Chapter XVI: The King’s Policy (2)

In Richmond a new insurrection was talked of soon after Christmas, and Dakyn, who preached against the Pope, was saved from being pulled out of the church only by the intervention of “Ralph Gowre and other honest men.”[215] Lancaster Herald was attacked in Durham after Christmas, and on 2 January the Earl of Westmorland was warned that there were stirrings about Auckland[216]. When Lawson and Gostwick’s servants returned to Barnard Castle to collect the King’s rents at the time appointed they found that there was still no money and no prospect of it[217].

The burden of all the letters from Darcy, Cumberland, and Lawson, is the same; the Duke of Norfolk must be sent at once. If he came and brought a satisfactory answer from the King the commons would be pacified. It did not suit Henry, however, to do anything in a hurry. The gentlemen could scarcely expect Norfolk to return before Christmas, but Christmas passed, and the new year came, and January was slipping away, and still there was no news of his approach. Meanwhile so far from soothing the commons and making the task of the gentlemen easier, all the reports that came from “above” were of an alarming nature. The King’s answer to the first five articles put the commons in doubt of their pardon[218]. It became known that the King was demanding the tenth, and the commons were quite clever enough to see that any money sent out of the north weakened them and strengthened the King[219]. It was said that their harness was to be taken from them and stored at York[220]; that the appointment was not observed in Lincolnshire[221] but that the prisoners there were already being brought to execution[222]; that the monasteries were not to be allowed to stand; and that the King intended to fortify Hull and Scarborough[223]. These rumours described very accurately the King’s real intentions. The gentlemen tried not to believe them and tried to persuade the commons that they were false, but there was all the more difficulty in doing this as the promise of a parliament did not pacify the commons at all. They murmured among themselves that “the Parliament men would not get them what they rose for.”[224] As they never even thought of being represented in the new parliament, they were much more inclined to pin their faith on the arbitrary power of the King, and all their hopes centred in the coming of the Duke of Norfolk.

The hero of Flodden was very popular in the north—“no man ... would withstand the Duke of Norfolk, but as for Suffolk they would hold him herehence the best they could.”[225] The gentlemen therefore found it easiest to keep order by exhorting the commons to hold over their grievances until the Duke of Norfolk came. Yet still there was no news that he had set out. The commons grew more and more uneasy. Another matter troubled them, Aske had ridden up to London before Christmas, and since then nothing had been heard of him. The gentlemen suspected him of betraying them. The commons were more faithful to their leader. They did indeed suspect treachery, but it was on the King’s part. The rumour ran that Aske had been beheaded in London[226] and that Norfolk was in the Tower. The story of Norfolk’s arrest is a spirited narrative, which shows the pathetic confidence that the northern men had in the Duke, and also how entirely baseless a most circumstantial story may be:—

“My Lord Cromwell came to the King and said, ‘Sir, and please your
Grace, ye are minded to send the Duke of Norfolk northward shortly?’
And the King said ‘Yea.’ And my lord said again, ‘Sir, as far as I can
perceive, my lord of Norfolk hath granted the commonty all their
demands or else he would take their part, and as far as I perceive he
will lose no part of his honour.’ Then the King sent for my lord of
Norfolk and asked him whether he would do so. And he answered the King
that he would be loath but that the commons should have their demands,
and would be loath to lose any part of his honour. Then the King
commanded him to the Tower. And thereupon my lord William [Howard]
went to the lieutenant of the Tower and desired that he might speak
with my lord of Norfolk, and could not; and returned again toward the
Rolls to speak with my Lord Privy Seal, and he was gone and had taken
his barge to go to the Court. Then as my Lord William came along
Chancery Lane he met with Richard Cromwell; and there (said) my lord:
‘By God’s blood I will be revenged of one of you,’ and took out his
dagger and did stick him therewith, and turned him with his hand and
so killed him.”

This story was told “in Johnson’s house at Minstergate in York” on Saturday 13 January[227], but it had probably been travelling about the country before that date. When Sir Robert Constable heard it he said, “As in the chronicles of the Romans there was a gentleman who, having killed the Emperor’s secretary in mistake for the Emperor, ran unto a pan of coals and burnt off the hand that missed the Emperor; so the said lord William may burn his hand for missing of killing my lord Cromwell.”[228]

In the East Riding the agitation was strongest. The commons feared that Hull and Scarborough were to be fortified and held by the Duke of Suffolk, to become a refuge for the gentlemen and a menace to the commons if the King resolved to deny their petition. The leader of this agitation was John Hallam[229]. His position with regard to the gentlemen leaders of the Pilgrimage was rather similar to that of a Labour member towards members of a Liberal government at the present day. Having no responsibility himself, he was always ready to urge on the most sweeping measures and the most dangerous enterprises. He was quite shrewd enough to see through the King’s moves, but not wise enough to realise that policy must be met by policy, and that to resort to violence was to play into his opponent’s hand. It was not without reason that he distrusted the gentlemen, and he had not sufficient tact to conceal his suspicions and strive at all costs to preserve unity among the Pilgrims. The fatal cleavage between class and class was broadening rapidly; as always happens in the many causes which it has wrecked, each party had a certain amount of reason, the gentlemen to fear the commons, the commons to distrust the gentlemen; but to quarrel among themselves merely increased the danger. Their only chance of obtaining their purpose and securing their pardon lay in strict co-operation. Neither party could understand this. The commons could not be patient, and raised a cry of treachery at each delay. The gentlemen grew more and more alarmed by their turbulence, and were continually tempted to throw over the cause and make themselves safe individually.

Hallam made his headquarters at Watton parish church. As early as Christmas, before the appointment was a month old, he was whispering to its frequenters that Hull was false to the commons, and that the men of Holderness were ready to rise again. He saw as plainly as did the King that if Hull and Scarborough were fortified and garrisoned “they were able to destroy the whole country about.”[230] Twelfth Day, the feast of Epiphany, 6 January, fell this year on a Saturday. The following Monday, 8 January, was called Plough Monday, and was a festival and holiday[231]. Hallam and his friends celebrated it by drinking at John Bell’s tavern in Watton, and after the festivity was over, Hallam, Hugh Langdale, Philip Uty, Thomas Lunde, William Horskey and the vicar of Watton returned home together. When they came to the church they turned in to say a paternoster; the vicar left the laymen, who went to Our Lady’s altar, a chantry in the church. Hallam remarked that Langdale had come into the country recently and had never taken the commons’ oath. He brought out a copy of the oath and asked Langdale whether he thought there was anything unlawful in it. Langdale said no, and took the oath willingly[232]. Then Hallam said to the others, “Sirs, I fear me lest Hull do deceive us the commons, for there is ordnance daily carried in thither by ships, and they make prie yates [privy gates] and Scarborough shall be better fortified, and the gentlemen will deceive us the commons, and the King’s Grace intends to perform nothing of our petitions. Wherefore I think best to take Hull and Scarborough ourselves betimes; and to the intent that we may do that the better, I think best that ye, Hugh Langdale, do go forth to William Levening and Robert Bulmer or William Constable whether [whichever] he would; you, Horskey, to Sir Robert Constable, and I will go to Hull to inquire what tidings goeth abroad in those parts and how they are minded there, and after that let us meet all in this place together again upon Wednesday next, then to take further counsel what is to be done in this matter.” The other two promised to take their messages, but next morning, when they were already mounted and about to start, Hallam met them with a letter from Robert Aske, announcing that he had returned to the north and was about to hold a great meeting next day, Tuesday 9 January at Beverley. He asked Hallam to met him first at Arras and to ride with him to the meeting. On receiving this great news they all agreed that they must go to Beverley instead of performing their errands[233].

Aske left London on Friday 5 January, riding north secretly and “with most haste.”[234] It was an amazingly clever stroke of policy on Henry’s part to send back the leader of the Pilgrims to pacify the disturbance that the King himself had fomented, and to prevent it from passing beyond control. Aske rode swiftly and reached home on 8 January, the very day when Hallam was plotting in Watton church.

As soon as Aske arrived he wrote to Darcy, repeating the King’s gracious promises, and saying that he intended to visit Templehurst next day. He was already busy quieting his own neighbourhood[235], and scarcely had he arrived when appeals for assistance came pouring in from all quarters. Hallam’s agitation was known to Sir Marmaduke Constable, who wrote to welcome Aske home and to beg him to pacify Beverley, which was ready to rise in consequence of a rumour that the King was secretly sending ordnance to Hull. Sir Marmaduke said that Hallam would not listen to him, but Aske might have more influence[236].

In consequence of this message Aske appointed the meeting at Beverley next day. Two manifestos containing the King’s reply were issued to pacify the country. They are undated, but must have been issued immediately after Aske’s return. One was by Aske himself, and announced the King’s promise of a general pardon, and that “your reasonable petitions shall be ordered by Parliament.” The King himself was coming to hold the parliament at York, the Queen was to be crowned there, and the arrival of the Duke of Norfolk might soon be expected[237]. Sir Oswald Wolsthrope, who had perhaps ridden north with Aske, in another manifesto repeated and amplified these statements. Norfolk was to bring the particulars concerning the parliament. He would come “with a mean company and after a quiet manner.” The parliament, the convocation and the coronation were all to be held in York at Whitsuntide; until then the commons had only to keep the peace and refuse to listen to any who bid them make new disturbances[238].

On Tuesday 9 January, instead of going to Templehurst, Aske rode to Beverley. The Twelve Men and the whole town had assembled, besides many people from the neighbourhood, among them Horskey, Langdale and Hallam. Aske addressed the assembly, beginning: “The King’s Highness is good and gracious unto us the commons all, and he hath granted us all our desires and petitions, and he will keep a Parliament shortly at York, and there also for the more favour and goodwill that he beareth to this country he purposeth to have the Queen’s Grace crowned ...” “adding many other good words on the King’s behalf.” He went on to declare that the Duke of Norfolk was coming shortly, and would bring “a better report unto them from the King’s Grace under the Great Seal.”[239] After Aske’s speech, questions were asked, as at a modern meeting. Hallam wanted to know why, if the King’s intentions were so favourable, he had given orders for the collection of the tenth and of his rents before the parliament time. Aske had not heard of these orders, and the news must have been a disagreeable shock to him, but he put the best face he could on the matter, and said that the King had probably sent only for the money that had already been collected and was in Archbishop Lee’s hands[240]; in any case the clergy had freely granted the tenth[241], and the Pilgrims had decided that “it might be borne well enough.”[242]

After the meeting Aske and all the principal men who attended it were invited by Mr Crake and the Twelve Men to dinner at Christopher Sanderson’s house. When Hallam and Horskey entered the room Crake drew them aside to a window and said, “Mr Hallam, I pray you stay the country about you. Ye see how good and gracious the King’s highness is to us and will be undoubtedly. There be certain lewd fellows abroad in the country that would stir the people to naughtiness again, as Nicholson of Preston in Holderness and the bailiff of Snaith. I pray you stay them and be not counselled by them.” The appeal was judicious, and Hallam was reassured and pacified. He promised that he would not stir. For the moment this danger seemed to be averted[243].

Aske rode back to Aughton, but next day Wednesday 10 January Sir Marmaduke Constable appealed to him again. He congratulated him on quieting Beverley, but a rising was now threatened at Ripon and there was mustering on a moor near Fountains. The commons said that Aske had been beheaded in London, and his presence was urgently needed[244]. Next day, 11 January, Sir Marmaduke wrote to Cromwell to report that Aske had pacified Beverley and the East Riding, but that the North Riding was still dangerous, and Norfolk was very much wanted[245].

Aske received Sir Marmaduke’s letter on Thursday 11 January, and at the same time he was summoned by Darcy to come and help to stay the parts round Templehurst[246]. He sent news of his return and of the King’s goodwill to Ripon and rode to Templehurst[247]. Darcy had received on 10 January a summons from the King to go up to court “in order that the King may show he retains no displeasure against him.”[248] Sir Robert Constable, who was also at Templehurst, had received a similar summons. Aske described to them his encouraging interviews with the King, and, as he had kept a copy of it, he showed them his narrative of his own doings during the rising. Darcy asked how the King had spoken of him. Aske replied that the King had referred to him and others as “offenders before the pardon,” but he had not otherwise mentioned him. They consulted together over the King’s summons, and decided that as the country was “in a floughter and a readiness to rise,” it would be very unwise for Darcy and Constable to alarm the commons by going up to court. Aske advised Sir Robert to go back to Holme and Darcy to stay where he was, and promised to write to the King to explain their delay and to beg him to excuse them[249].

On Friday 12 January Aske had returned to Aughton once more, and sent the King a report of all that had happened and all that he had done since his return home. The frank and outspoken tone of his letter is a great contrast to that of Norfolk’s reports. He described how he had pacified Beverley. The people were very joyous to hear that the King himself proposed to visit them, and that Norfolk was coming, and the gentlemen were anxious to keep order; but the commons were still very wild, bills were posted on the church doors, and unless Norfolk came soon, accompanied by the worshipful men now with the King, another rising was to be feared. The points which caused the most uneasiness were as follows:—

(1) The people suspected that the parliament would be delayed.

(2) The King had summoned the leading gentlemen to London.

(3) The answer to the first five articles made the people doubt whether the King would confirm the pardon.

(4) They were afraid of the cities being fortified, especially in the case of Hull.

(5) The tenths were being demanded.

(6) Cromwell (my lord Privy Seal) was in as great favour as ever.

Aske concluded:

“Finally, I could not perceive in all the shires, as I came from your
Grace’s homewards, but your Grace’s subjects be wildly minded in their
hearts towards commotions or assistance thereof, by whose abetment yet
I know not; wherefore, Sir, I beseech your Grace to pardon me in this
my rude letter and plainness of the same, for I do utter my poor heart
to your Grace to the intent your Highness may perceive the danger that
may ensue; for on my faith I do greatly fear the end to be only by
battle.”[250]

He proposed to ride to Ripon on Saturday 13 January to pacify the North Riding. Darcy seconded Aske’s efforts by issuing a proclamation against rebellious assemblies[251]. On Saturday 13 January Dorothy Darcy, Sir George Darcy’s wife, wrote to her husband from Gateforth, begging him to come home and protect his poor children and herself, as the wildness of the country filled her with terror. She had heard that the disturbance at Beverley was due to the arrival of some ships at Hull laden with wine, corn, and Lenten stores. Although Beverley was pacified, the country all round Lady Darcy’s home was very much disturbed. In Kirkbyshire captains had been appointed and at Leeds bills had been set on the church doors[252]. One of these bills has been preserved and runs:

“Commons, keep well your harness. Trust you no gentlemen. Rise all at
once. God shall be your governor and I shall be your captain.”[253]

Darcy wrote to the King on Sunday 14 January to excuse himself for not obeying the summons to court. He did not speak of the unsettled state of the country, which made his presence in the north desirable, but described his illness. Since the meeting at Doncaster he had not thrice left his chamber. Nevertheless he was ready to come if his health would mend a little and if the King would give him leave to come by water[254]. This may have been merely an excuse, but the journey to London from Templehurst in mid-winter must really have been a dangerous undertaking for a man of Darcy’s age in a bad state of health.

On the news of the disturbance in Beverley the northern gentlemen at court were sent home. Sir Ralph Evers wrote to Sir John Bulmer that the Duke was to be at Doncaster on the last day of January, and Sir John was appointed to attend him with ten men[255]. Sir Ralph Ellerker was despatched on Monday 15 January with instructions to be delivered to the corporation of Hull[256]. On 16 January the King sent to Sir Robert Constable a countermand of the summons to come up to London[257].

Henry was satisfied with the result of his manoeuvres. The disturbance at Beverley, although it had been checked before it came to anything, gave him an excuse for disregarding the general pardon. A competent number of victims could now be sacrificed to the cleansing of the King’s honour. Norfolk was to be sent north at last. A device was made by the King and his Council “for the perfect establishment of the North parts.” Not only was Norfolk to be sent into Yorkshire with a council of “personages of honour, worship and learning,” but Suffolk was to return to Lincolnshire “and put the men of substance there ready at an hour’s warning to enter Yorkshire in aid of my lord of Norfolk,” while Sussex went to assist the Earl of Derby to “put the parts [of Lancashire] not corrupted with the late rebellion ready to serve the King at an hour’s warning.” Cheshire was also to be prepared to muster, and “certain discreet and learned personages” were to be sent into all these parts “to preach and teach the word of God that the people may the better know their duties.” The Lord Admiral was to take over Pontefract from Lord Darcy, and to garrison the castle. Sandall Castle was to be delivered by Sir Richard Tempest to Sir Henry Saville, who would command a garrison there, and Ellerker and Evers would place garrisons in Hull and Scarborough. The other nobles, Shrewsbury, Rutland and the rest, and the gentlemen who had held command in the King’s army, such as Sir Francis Brian and Sir William Parr, were to call out their men, ready to march to Norfolk’s assistance. Provision was made for Norfolk’s train and salary, for levying the tenth and so forth. This was the end, or almost the end, of the idea that Norfolk would bear a conciliatory reply from the King. The Council, which always favoured moderate measures, drew up a list of suggestions which were not quite so drastic; they proposed that the more favourable parts of the King’s reply should be embodied in proclamations to be issued in the north, and that the people should “be given hope of pardon, for despair might cause them to reassemble,” but the King would temporise no more[258]. A minute was drawn up of a letter which directed the gentlemen of the north to have their servants ready to assist Norfolk in the punishment of those who had offended since the proclamation of the pardon. The King trusted that this might be effected without difficulty, but although the most part of his subjects were sincerely repentant, “there may remain some desperate persons who might move further sedition.”[259]

The King was determined to have his executions, even if they provoked a new rising; but he was to be more fortunate than he as yet dared to hope.

NOTES TO CHAPTER XVI

Note A. Froude adds to the complication of the huge Constable family
by calling Marmaduke Nevill Sir Marmaduke Constable. The historians of
the Tower have assigned the inscription of Marmaduke Nevill to some
unknown relation of the last Earl of Westmorland who may have taken
part in the Rising of the North[260], but it is more likely to have
been cut by the Marmaduke Nevill who is known to have existed in 1537.

Note B. The herald says Monday 12 November, but this must be a
mistake.

Note C. The evidence is that George Lassells said that Thomas Estoft
said that Thomas Saltmarsh said that Darcy had said this[261]. Thomas
Estoft was interrogated and deposed that Thomas Saltmarsh had told him
that Darcy advised Aske to lay post horses and if he sent bad news
Darcy would rescue him, but without the details, which seem to have
sprung from Lassells’ imagination[262]. “One Saltmarsh” had quarrelled
with Aske at the beginning of the rebellion “disdaining that he should
be above him”; possibly this was the Thomas Saltmarsh who spread the
story[263].

Note D. The Spanish Chronicle gives a confused account of this speech:

“When [Aske] arrived to where his people were he made them a speech
after this fashion: ‘Oh, my brothers and gentlemen, what a wise and
virtuous prince we have! He recognised the justice of our cause, has
given us a general pardon, and to you, the priests, he will give
enough to live upon. Here is an order for York, providing for many
of you in the parishes there, and you are to go thither at once to
be apportioned to various places.’ When the people heard this they
all cried with one voice, ‘Long live our good King!’ and the
hostages were sent back to the Duke’s quarters, and, in short, in a
few hours all the people were on their way home, for they were
already tired of it, and had wasted a good deal of their
cattle.”[264] The Spaniard confuses Aske’s return from London with
his return to Pontefract after the second conference at Doncaster.

Note E. In his letter of 12 January Aske says that he has already gone
to Lord Darcy[265]. Afterwards, in his examination, he said that he
received Darcy’s letter four or five days after he was at
Beverley[266], but it was natural that his memory of such hurrying
days should be rather confused.