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INDEX
Albani, papal internuncio, 33, 38, 39
Alexander VII, Pope, 25
Aleyn, Sir Thomas, 269–270, 294
Anderton, Christopher, S.J., 342
Anglesey, Lord Privy Seal, 368, 369
Anne, Princess, 50
Arlington, Lord, 27, 35
Armstrong, Sir Thomas, 241
Arnold, Captain, 273, 361
Arnold, Margaret, 314
Arundel of Wardour, Baron, 12, 27, 50, 54, 61, 67, 77, 205, 209
Ashburnham, Sir Denny, 331
Ashby, 348, 349
Atkins, Captain Charles, 106, 108, 113, 116, 157, 158
Atkins, Samuel, 106–116 _passim_, 144, 158
Atkyns, Sir Robert, 286
Aubigny, Abbé d’, 25
Bacon, Francis, 276–277
Barillon, 31, 179, 183, 188, 256, 260 _note_, 368
Barker, Sir Richard, 4, 10, 12, 13
Bedford, Duke of, 239
Bedingfield, Father, S.J., 74, 150
Bedloe, William, 63, 67, 109–148 _passim_, 157–160, 170, 229,
312, 321, 328, 329, 334, 336, 337, 341, 347, 353, 356;
his character, 111, 113
Bellasis, Lord, 12, 62, 67, 77, 111, 122, 205, 328
Bellings, Sir Richard, 25, 27
Berkeley, Lord, 28
Berkshire, Earl of, 33, 54, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 69
Berry, porter of Somerset House, 123, 124, 126, 130, 131, 132, 140
Boatman, Jerome, 320
Bobbing, Kent, 4
Bolron, Robert, 199
Boyce, William, 135
Breda, Declaration of, 18, 21
Bristol, Earl of, 54, 65
Broadstreet, Mrs., 124, 129
Browne, Dr., 294
Buckingham, Duke of, 111, 121, 224, 225, 232, 238
Bulstrode, Sir Richard, 207
Burnet, Gilbert, 80, 95, 103, 156, 163, 333
Busby, George, S.J., 271–273
Cardigan, Earl of, 54
Carlisle, Earl of, 64
Carr, trial of, 285
Castlemaine, Earl of, 198, 205, 213, 298, 360, 361
Catherine, wife of Charles II, 159, 160, 229–231, 246, 347–348, 362
Cavendish, Lord, 236, 247, 258
Cellier, Elizabeth, 137–138, 205–213 _passim_, 240, 338, 344, 360
Chaize, Père de la, S.J., 34, 35, 39, 42, 51, 68, 77, 305, 306, 317
Chapman, 348
Charles II, 10, 13, 15, 18, 26, 36, 42, 56, 59, 88, 103, 122, 125,
169, 172, 184, 189, 195, 216, 218, 223–260 _passim_, 282, 333,
362, 368; his policy, 23–25, 29–30, 232
Chepstow, 112
Chetwyn, Mr., 271
Child, 107, 109, 116
Clarendon, Earl of, 20, 22, 232, 278, 369
Clayton, Sir Robert, 209
Clement X, Pope, 38, 50
Clifford, Lord, 27
Cloche, James de la (James Stuart), 26
Coffee-houses, suppression of, 284
Coke, Lord Chief Justice, 46, 276–277, 358
Colbert, 27
Coleman Correspondence, 34–36 and _note_, 40 _note_, 42, 44 and
_note_, 47, 49, 51, 55, 58 _note_, 175, 317, 320 _note_, 353
Coleman, Edward, 11, 12, 17, 32 and _note_, 38, 39, 59–60, 61,
62, 68, 78, 327, 346; his trial, 91, 120, 149, 151, 170,
304–322 _passim_, 363
Colledge, trial of, 297
Colombière, Père de la, S.J., 66
Compton, Bishop of London, 174
Conway, Earl of, 173
Cooper, Charles, 134–135
Corral, Francis, 137
Cotton, Sir John, 171
Courtin, 31, 51
Coventry, Henry, 106, 109, 169 and _note_, 173, 175, 207, 208
Criminal procedure, 288–303
Croissy, Colbert, quoted, 226
Curtis, Elizabeth, 128
Danby, Earl of, Lord Treasurer, 29, 71–75 _passim_, 78, 173, 176–181
_passim_, 186, 190, 195, 215, 224, 225, 253; his policy, 41, 42
Dangerfield, Thomas (Willoughby), 164, 204, 213 _passim_, 338, 360
De Quincey, on murder of Godfrey, 3
Deane, Sir Anthony, 352 and _note_
Declaration of Indulgence, 21, 28, 29, 30, 223
Dennis, Bernard, 362
Devon witches, trial of, 314
Devonshire, Duke of, 239
Dolman, Sir Thomas, 309 and _note_, 331
Dover, Treaty of, 27, 28, 30, 48, 59, 224, 260
Dryden, John, quoted, 7, 85 _note_, 222, 360
Dugdale, 67, 275, 339, 340–341 and _note_, 348, 362, 363, 364, 370
Duras, Lord, 33
Eastchurch, Elizabeth, 315
Elliot, Mrs., 229
Essex, Earl of, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 236, 241, 251, 254, 336
Este, Prince Rinaldo d’, 50, 51
Evans, Philip, S.J., 274
Evelyn, John, 10
Everard, Edmund, 174
Evers, S.J., 341 and _note_
Exclusion Bill, 153, 182, 190, 216, 218, 233, 244, 251, 252, 257–258,
260
Faulconer, Benjamin, 293
Fenwick (Caldwell), S.J., agent at St. Omers, 76, 125, 312–313, 326,
327, 328, 329, 332, 363
Ferguson, Robert, 238, 253
Ferrier, Père, 33, 34, 35
Finch, Sir John, 279, 286, 299, 300, 359
Fiquet, Olivier du, 66
Fitzharris, trial of, 354, 360
Fitzpatrick, Colonel, 65, 218–219
Fletcher, W. M., 100 _note_
Forset, Robert, 98
Fox, quoted on witnesses, 314, 315
Frazier, Sir Alexander, 88
Fromante, 323, 325
Gadbury, astrologer, 205, 240
Gardiner, Dr., and Gunpowder Plot, 86
Gascoigne, Sir Thomas, 66, 199, 200, 360, 361
Gauden, Dr., 122, 124, 129
Gavan, John, S.J., 201, 202, 341, 343
Gerald, Father, 122, 123, 124, 129, 140
Gerard, Lady, of Bromley, 229
Gerard, Lord, 236, 246
Gerard, Sir Gilbert, 246
Gilbert, Henry, 271–273
Giles, John, 274
Godfrey, Benjamin, 92, 95
Godfrey, Sir Edmund Berry, 3, 11, 80, 83–166 _passim_;
his secret, 153, 155
Godfrey, Michael, 92, 95
Godolphin, Sydney, 10
Godolphin, Sir William, 12, 328
Goodrick, Sir Henry, 16
Green, 122, 123–124, 126, 130, 131, 132, 140, 147
Green Ribbon Club, 237–238, 239, 254
Gregory, Serjeant, 185
Grey of Werke, Lord, 236, 239, 247
Grove, W., lay-brother, S.J., 70, 73, 121, 125, 326, 327, 328, 330,
332
Habeas Corpus Act, 191
Habernfeld’s Plot, 11
Hale, Sir Matthew, 46, 47, 281, 282, 316
Halifax, Viscount, 17, 44, 55, 183, 189, 190, 232, 233, 241, 251,
252, 253, 255
Hamilton, Duke of, 235
Harbord, Sir Charles, 16
Harbord, William, 249
Harcourt, William, Rector of the London College, S.J., 197, 329, 332;
his trial, 340–345
Harris, trial of, 285
Hastings, 4
Hatton, Charles, 242
Hatton, Lady, 368
Hawkins, Robert, trial of, 293, 300 _note_, 313
Henrietta of Orleans, 27
High Treason, 45–48
Hill, Lawrence, 122, 123–126, 131–132, 140
Hobson, George, 363, 364
Holles, Lord, 233, 238, 245, 369
Howard, Cardinal (Norfolk), 34 and _note_, 50, 51, 305, 320
Howard, Sir Philip, 106
Hulet, trial of, 293, 296 _note_
Huntingdon, Earl of, 247
Hyde Laurence, 255, 256
Innocent XI, Pope, 50
Ireland (Ironmonger), Father, S.J., 76, 120, 125, 326, 328, 330–332
Ireton, Lieut.-Col., 238, 239
James I., 276
Jeffreys, Sir George, 3, 7, 304, 332, 351, 352
Jenkins, Sir Leoline, 173, 250
Jennison, informer, 204, 362
Jennison, Thomas, S.J., 204 _note_
Jesuit congregation at St. James’ Palace, 152, 166
John of Austria, Don, 77
Jones, Sir William, 116, 172, 251, 252, 258, 305, 362, 367, 370
Justices of the peace, 269–287
Kelly, Father, 124, 140
Keynes, John, S.J., 140, 220
Kirkby, Christopher, 12, 13, 70–75 _passim_, 89
Knox, Thomas, 335, 338–339
Lane, John, 335, 338–339
Langhorn, Richard, trial of, 298, 304, 345–347
Lauderdale, Duke of, 28, 233, 235, 236, 245, 369
L’Estrange, Sir Roger, 13 _note_, 92 and _note_, 100, 102 _note_, 121
_note_, 133, 134, 147, 149
Le Fevre, Father, S.J., 117–119, 127, 140, 141, 155, 157, 158
Legge, Colonel, 252
Leopold I, Emperor, 38, 220
Lewis, David Henry, S.J., 274
Lloyd, Dr., 72, 87, 89, 104, 135, 136, 138, 163
Lloyd, Sir Philip, 349–351
Lloyd, Temperance, 315
Locke, John, 223
Louis XIV, 24, 27, 255–257
Lovelace, Lord, 366
Lucas, Lord, 369
Luzancy, 16, 17
Manchester, Countess of, 368
Mansell, Colonel, 208, 209, 210
Marshal, O.S.B., 351, 360
Marvell, Andrew, 225
Maynard, Sergeant, 305, 319, 362
Mazarin, Duchesse, 198
Meal Tub Plot, 204 _seq._, 335, 344, 360
Medburne, Matthew, 5
Meres, Sir Thomas, 184
Monmouth, Duke of, 25, 122, 123–124, 127, 129, 160, 227, 232, 233,
234, 236, 238, 240, 241, 242, 245, 254
Montagu, Ralph, 178–181
Morley, Dr., Bishop of Winchester, 176
Morris, Father David, 202
Mowbray, Laurence, 199
Mulgrave, Marquis of, 239
Non-Resistance Bill, 42
Norfolk, Duke of, 6, 202
Norfolk, Duke of (1571), his trial, 291
North, Chief Justice, 357
North, Roger, 89, 104, 150
Nymeguen, Peace of, 225
Oates, Samuel, 4
Oates, Titus, 3–13 _passim_, 63, 64, 66, 70–80 _passim_, 89–91,
112, 150, 151, 164, 170, 225–231 _passim_, 237, 239, 247,
306–314 _passim_, 321, 327, 329, 331, 342–353 _passim_,
356, 362–369 _passim_
Ogle, Lord, 224
Oliva, Johannes Paulus de, General, S.J., 26, 327
Orange, Mary, Princess of, 50, 225
Orange, William, Prince of, 29, 217, 220, 225, 233
Ormonde, Duke of, 194
Osborne, William, 338
Ossory, Earl of, 122, 123–124, 127, 160, 172
Oxford, Earl of, 369
Parsons, Robert, S.J., 56
Pemberton, Chief Justice, 102, 298, 299, 300, 354
Penal statutes against Romanists, 19, 41, 53, 196, 244
Penn and Meade, trial of, 283, 358
Pepys, Samuel, 106, 107–109, 173, 352 and _note_
Peterborough, Earl of, 207, 209, 210, 212
Petre, Edward, S.J., 329, 342
Petre, Lord, 12, 54, 62, 205, 337
Peyton, Sir Robert, 207, 238, 240
Pickering, lay-brother, O.S.B., 70, 73, 76, 326, 327, 328, 330, 332
Plucknet, Mr., 96, 99
Plunket, Archbishop, 304, 360
Pomponne, Marquis de, 37, 52, 58
Portsmouth, Duchess of, 27, 242, 247, 250, 362
Powis, Countess of, 205, 207, 209, 212, 213
Powis, Earl of, 12, 62, 205, 337
Pracid, John, S.J., 66
Prance, Miles, 120–148 _passim_, 155, 158–166 _passim_, 348
Preston, Lord, 47
Price, Anne, 335, 339–340
Prison life in seventeenth century, 136
Pritchard, Charles, S.J., 119, 120, 140, 155
Pugh, Father, S.J., 273
Radley, Richard, 353
Raleigh, Sir Walter, 292, 358
Rawson, John, 95, 96, 99
Reading, Nathaniel, trial of, 328, 335–338
Reresby, Sir John, 152 and _note_, 164, 179, 186, 227, 253, 270, 361,
368
Rich, Sir Edward, 171
Richardson, Captain, 125, 134, 205
Roman Catholics, persecution of, 196–221
Rupert, Prince, 336
Russell, Lord, 16, 182, 183, 189, 235, 238, 247, 252, 258, 299, 333,
334
Ruvigny, 31, 36, 38, 43, 52
Rye House Plot, 212, 237, 239, 260, 270, 334, 371
St. Germain, Father (Dr. Burnet), S.J., 16, 17, 34, 52, 64, 80,
201, 319
St. James’ Palace, Jesuit meeting at, 152, 166
St. Omers, 8, 9, 10, 67, 326, 342, 343
Salamanca, 8
Salisbury, Earl of, 225
Sarotti, quoted, 18 _note_
Savile, Henry, quoted, 239
Scott, Colonel John, 61–64 and _note_, 69
Scroggs, Chief Justice, 286, 298, 309, 317–319, 321, 322, 328, 329,
332, 342, 345, 347, 349, 352–359 _passim_
Sergeant, Dr. John, 53, 201, 202 _note_
Seymour, Edward, 184
Shadwell, poet laureate, 239
Shaftesbury, Earl of, 22, 29, 42, 85, 103, 108, 142, 182, 183, 188,
189, 191, 223–260 _passim_
Sheldon, Father, S.J., 33, 37, 38
Ship-money, 279
Sidney, Algernon, 234, 238, 239, 333, 343
Sidney, Henry, 202
Sitwell, Sir George, 13 _note_, 85 _note_, 228
Smith, Aaron, 237, 239
Smith, John, 362
Smith, William, 5
Somerset House, 156, 159, 161
Southwell, Sir Robert, 124 _note_, 129, 130
Southwell, Sir Thomas, 309
Speke, George, 336 and _note_, 337
Speke, Hugh, 238, 253
Stafford, Lord, 12, 54, 62, 64, 65, 67, 205, 337; his trial,
153 _note_, 275, 280, 286, 298–300, 360–371 _passim_
Staley, William, his trial, 323–326
Stapleton, Sir Miles, 199, 360
Stephen, Sir James Fitzjames, 46, 83, 146 _note_, 311
Strange, Richard, Provincial, S.J., 6, 8
Stuart, James (De la Cloche), 26
Suffolk witches, trial of, 293–294, 314
Sunderland, Earl of, 187, 189, 241
Tasborough, John, 335, 339–340
Tempest, Lady, 199
Temple, Sir William, 173, 179, 186, 187, 190, 192, 218, 232, 239
Test Act, 29, 35, 42
Thomas, Grace, 315
Thompson, Pain, and Farwell, trial of, 98, 102
Throckmorton, Sir Nicolas, 291
Throckmorton, Sir William, 33, 35, 37, 38, 60, 305
Thwing, Father, 199, 360
Thynne, Mr., 236, 270
Tichbourne, Sir Henry, 337
Tilden, Mary, 129
Titus, Colonel, 251
Tonge, Dr. Ezrael, 3, 9, 12, 70–80 _passim_, 89–90, 177, 227, 326
Tonge, Simpson, 10, 13 _note_
Tory, origin of name, 244
Townley, Christopher, 344
Trade riot, 284
Trelawny, Sir Jonathan, 181
Trenchard, Sir John, 238, 239
Tuke, Colonel, 20
Tunstall, William, S.J., 329
Turbervile, John, 365
Turner, Anthony, S.J., 341 and _note_
Turner, Colonel, 269–270, 293, 298
Twyn, printer, sentence on, 285
Valladolid, 6, 8, 67, 112, 326
Vane, Sir Harry, 366
Verdier, Francois, 66
Vernatt, 128, 140
Vittells, Captain, 114–115, 116
Wakeman, Sir George, 12, 70, 295, 309, 322, 324; his trial, 347–352,
355, 356, 361
Waller, Sir William, 143, 183, 209, 238, 249, 271, 343
Walsh, Charles, S.J., 117, 140, 141, 155, 157, 158
Walters, Lucy, 246, 247
Warcup, Justice, 271
Warner, John, S.J., 164, 165, 198
Warrier, James, 130
Watchmen, 268
Welden, George, 151
Wemyss, Countess of, 247
Wharton, Lord, 224, 225
White, Mrs., 205
Whitebread (White or Harcourt), Thomas, Provincial, S.J., 73, 78;
his trial, 326–330, 340–345
Williamson, Sir Joseph, 16, 109, 173, 178, 187
York Castle, 199
York, Duchess of, 31, 49, 50, 79, 198, 205, 215
York, James, Duke of, 17, 27, 30, 35, 38, 39, 41, 42, 44, 57, 69, 75,
152, 164, 166, 181, 186, 198, 203, 207, 213–221 _passim_, 224,
226, 234, 240, 241, 245, 251, 322, 341 _note_
THE END
_Printed by_ R. & R. CLARK, LIMITED, _Edinburgh_.
FOOTNOTES
[1] 7 State Trials 128. Evidence of Sir Denny Ashburnham, _ibid._ 1097.
[2] Anthony à Wood, _Life and Times_ ii. 417. 7 State Trials 1094.
[3] Burnet ii. 157.
[4] Smith, _Intrigues of the Popish Plot_ 4. Oates, _Narrative_ 35, 36. It was at this house that Baxter was insulted in 1677 by a Catholic gentleman, who accused him of having been tried at Worcester for the murder of a tinker. Baxter’s _Relation_ iii. 179.
[5] Burnet ii. 157. 7 State Trials 1320.
[6] 7 State Trials 1320.
[7] _Ibid._ 1096, 1320, 1321. Burnet ii. 157. Foley, _Records_ v. 12.
[8] _Absalom and Achitophel_ 646–649. Father John Warner describes Oates in similar terms: “Mentis in eo summa stupiditas, lingua balbutiens, sermo e trivio, vox stridula et cautillans, plorantis quam loquentis similior. Memoria fallax, prius dicta nunquam fideliter reddens, frons contracta, oculi parvi et in occiput retracti, facies plana, in medio, lancis sive disci instar, compressa, prominentibus hic inde genis rubicundis nasus, os in ipso vultus centro, mentum reliquam faciem prope totam aequans, caput vix corporis trunco extans, in pectus declive, reliqua corporis hisce respondentia, monstro quam homini similiora.” MS. history 104.
[9] _Lettre écrite de Mons à un ami à Paris_, 1679. 7 State Trials 1322.
[10] _Absalom and Achitophel_ 657–659.
[11] Sir William Godolphin to Henry Coventry, on information obtained in Spain, November 6/16, 1678, Longleat MSS. Coventry Papers lx. 264.
[12] 7 State Trials 358, 1322. Burnet ii. 158. _Florus Anglo-Bavaricus_ 93.
[13] See below in Trials for Treason.
[14] _The Grounds and Occasions of the Contempt of the Clergy and Religion enquired into._ By John Eachard, D.D., Master of Catherine Hall, Cambridge, 1670.
[15] 7 State Trials 360–375. 10 State Trials 1097–1132.
[16] _Florus Anglo-Bavaricus_ 93, 94, 95.
[17] 7 State Trials 324, 1325, _Lettre écrite de Mons à un ami à Paris_. _Florus Anglo-Bavaricus_ 95.
[18] Simpson Tonge’s Journal, S.P. Dom. Charles II 409: 39. Simpson Tonge to L’Estrange, _Brief Hist._ i. 38. Simpson Tonge’s Case, House of Lords MSS. 246–249.
[19] S.P. Dom. Charles II 414: 185. Sydney Godolphin to Sir Leoline Jenkins, September 25, 1680.
[20] S.P. Dom. Charles II 409: 36.
[21] Evelyn, _Diary_ January 25, 1665.
[22] Simpson Tonge’s Journal S.P. Dom. Charles II 409: 39. Simpson Tonge to the King, _ibid._ 414: 139. Simpson Tonge to L’Estrange, _Brief Hist._ i. 38. Kirkby, _Compleat and True Narrative_ 1. _Impartial State of the Case of the Earl of Danby_ 14. _Brief Hist._ ii. 100–125. Burnet ii. 158. North, _Examen_ 170. Ralph i. 382, 542. In this account of Oates and the revelation of the Plot I have made considerable use of Mr. Seccombe’s monograph on Titus Oates in _Twelve Bad Men_, and of Sir George Sitwell’s study of _The First Whig_. I am unable however to follow these writers, and especially Sir George Sitwell, to whom I am much indebted for a loan of his book, in placing much reliance upon witnesses on the Catholic and Tory side. These labour under as great a bias as their opponents, and on some points are convicted of falsehood. This applies in particular to the evidence of L’Estrange and Simpson Tonge, upon whose authority the story of the deliberate concoction of the Plot by Oates and Dr. Tonge rests. That Tonge was a fanatic and Oates a villain is unquestioned; and it is probably as just to call Tonge villain and Oates fanatic. But that their rascality took this form is not proved. Simpson Tonge was also a rascal, and his repeated contradictions, in the hope of gain from both parties, make it impossible to discover the truth from him. In the winter of 1680 L’Estrange challenged Oates (_Observator_ i. 138) to prosecute young Tonge for defamation of character. The challenge passed unnoticed; but the fact proves nothing, for however many lies Tonge had told, Oates was not then in a position to risk a rebuff or to court an inquiry into his own conduct. And L’Estrange’s bare assertion is no proof of the truth of the fact asserted. The way I have treated this, as all other doubtful evidence in the course of this inquiry, is always to disbelieve it, unless it is corroborated from other sources, or unless the facts alleged are intrinsically probable, and the witness had no motive for their falsification. When the test is applied to the present case, I believe that no other result than that stated above can be obtained.
[23] See, for instance, _La Politique du Clergé de France_, by Pierre Jurieu. Arnauld, _Apologie pour les Catholiques, Le Jesuite sécularisé_, and _La Critique du Jesuite sécularisé_, Cologne, 1683.
[24] Barillon, January 16/26, 1680. See below in Trials for Treason.
[25] He was wrongly said to be the Duchess’s confessor. Sarotti, October 26/November 4, 1678. Ven. Arch. Inghil. 65.
[26] _Parl. Hist._ iv. 780, 781, 782. C.J., November 8, 1675.
[27] _Ibid._ Reresby, _Memoirs_ 98, 99. Ralph i. 292. Verney MSS. 466. Foley i. 276 _seq._ Lingard xii. 278–282. Antoine Arnauld, _Œuvres_ xiv. 532, 533. Foley i. 276, 277. Wood, _Fasti Oxon._ (ed. Bliss 1815–20) ii. 350.
[28] Ralph i. 292. Verney MSS. 466. Burnet ii. 104.
[29] Ruvigny, November 7/17, 8/18, 1675.
[30] Fitzherbert MSS. 112, 76; St. Germain to Coleman, December 3/13. 1675; January 5/15, 1676.
[31] Sarotti, who might have been expected to have heard of the case favourably to St. Germain, writes of him simply as “un Padre Jesuita che fu capellano della medesima Signora Duchessa e già tre anni in circa fuggì, ritrandosi a Parigi per le differenze ch’ hebbe con un ministro Calvinista della casa del Signor di Rouvigny,” October 26/November 4, 1678, as above.
[32] See Appendix E.
[33] L.J. xi. 276, 286, 299, 310. Kennet, _Register and Chronicle_ 469, 476, 484, 495. Orleans, _History of the Revolutions in England_ 236. _Letter from a Person of Quality to a Peer of the Realm_, 1661. _Collection of Treatises on the Penal Laws_, 1675. Continuation of Clarendon’s _Life_, by himself, 140, 143.
[34] December 6, 1662. Kennet, _Register and Chronicle_ 848–891. Baxter’s _Life_ ii. 429.
[35] February 27, 1663.
[36] July 25, 1663. C.J. Feb. 27, 28, April 27, May 30. L.J. xi. 478, 482, 486, 491, 558, 578. Clarendon 245–249. James i. 428.
[37] For a general statement of the Catholic case see _The Catholique Apology_, attributed to the Earl of Castlemain, and on the other side _An Account of the Growth of Popery and Arbitrary Government in England_, by Andrew Marvell.
[38] Ranke iv. 323. W. A. Shaw, “The Beginnings of the National Debt,” _Owens College, Manchester, Historical Essays_. Mr. Shaw’s remarkable essay throws a flood of light on the financial difficulties of the early part of the reign. He considers the year 1667, when the Commons attacked the administration and voted a commission to examine public accounts, to be the point beyond which patriotic action could be expected on the part neither of the Commons nor of the king.
[39] Ruvigny, January 17/27, 1675: “Que les finances du roi ne pouvaient pas mieux être employées qu’à la destruction d’un puissant ennemi, qui soutenait tous les autres.”
[40] As to the date of Charles’ conversion see Ranke iv. 383, 384.
[41] Ranke iv. 384–386. _Gentleman’s Magazine_, January 1866. Lord Acton, “Secret History of Charles II,” _Home and Foreign Review_ i. 146. Hallam ii. 387.
[42] Acton, _op. cit._ _Gentleman’s Mag._ January 1866. Boero, _Istoria della Conversione alla Chiesa Cattolica de Carlo II_. Welwood, _Memoirs_ 146.
[43] Brosch 420, n. Ranke v. 88.
[44] _Lectures on Modern History._
[45] April 1675.
[46] Clarke, _Life of King James II_ i. 440, 629. In referring to this work I adopt Lingard’s plan of mentioning it simply as “James,” except where the passage referred to is based, as here, upon James’ original memoirs, when I refer to it as “James (Or. Mem.).” Klopp i. 235. Foley i. 272 _seq._
[47] Cardinal Howard to Coleman, April 18, 1676. Treby i. 85. Courtin, April 2, 1676.
[48] Ruvigny, August 19/29, 1675. Courtin, October 9/19, 1676, January 11/21, 15/25, 1677. Barillon, December 17/27, 1677. Giacomo Ronchi, October 3/13, 1678, in Campana de Cavelli i. 233. Longleat MSS. Strange to Warner, December 28, 1676; Bedingfield to Warner, December 28, 1676; Coleman to Whitehall, January 1, 1677; Mrs. Coleman to Coleman, January 1, 1677, January 4, 1677; Coventry Papers xi. 245, 246, 247. MS. diary of Lord Keeper Guildford, Dalrymple ii. 199, 200. _Parl. Hist._ iv. 1035. Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. i. Ap. 56. _Floras Anglo-Bavaricus_ 136. Forneron, _Louise de Keroualle_ 136, 161, 179. Ralph i. 272. Burnet ii. 51, 99.
Coleman is described by Warner, MS. history 41: “Hunc proxime secutus est Edwardus Colemannus, serenissimae Ducissae Eboracensi a secretis, in haeresi educatus, quam detectis erroribus ejuravit, et totus in Catholicorum partes transiit, quas exinde promovit pro virili, magno zelo sed impari prudentia. Magnum a natura sortitus est et festivum ingenium, cui dum nimium indulgeret, et liberrimis censuris quae parum a satyris abessent curules perstringeret, divûm nulli parcens, multorum, praecipue, Danbaei, offensam incurrit, a quibus tandem oppressus est.”
The imputation that he diverted the Frenchmen’s gold to his own use was put upon Coleman by Whig historians. Of this his character has been cleared by Sir George Sitwell (_First Whig_ 25, note). The Whig Committee of the House of Commons appointed to examine Coleman reported his confession “that he had prepared guineas to distribute among members of Parliament, but that he gave none and applied them to his own use” (C.J. November 7, 1678). The committee was composed of men who themselves received money from the French ambassador, and therefore had the strongest motive to conceal the facts. But the truth slipped out two years later in a speech made in the House by Mr. Harbord (December 14, 1680). Coleman, he said, did confess “that he had twenty-five hundred pounds from the French ambassador to distribute amongst members of Parliament, and your committee prudently did not take any names from him, it being in his power to asperse whom he pleased, possibly some gentlemen against the French and Popish interest.” The prudence of the committee in attributing to Coleman statements which he never made is also indubitable.
[49] Coleman to Ferrier, June 29, 1674. Ferrier to Coleman, September 25, 1674. Coleman to Ferrier in answer to above. Coleman to La Chaize, September 29, 1675. Treby i. 1, 3, 6, 109. Chantelauze, _Le Père de la Chaize_ 4.
[50] Berkshire to Coleman, March 24, 1675. Treby i. 103.
[51] Throckmorton to Coleman, April 27, May 1, 1675. Fitzherbert MSS. 70. Burnet ii. 103.
[52] Chantelauze, _Le Père de la Chaize_ 4. See below in Trials for Treason.
[53] In 1672 Howard was appointed bishop-elect of England with a see “in partibus” but not consecrated. In 1675 he was created cardinal by Clement X, and in 1679 nominated by Innocent XI Cardinal Protector of England and Scotland.
[54] Some of the letters could not be deciphered; see for instance Albani to Coleman, January 12, 1675. Treby i. 121.
[55] Treby i. 109–116.
[56] Colbert, November 10/20, 1673, on the information of St. Évremonde. Mignet, _Negotiations_ iv. 236.
[57] Treby i. 110. Ferrier to Coleman, September 25, 1674; and Coleman’s answer to Ferrier, Treby i. 3, 6. The Duke of York to Ferrier, Treby i. 119. This last letter Coleman declared at his examination in Newgate to have been written by himself in the duke’s name and without his knowledge. 7 State Trials 54. There is however no reason to accept his statement as true. Answering Ferrier’s letter Coleman writes, “His royal highness has received the letter that you sent him by Sir William Throckmorton, which he has answered to you himself.” Treby i. 3. Supposing Coleman to have told the truth to his examiners, he must have forged the letter, a work of considerable difficulty, since James’ writing would certainly have been well known at the French court. Throckmorton and Coleman must also in this case have conspired to divert Ferrier’s letter to James and never deliver it; for there could be no reason for the duke to meet with a marked rebuff a letter so flattering to him and written in his interest, and unless he refused to send an answer, Coleman would have no motive to forge one. Nor can it be supposed that Coleman carried on his correspondence without the duke’s knowledge. Beyond the certainty that Coleman was in James’ confidence, this is plain from the fact that on several occasions either Coleman’s correspondent desires him particularly to show his letter to the duke or he mentions that he has done so. And Coleman had the strongest motive to shield his master by taking on himself the authorship of the letter. That he was believed is probably due to Oates’ careful exoneration of the duke from concern in the Plot at a time when he was not certain of a favourable reception for his story. Another misunderstanding would be welcomed by Coleman. This letter was said at the time to have been addressed to La Chaize, and the belief would suit Coleman, since the letter would be less likely to be connected with his own written to Ferrier at the same time. The confessor to whom it was sent was certainly Ferrier and not La Chaize, for Throckmorton, who is mentioned in it, was dead some months before the latter came to court. The erroneous idea was probably owing to the manner in which Ferrier is spoken of in the letter in the third person, an use common with the writers in this correspondence.
[58] Treby i. 110, 111, 112.
[59] Treby i. 112. Coleman to Throckmorton, February 1, 1675. Treby ii. 1. Throckmorton to Coleman, November 28, December 1, 1674. Fitzherbert MSS. 50, 51. Same to same, February 13, 1675. Treby i. 73.
[60] Sheldon to Coleman, July 13, 1675. Treby i. 49.
[61] Treby i. 112. Throckmorton to Coleman, December 8, December 22, 1674, January 19, 1675. Fitzherbert MSS. 51, 62, Treby i. 66. Coleman to Throckmorton, February 1, 1675. Treby ii. 1. Sheldon to Coleman, July 13, 1675. Treby i. 45.
[62] Albani to Coleman, August 4, 1674. Coleman to Albani, August 21, 1674. Treby i. 21: 7.
[63] Albani to Coleman, October 19, 1674. Treby i. 23.
[64] Coleman to Albani, October 23, 1674. Albani to Coleman, January 12, 1675. Treby i. 12, 25.
[65] Fitzherbert MSS. 113. _Parl. Hist._ iv. 1024, 1025. Burnet ii. 104.
[66] Coleman to Throckmorton, February 1, 1675.—“The duke having the king wholly to himself, he would no longer balance between the different motives of his honour and the weak apprehensions of his enemies’ power; but then the duke would be able to govern him without trouble, and mark out to him what he ought to do for the establishment of his grandeur and repose. For you well know that when the duke comes to be master of our affairs the King of France will have reason to promise himself all things that he can desire. How shall we get this parliament dissolved? ... by the King of France and the help of three hundred thousand pounds. This parliament is revengeful to the last degree, and no man that offends them must think to escape. But as for a new parliament that will be better natured and will doubtless accord to his Majesty all that he shall need for his occasions. And this for very good reason, since they will more depend upon his Majesty upon other accounts than his Majesty upon them for money. And to conclude where we began, the duke by the dissolution will be all-powerful” (Treby ii. 1, 2, 3).
Coleman to Albani, August 21, 1674.—“So that if the duke can happily disengage himself of those difficulties wherewith he is now encumbered, all the world will esteem him an able man, and all people will entrust him in their affairs more willingly than they have done formerly. And the king himself, who hath more influence on the East India Company (Parliament) than all the rest, will not only re-establish him in the employment he had before, but will put the management of all the trade into his hands. We have in agitation great designs, worthy the consideration of your friends, and to be supported with all their power, wherein we have no doubt but to succeed, and it may be to the utter ruin of the Protestant party” (Treby i. 78).
Coleman to Albani, October 2, 1674.—“If the duke can shew to the king the true cause of all these misfortunes and persuade him to change the method of their trade, which he may easily do with the help of money, he will without difficulty drive away the Parliament and the Protestants who have ruined all their affairs for so great a time, and settle in their employments the Catholics, who understand perfectly well the nature of this sort of trade” (Treby ii. 6).
[67] Treby ii. 21–25.
[68] Coleman to Albani, October 2, 1674. Treby ii. 6.
[69] Coleman to Albani, February 12, 1675. Treby ii. 8. John Leybourn, president of the English College at Douay, to Cardinal Albani, June 17, 1675. Vat. Arch. Misc. 168. _Parl. Hist._ iv. 673, 674. Brosch 431, 432.
[70] Ranke v. 184, 185, 186. Airy, _The English Restoration_ 235, 236, 237. Brosch 432. _Parl. Hist._ iv. 715 _seq._ Schwerin, _Briefe aus England_ 24. Andrew Marvell, _Growth of Popery_. Treby i. 114.
[71] This is awkwardly expressed. What they were about before was to have the duke put again over the fleet, but not to have this done at the request of Parliament; for it was then the object to have Parliament dissolved.
[72] Treby i. 116. Sec also Coleman to Albani, February 12, 1675. Treby ii. 8.
[73] Treby i. 117.
[74] Treby i. 117, 118.
[75] Halifax, _Maxims of State_:—
XXIII.—The Dissenters of England plead only for conscience, but their struggle is for power; yet when they had it, have always denied to others that liberty of conscience which they now make such a noise for.
XXVI.—They that separate themselves from the Religion of the State and are not contented with a free Toleration, aim at the Subversion of it. For a conscience that once exceeds its bounds knows no limits, because it pretends to be above all other Rules.
The dangerous nature of Coleman’s correspondence was recognised at the time by sensible people, as well Catholics as Protestants. Barillon, October 3/13: “On trouve dans les papiers de ceux qui ont été arrêtés beaucoup de commerces qui paraissent criminels en Angleterre, parce qu’il s’agit de la religion.” October 10/20, 1678: “On continue toujours ici la visite des papiers du Sieur Coleman.... Tous les gens raisonnables croyent que la conjuration contre la personne du Roi de la Grande Bretagne n’a aucun véritable fondement. Les commissaires du conseil qui instruisent l’affaire parlent de la même manière sur cela, mais en même temps ils disent qu’il paraît un commerce fort dangereux pour l’État avec les étrangers. Qu’il s’emploie de grandes sommes pour soutenir les cabales et pour augmenter la religion catholique, et que par les lois d’Angleterre la plupart de ceux qui sont arrêtés sont criminels. Ils parlent bien plus affirmativement du Sieur Coleman. On a trouvé dans ses papiers des minutes de toutes les lettres qu’il écrivait à Rome, en France, et ailleurs. On prétend qu’il y a quantités de projets qui tendent à la ruine de la religion protestante en Angleterre et à l’établissement d’une autorité souveraine en Angleterre et d’un changement de gouvernement par le papisme.”
Il Nuntio di Vienna al Nuntio in Francia, Nimega, October 18/28, 1678: “Al Colman oltre l’ insufficienti imputationi de complicità s’adossa hoggi corrispondenza per altri capi criminali, che lo mettono in gran pericolo della vita.” Vat. Arch. Nunt. di Francia 329.
J. Brisbane to Henry Coventry, October 14/24, 1678.—M. de Pomponne and M. Courtin treat the whole matter of the plot _en ridicule_ and say that “le pauvre Coleman est mort seulement pour être Catholique.” February 11, 1679.—Finds that those who did not long ago canonise Mr. Coleman, do now acknowledge his execution to have been a just punishment. Bath MSS. 242, 243.
[76] 25 Edward III St. 5, c. 1.
[77] Third Institute 6, 12, 14.
[78] Hale, _P.C._ i. 109, 110.
[79] _History of the Criminal Law_ i. 268. See on the whole subject Stephen i. 241–281 and Hale, _P.C._ i. 87–170.
[80] S.P. Dom. Charles II 407: i. 128.
[81] 12 State Trials 646.
[82] _Parl. Hist._ iv. 519.
[83] See above.
[84] 7 State Trials 60, 67.
[85] Hale, _P.C._ i. 110.
[86] Evidence of Jerome Boatman, his secretary, House of Lords MSS. 8.
[87] St. Germain to Coleman, March 28, April 8, April 15, September 6, 1676. Treby i. 32, 40. Fitzherbert MSS. 81. Treby i. 42, ii. 18. Courtin, March 23, April 1, July 16, August 11, August 13, 1676. Pomponne to Ruvigny, April 1, 1676. Both Ruvigny and Courtin were in London at this time.
[88] St. Germain to Coleman, January 15, 29, February 1, 5, 8, March 18, April 13, November 18, 1676. Fitzherbert MSS. 76, 78, 79, 96, 107. Treby i. 30, 32, 35.
[89] Leybourn, Howard’s secretary, to Coleman, May 16, June 20, September 5, September 21, 1676, June 25, July 10, July 16, August 6, 1677, January 1, 1678. Fitzherbert MSS. 102, 103, 104, 105. Treby i. 94, 95, 96. Howard to Coleman, March 1, April 18, 1676. Treby i. 81, 85. Courtin, March 13/23, March 22/April 1, April 3/13, April 10/20, July 6/16, November 9/19, November 22/December 2, November 30/December 10, 1676. Correspondence later on the same subject March 29, April 8, 1679; the Duke of York to the Pope; the Duchess to the Pope. Vat. Arch. Epist. Princ. 106. The internuncio at Brussels to the Pope. Nunt. di Fiandra, 66.
[90] See below in Trials for Treason.
[91] Above, 43.
[92] St. Germain to Coleman, January 29, April 15, July 25, 1676. Treby i. 30, 43. Fitzherbert MSS. 80.
[93] _Mémoires du Marquis de Pomponne_ i. 538.
[94] This distinction was widely recognised, see 7 State Trials 475. Ralph i. 91, note. _Parl. Hist._ iv. 274. It corresponded in the ideas of the time to the difference between a simple Roman Catholic and “a Jesuited Papist.”
[95] Stafford’s statement; House of Lords MSS. 43. Burnet i. 346. Foley v. 19.
[96] Foley v. 80. John Leybourn, April 19/29, 1674; same to Cardinal Albani, June 7/17, 1675. Vat. Arch. Nunt. di Inghilterra and Misc. 168.
Pietro Talbot (the Jesuit Archbishop of Dublin), Primate de Irlanda al Nuntio F. Spada, Nuntio in Parigi, April 3/13, 1675. Nunt. di Francia, 431. “V. S. Ill^{ma} si compiaccia de aggiungere le inchiuse propositioni del Sig^n Giovanni Sargentio alle altre sue; tutte (come V. S. Ill^{ma} vede) sono heretiche o almeno inferiscono l’heresia.”
Continual references to the same subject are found in the Papal despatches of the time.
[97] _Maxims of State_ lxv.
[98] See D’Avrigny, _Mémoires pour servir à l’histoire de l’Europe_ 47, 48. Arnauld, _Œuvres_ xiv. 410.
[99] Leybourn to Coleman, May 2, 1676. Fitzherbert MSS. 102. John Verney to Sir Ralph Verney, March 30, 1676, “The Duke of York did declare that he would never more come under the roof of Whitehall chapel, which makes every one say he is a perfect papist.... ’Tis said he publicly goes to mass. God bless him and preserve the King.” Verney MSS. 467. Courtin, March 23, April 2, October 2/12, 1676. Le ministre des affaires étrangères à Courtin, April 1/11, 1676. _Mémoires du Marquis de Pomponne_ i. 491. Marchese Cattaneo al Duca di Modena, April 20/30, 1676: “In alcune parti d’Inghilterra si e cominciata l’esecuzione delle legge contro i Cattolici, imprigionandoli e confiscandogli i beni.... Delle rincrudite persecuzioni verso i Cattolici e accagionato il Duca d’York perche non ha voluto nella Pasqua recarsi alla capella Regia (Protestante),” in Campana de Cavelli i. 171. Longleat MSS. Proclamation of October 3, 1676. Coventry Papers xi. 154.
[100] The interpretation of the following letter seems doubtful, but it is worth quoting. It is a curious fact that Lord Castlemaine should have either taken, or intended to take, orders in the Church of Rome.
January 1, 1677. To the Lord Castlemaine at Liège: “118 and 109, as I am privately told, are now perfectly reconciled to the Duke of York, and fully resolved to serve him and his interest, so that if the Lords and Commons when they meet do nothing, the King will dissolve them and once more publish a toleration. Consider if Mr. Skinner can make a seasonable check of mettlesome stuff for the conjuncture. By a letter from Mr. Warner at Paris I find D. of Cleveland persuaded that Ld. Castlemain is already made a priest by the Jesuits’ underhand contrivances, and that she obstructed it what she could at Rome. I should think it expedient that she should continue in that belief, that she may think it now too late to go about to hinder it.” Unsigned Longleat MSS. Coventry Papers xi. 347.
[101] Throckmorton to Coleman, January 9, February 20, 1675. Fitzherbert MSS. 60, 66. Berkshire to Coleman, n.d. Treby i. 102.
[102] Journal of Sir Joseph Williamson, March 12, 30, 1672, in Cal. S.P. Dom. 1671–1672, 608. Longleat MSS. Francis Bastwick to Henry Coventry, April 29, 1679. Examination of Col. Scott at Dover of same date. Coventry Papers xi. 393, 396. Two letters in the same collection seem to show that Scott was a regular spy of the English Government, but they are so vague that much reliance cannot be placed on them. Coventry Papers xi. 171, 506. See Appendix A.
[103] Longleat MSS. “An account of what the Earl of Berkshire desired Colonel John Scott to communicate to his Majesty.” Coventry Papers xi. 397. See Appendix A. See too Collins’ _Peerage_, 1812, iii. 163.
[104] Scott afterward gave evidence before the House of Commons against Pepys, whom he charged on report with having given information of the state of the navy to the French court; but the affair was never thoroughly investigated. Grey, _Debates in Parliament_ vii. 303–309.
[105] House of Lords MSS. 43, 44. Burnet i. 345, 346; ii. 276, 277. Airy, _The English Restoration_ 240.
[106] Longleat MSS. Coventry Papers xi. 310, 313, 317. See Appendix A.
[107] J. P. Oliva Generale dei Gesuiti al Cardinale Altieri, September 23/October 3, 1674. Vat. Arch. Archivio di Propaganda Fide. Ranke v. 91.
[108] Dal Sig^r Internuncio, May 24/June 3, 1679. Vat. Arch. Nunt. di Fiandra 66. Add. MSS. 32095: 196. See below in Politics of the Plot.
[109] L.J. November 21, 1678. Foley v. 221, 222. Longleat MSS. Coventry Papers xi. 483, a version of Du Fiquet’s information in French.
[110] 7 State Trials 1007.
[111] Brusselles Dal. Sig^r Internuncio, April 19/29, 1679. Vat. Arch. Nunt. di Fiandra 66.
[112] Longleat MSS. St. Omers, August 14, 1678. Sam Morgan to his father, Coventry Papers xi. 204. See Appendix A.
[113] Pepys, _Memoires relating to the State of the Royal Navy in England_ 4, 5, 8.
[114] Longleat MSS. Letter of December 23, 1676. Coventry Papers xi. 171. See Appendix A.
[115] Treby i. 19. September 18/28, 1678.
[116] L’Abbate G. B. Lauri a S. Em^{za}, November 22/December 2, 1678. Vat. Arch. Nunt. di Francia 332. See Appendix A.
[117] Barillon, October 21/31, 1680. “Il (le Duc d’York) me fit entendre. ...qu’il ne comprenait pas que le Roi son frère voulût mettre tous les Catholiques en désespoir et les persécuter sans aucunes mesures. Il ajouta à cela en termes pleines de colère et ressentiment que si on le poursuit à bout et qu’il se voit en état d’être entièrement ruiné par ses ennemis, il trouvera le moyen de les en faire repentir et se vangera d’eux.... M. le Duc de Bouquinham m’a dit plusieurs fois qu’il avait bu fort souvent avec le Roi de la Grande Bretagne, mais qu’il n’avait jamais vu ce Prince dans une débauche un peu libre qu’il ne temoignât beaucoup d’aigreur et de la haine même contre son frère.”
[118] Examinations of Saunders, Coulster, and Towneley, April 28, 1679. House of Lord MSS. 149–152.
[119] Macaulay iv. 649–652. Lord Acton, _Lectures on Modern History_. If Charles’ word when he was sober can be trusted, he believed there was no ground to suspect the duke of any intention against his life. Barillon, November 22/December 2, 1680. “Le Roi de la Grande Bretagne dit encore en jurant avant hier au conseil: Mon frère ne m’a point voulu faire tuer, ny pas un de vous ne le croît.” It was however Charles’ constant policy to uphold the Duke of York. See too Reresby, _Memoirs_ 146.
[120] Ralph i. 382.
[121] It is a tribute to the liveliness of Oates’ imagination that Pickering, said to be an agent in the Jesuit plot, was a Benedictine lay-brother.
[122] Kirkby, _Compleat and True Narrative_ i. Simpson Tonge’s Journal 38; S.P. Dom. Charles II 409.
[123] Simpson Tonge’s Journal 39.
[124] Kirkby, _Compleat and True Narrative_ 2. Simpson Tonge’s Journal 40, 41. _Impartial State of the Case of the Earl of Danby_ 13, 14.
[125] _Impartial State of the Case_ 14, 15.
[126] _Florus Anglo-Bavaricus_ 95.
[127] _Impartial State of the Case_ 15. Kirkby, _Compleat and True Narrative_ 2. 7 State Trials 96, 328, 345. Simpson Tonge’s Journal 39, 59.
[128] _Impartial State of the Case_ 15.
[129] _Impartial State of the Case_ 15, 16. Kirkby, _Compleat and True Narrative_ 2, 3. Simpson Tonge’s Journal 64, 65, 124. L’Estrange, _Brief Hist._ ii. 4–15. _Observator_ ii. 150–153, October 1684. James (Or. Mem.) i. 518, 519. Ralph i. 383, 384. Burnet ii. 158.
[130] Simpson Tonge’s Journal 135. Kirkby, _Compleat and True Narrative_ 3. _Impartial State of the Case_ 16. James (Or. Mem.) i. 518. Temple, _Works_ i. 398. Reresby, _Memoirs_ 147. Burnet ii. 158.
[131] Simpson Tonge’s Journal 152. 7 State Trials 29, James (Or. Mem.) i. 518–521. Warner MS. history 26. _Florus Anglo-Bavaricus_ 98. Foley v. 16. Burnet ii. 160. North, _Examen_ 58.
[132] Barillon, September 30/October 10, 1678. 7 State Trials 656. Foley v. 17, 18, 20, 21. Schwerin, _Briefe aus England_ 330, 334, 342.
[133] Barillon, October 3/13, 10/20, 1678. 7 State Trials 29, 30, 33. _Impartial State of the Case_ 17. Add. MSS. 28,042: 32. Notes by Danby for a letter to be sent to a member of the House of Commons. Danby to Lord Hatton, March 29, 1678. _Hatton Correspondence_ i. 184.
[134] Il Nuntio di Vienna al Nuntio in Francia. Nimega, October 18/28, 1678. Vat. Arch. Nunt. di Francia, 329.
[135] Barillon, October 3/13, 7/17, 10/20, 17/27, 1678. Paolo Sarotti, Ven. arch. October 11/21, 1678. Schwerin, _Briefe aus England_ October 4/14, 1678. Luttrell, _Brief Relation_ i. 1. Halstead, _Succinct Genealogies_ 433. Reresby, _Memoirs_ 145. North, _Examen_ 177. Evelyn, _Diary_ October 1, 1678. _Caveat against the Whigs_ ii. 42. Foley v. 18. Burnet ii. 161, 162.
[136] Calamy, _Own Life_ i. 83, 84. Christie, _Life of Shaftesbury_ ii. 309. Burnet ii. 165. North, _Examen_ 206. Luttrell, _Brief Relation_ i. 12, 21. Schwerin, _Briefe aus England_ 336, 351, November 18, 1678.
[137] See the prologue to Dryden’s tragi-comedy, _The Spanish Friar_, produced early in 1681:—
A fair attempt has twice or thrice been made
To hire night murderers and make death a trade.
When murder’s out, what vice can we advance,
Unless the new-found poisoning trick of France?
And when their art of rats-bane we have got,
By way of thanks, we’ll send them o’er our Plot.
Scott suggests that the allusion is to the murder of Mr. Thynne, but this did not occur till some months after the production of the play. Christie refers it to the assault made upon Dryden himself in Rose Alley in December 1679; but the reference to the plot makes it far more probable that Dryden had in his mind the murder of Godfrey and the sham attempt on Arnold eighteen months later. He would certainly class the two together, for he attributed Godfrey’s death to Oates:—
And Corah might for Agag’s murder call
In terms as coarse as Samuel used to Saul.
_Absalom and Achitophel_, 676, 677.
[138] Sir George Sitwell gives a most instructive and entertaining description of these, _The First Whig_, chap. vi.
[139] _What Gunpowder Plot was_ 13.
[140] Tuke, _Memoirs of Godfrey_ 1–15. Sidney Lee, Article on Godfrey in _Dict. of Nat. Biog._ _Gentleman’s Magazine_, January 1848. Godfrey’s Christian names are variously spelt. I give the most correct form in writing, but in quoting retain that used by the writer or reporter.
[141] Tuke, _Memoirs_ 39–51.
[142] Sidney Lee, _op. cit._ _Gazette_ No. 88. Ralph i. 139.
[143] Pepys, _Diary_ May 26, 1699. Tuke, _Memoirs_ 36–39. Tuke is mistaken in saying that Godfrey was knighted on this occasion, in recompense for the injury done him. The knighthood was conferred in September 1666.
[144] An engraving by F. H. van Hove is inserted in Tuke’s _Memoirs_.
[145] Tuke, _Memoirs_ 19, 20. North, _Examen_ 199.
[146] Tuke, _Memoirs_ 52, 53.
[147] Kirkby, _Compleat and True Narrative_ 2, 3.
[148] Kirkby, _Compleat and True Narrative_ 3. Simpson Tonge’s Journal 126, 135.
[149] Tuke, _Memoirs_ 22, 23, 29, Burnet ii. 163. North, _Examen_ 199, 200.
The author of the Annual Letters of the English Province S.J. is probably inaccurate in stating, “He was especially kind to the Roman Catholics, and was moreover a great confidant of the Duke of York” (quoted Foley Records v. 15); but the statement is only an exaggeration of the truth. Warner MS. history 26, “Nec alius in eo magistratu aut Carolo fidelior aut Catholicis, etiam Jesuitis, quorum multos familiarissime noverat, amicior.”
[150] Burnet ii. 164. Depositions of Henry Moor, Godfrey’s clerk. L’Estrange, _Brief History_ iii. 203, 204, 208. The depositions collected by L’Estrange in this work must be regarded with suspicion. The statements in many are obviously untrue, and L’Estrange was not above falsifying evidence to suit his purpose. Among other reasons for the use of great caution is the fact that most of the depositions were not taken until eight or nine years after the event. Their exact dates cannot be ascertained, as they are seldom quoted by L’Estrange, and the original documents are missing. They are supposed to have been stolen from the State Paper Office immediately after the Revolution (Sitwell, _First Whig_ ix.). Only after careful scrutiny can these papers be used as evidence. Moor’s evidence was taken for the coroner. He afterwards went to live at Littleport, in Cambridgeshire, and died apparently in 1685 or 1686. _Brief Hist._ iii., Preface vii. 171.
[151] _Brief Hist._ iii. 204, 205.
[152] _Brief Hist._ iii. 205, 206. Depositions of Pengry and Fall.
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The Popish Plot: A study in the history of the reign of Charles IIChapter XXVI: Part V: (Savile Foljambe MSS.) (1)
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