, or acknowledge his illustrious Lordship as a competent judge. On the same day, the fourteenth, Licentiate Don Antonio Roberto was brought a prisoner from Marinduque; and they placed him in the provisor's house, with a pair of very heavy fetters.
On the fifteenth of May, the father rector, Pedro de Oriol, presented a petition to the governor, asking him to issue a juridical testimony of his recourse [to the Audiencia] with a plea of fuerza; and that notification be sent to the archbishop that his illustrious Lordship must not take any further action until the royal court should decide what must be done.
On the seventeenth of May, Domingo Diaz came to make known the sentence of the archbishop, which declared that the Augustinians were the lawful parish priests of Mariquina, and that the sacraments administered by the fathers of the Society since October 12, 1686, had no force. The reply to all was, [that such proceeding was] null, and contrary to law. On the nineteenth of May, Father Borja came before the royal court a second time with a plea of fuerza. On the twentieth of May, the royal court resolved to issue a royal decree to the archbishop, commanding him to deliver up the documents in the Mariquina lawsuit.
On the twenty-third of May, they arrested the dean, Don Miguel Ortiz de Cobarrubias, by order of the archbishop; they placed him in the provisor's house, and seized his goods. At the end of May, they carried the two auditors, and soon afterward Don Juan de Zalaeta and Don Miguel de Lezama, to Cagayan, as exiles; and they were placed one in each of the four garrisons that are maintained in the said province.
On the third of June, a notary came from the archbishop with a petition from the Augustinians, who were asking his illustrious Lordship to confirm the sentence that he had pronounced. Father Borja made a reply, more than two sheets in length.
On the fifth of June, a royal decree was made known to the archbishop that he must exhibit the documents in the Mariquina lawsuit, and his illustrious Lordship said that he would reply and would send the papers--which were in regard to the value of the sacraments.
On the eighth of June the archbishop held a consultation with the royal Audiencia, asking its aid to arrest and punish Fathers Diego de Ayala and Pedro Cano. [43] Up to today, June 24, the archbishop has not exhibited the documents in the Mariquina lawsuit.
News of this year of 1688 and part of the last one, with an appendix of other points
1. The ship "Santo Niño" which sailed from Cavite last year, 1687, put back to the port of Bagatao, to the grief of everyone--not only on account of the deterioration of property and the very considerable damages, but also this greatly delayed the remedy which is needed by the public calamities and the oppression under which this colony lies. The ship's return to port is attributed to the excessive lading which it carried, to careless arrangements and lack of proper outfit, and to the undue timidity of those who had charge of the vessel.
2. The Recollect fathers made a raid through the lands of Silang, which they call Alipaopao, Oyaye, Malinta, etc.; and, trying to adjudge them to the ranch of Sarmiento, which they had recently bought through the agency of General Endaya, they committed unheard-of atrocities in the houses and grain-fields of the Indians--burning and ravaging them as furiously and horribly as if an army of Camucones had raided them. The Indians lost, as appears from a juridical statement that was drawn up, more than three thousand pesos.
3. A Dominican friar in Cagayan refused to absolve a Spaniard at the hour of death, in spite of all his entreaties for absolution. Although the friar had begun to hear his confession, the dying man could not proceed with it, being stopped by the nausea which comes at death, and he therefore died without absolution. I do not know all the circumstances in this case.
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The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898—Volume 39 of 55, 1683-1690Chapter IV: Part 4
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