Chapter XIII: Part 13

[Sidenote: Marchandise of India.] The Indians doe bring fine whites, which the Tartars do all roll about their heads, and al other kinds of whites, which serue for apparell made of cotton wooll and crasko, but golde, siluer, precious stones, and spices they bring none. I enquired and perceiued that all such trade passeth to the Ocean sea, and the vaines where all such things are gotten are in the subiection of the Portingals. The Indians carie them from Boghar againe wrought silkes, red hides, slaues, and horses, with such like, but of Kerseis and other cloth, they make little accompt. I offered to barter with Marchants of those Countreis, which came from the furthest parts of India, euen from the countrey of Bengala, and the riuer Ganges, to giue them Kersies for their commodities, but they would not barter for such commoditie as cloth.

[Sidenote: Marchandise of Persia.] The Persians do bring thither Craska, wollen cloth, linnen cloth, diuers kindes of wrought pide silkes, Argomacks, with such like, and doe carie from thence redde hides with other Russe warres, and slaues, which are of diuers countreies, but cloth they will by none, for that they bring themselues, and is brought vnto them as I haue inquired from Allepo in Syria, and the parts of Turkie. [Sidenote: Marchandise of Russia.] The Russes doe carie vnto Boghar, redde hides, sheepe skinnes, wollen cloth of diuers sorts, woodden vessels, bridles, saddles, with such like, and doe carie away from thence diuers kindes of wares made of cotton wooll, diuers kinds of silkes, Crasca, with other things, but there is but smal vtterance. [Sidenote: Marchandise of Cathay.] From the Countreis of Cathay are brought thither in time of peace, and when the way is open, musk, rubarbe, satten, damaske, with diuers other things. At my being at Boghar, there came Carauans out of all these foresaid Countries, except from Cathay: and the cause why there came none from thence was the great warres that had dured 3 yeeres before my comming thither, and yet dured betwixt 2 great Countries and cities of Tartars, that are directly in the way betwixt the said Boghar and the said Cathay, and certaine barbarous field people, as well Gentiles as Mahometists bordering to the said Cities. [Sidenote: Taskent and Caskar.] The cities are called Taskent and Caskar, and the people that warre against Taskent are called Cassaks of the law of Mahomet: and they which warre with the sayd countrey of Caskar are called Kings, Gentiles and idolaters. These 2 barbarous nations are of great force liuing in the fields without house or towne, and haue almost subdued the foresaid cities, and so stopped vp the way, that it is impossible for any Carauan to passe vnspoiled: so that 3 yeeres before our being there, no Carauan had gone, or vsed trade betwixt the countries of Cathay and Boghar, and when the way is cleare, it is 9 moneths iourney.

To speake of the said countrey of Cathay, and of such newes as I haue heard thereof, I haue thought it best to reserue it to our meeting. I hauing made my solace at Boghar in the Winter time, and hauing learned by much inquisition, the trade thereof, as also of all the other countries thereto adioyning, and the time of the yeere being come, for all Carauans to depart, and also the king being gone to the warres, and newes come that he was fled, and I aduertised by the Metropolitan himselfe, that I should depart, because the towne was like to bee besieged: I thought it good and meete, to take my iourney some way, and determined to haue gone from thence into Persia, and to haue seene the trade of that countrey, although I had enformed my selfe sufficiently thereof, as well at Astracan, as at Boghar: and perceiued well the trades not to be much vnlike the trades of Tartaria: but when I should haue taken my iourney that way, it was let by diuers occasions: the one was, the great wars that did newly begin betwixt the Sophie, and the kings of Tartaria, whereby the waies were destroyed: and there was a Carauan destroied with rouers and theeues, which came out of India and Persia, by safe conduct: and about ten daies iourney from Boghar, they were robbed, and a great part slaine. [Sidenote: He returneth the eight of March 1559.] Also the Metropolitan of Boghar, who is greater then the king, tooke the Emperors letters of Russia from me, without which I should haue bene taken slaue in euery place: also all such wares as I had receiued in barter for cloth, and as I tooke perforce of the king, and other his Nobles, in paiment of money due vnto me, were not vendible in Persia: for which causes and diuers others, I was constrained to come backe againe to Mare Caspium, the same way I went: so that the eight of March 1559, we departed out of the said Citie of Boghar, being a Carauan of 600 Camels: and if we had not departed when we did, I and my company had bene in danger to haue lost life and goods. For, ten daies after our departure, the king of Samarcand came with an armie, and besieged the said Citie of Boghar, the king being absent, and gone to the wars against another prince, his kinsman, as the like chanceth in those Countries once in two or three yeres. For it is maruell, if a King reigne there aboue three or foure yeres, to the great destruction of the Countrey, and marchants.

[Sidenote: Vrgence.] The 25 of March, we came to the foresayd towne of Vrgence, and escaped the danger of 400 rouers, which lay in waite for vs backe againe, being the most of them of kindred to that company of theeues, which we met with going foorth; as we perceiued by foure spies, which were taken. [Sidenote: The king of Balke, or Balgh.] There were in my company, and committed to my charge, two ambaassadors, the one from the king of Boghar, the other from the king of Balke, and were sent vnto the Emperor of Russia. And after having taried at Vrgence, and the Castle of Sellysure, eight daies for the assembling, and making ready of our Carauan, the second of Aprill we departed from thence, hauing foure more Ambassadors in our companie, sent from the king of Vrgence, and other Soltans, his brethren, vnto the Emperor of Russia, with answere of such letters as I brought them: and the same Ambassadors were also committed vnto my charge by the sayde Kings and princes: to whome I promised most faithfully, and swore by our law, that they should be well vsed in Rusland, and suffered to depart from thence againe in safetie, according as the Emperor had written also in his letters: for they somewhat doubted, because there had none gone out of Tartaria into Russia, of long time before.

The 23 of Aprill, we arriued at the Mare Caspium againe, where we found our barke which we came in, but neither anker, cable, cocke, nor saile: neuerthelesse wee brought hempe with vs, and spunne a cable our selues, with the rest of our tackling, and made vs a saile of cloth of cotton wooll, and rigged our barke as well as we could, but boate or anker we had none. In the meane time being deuising to make an anker of wood of a cart wheele, there arriued a barke, which came from Astracan, with Tartars and Russes, which had 2 ankers, with whom I agreed for the one: and thus being in a readinesse, we set saile and departed, I, and the two Iohnsons being Master and Mariners ourselues, hauing in our barke the said sixe ambassadors, and 25 Russes which had bene slaues a long time in Tartaria, nor euer had before my comming, libertie, or meanes to get home, and these slaues serued to rowe, when neede was. Thus sailing sometimes along the coast, and sometimes out of sight of lande, the 13. day of May, hauing a contrary winde, wee came to an anker, being three leagues from the shoare, and there rose a sore storme, which continued 44. houres, and our cable being of our our owne spinning, brake, and lost our anker, and being off a lee shoare, and hauing no boate to helpe vs, we hoysed our saile, and bare roomer with the said shoare, looking for present death: but as God prouided vs, we ranne into a creeke ful of oze, and so saued our selues with our barke, and liued in great discomfort for a time. For although we should haue escaped with our liues the danger of the sea, yet if our barke had perished, we knew we should haue bene either destroyed, or taken slaues by the people of that Countrey, who liue wildly in the field, like beasts, without house or habitation. Thus when the storme was seazed, we went out of the creeke againe: and hauing set the land with our Compasse, and taken certaine markes of the same, during the time of the tempest, whilest we ridde at our anker, we went directly to the place where we ridde, with our barke againe, and found our anker which we lost: whereat the Tartars much marueiled howe we did it. While we were in the creeke, we made an anker of wood of cart wheeles, which we had in our barke, which we threw away, when wee had found our yron anker againe. Within two days after, there arose another great storme, at the Northeast, and we lay a trie, being driuen far into the sea, and had much ado to keepe our barke from sinking, the billowe was so great: but at the last, hauing faire weather, we tooke the Sunne, and knowing howe the land lay from vs we fel with the Riuer Yaik, according to our desire, wherof the Tartars were very glad, fearing that wee should haue bene driuen to the coast of Persia, whose people were vnto them great enemies.

[Sidenote: The English flag in the Caspian sea.] Note, that during the time of our Nauigation, wee set vp the redde crosse of S. George in our flagges, for honour of the Christians, which I suppose was neuer seene in the Caspian sea before. We passed in this voyage diuers fortunes: notwithstanding the 28. of May we arriued in safetie at Astracan, and there remained till the tenth of Iune following, as well to prepare vs small boates, to goe vp against the streame of Volga, with our goods, as also for the companie of the Ambassadours of Tartarie, committed vnto me, to bee brought to the presence of the Emperour of Russia.

[Sidenote: A notable description of the Caspian Sea.] This Caspian sea (to say some thing of it) is in length about two hundred leagues, and in breadth 160, without any issue to other seas: to the East part whereof, ioyneth the great desert countrey of the Tartars, called Turkemen: to the West, the countreyes of the Chyreasses, the mountaines of Caucasus, and the Mare Euxinum, which is from the said Caspian Sea a hundred leagues. To the North is the riuer Volga, and the land of Nagay, and to the South parte ioyne the countreys of Media and Persia. This sea is fresh water in many places, and in other places as salt as our great Ocean. It hath many goodly Riuers falling into it, and it auoideth not it selfe except it be vnder ground. The notable riuers that fall into it are first the great riuer of Volga, called in the Tartar tongue Edell, which springeth out of a lake in a marrish or plaine ground, not farre from the Citie of Nouogrode in Russia, and it is from the spring to the Sea, aboue two thousande English miles. It hath diuers other goodly Riuers falling into it, as out of Siberia, Yaic, and Yem: Also out of the mountaines of Caucasus, the Riuers of Cyrus and Arash, and diuers others.

As touching the trade of Shamaky in Media and Tebris, with other townes in Persia, I haue enquired, and do well vnderstand, that it is euen like to the trades of Tartaria, that is little vtterance, and small profite: and I haue bene aduertised that the chiefe trade of Persia is into Syria, and so transported into the Leuant sea. The fewe shippes vpon the Caspian Seas, the want of Mart and port Townes, the pouertie of the people, and the ice, maketh that trade naught.

At Astracan there were merchants of Shamaky, with whom I offered to barter, and to giue them kersies for their wares, but they would not, saying, they had them as good cheape in their countrey, as I offred them, which was sixe rubbles for a kersie, that I asked: and while I was at Boghar, there were brought thither out of Persia, Cloth, and diuers commodities of our countries, which were sold as good cheape, as I might sell ours.

The tenth day of Iune we departed from Astracan towards the Mosco, hauing an hundred gunners in our company at the Emperors charges, for the safe conduct at the Tartar Ambassadors and me. And the eight and twentieth day of Iuly folowing, wee arriued at the citie of Cazan, hauing bene vpon the way from Astracan thither, sixe weekes and more, without any refreshing of victuals: for in all that way there is no habitation.

[Sidenote: His arriual at Mosco the 2. of September.] The seuenth of August folowing, wee departed from Cazan, and transported our goods by water, as farre as the citie of Morum, and then by land; so that the second of September, we arriued at the citie of Mosco, and the fourth day I came before the Emperours Maiestie, kissed his hand, and presented him a white Cowes taile of Cathay, and a drumme of Tartária, which he well accepted. Also I brought before him all the Ambassadors that were committed to my charge, with all the Russe slaues: and that day I dined in his Maiesties presence, and at dinner his Grace sent me meate by a Duke, and asked me diuers questions touching the lands and countreis where I had bene. And thus I remained at the Mosco about your affaires, vntil the 17. day of February that your wares were sent downe: and then hauing a license of the Emperors Maiestie to depart, the 21. day I came to your house at Vologhda, and there remained vntil the breaking vp of the yere: and then hauing seene all your goods laden into your boates, I departed, with the same, and arriued withall in safetie at Colmogro the 9. of May 1560. And here I cease for this time, intreating you to heare with this my large discourse, which by reason of the varietie of matter, I could make no shorter, and I beseech God to prosper all your attempts.

The latitudes of certaine principall places in Russia, and other Regions.

Deg. Min.
Mosco in 55 10
Nouogrod the great 58 26
Nouogrod the lesse 56 33
Colmogro 64 10
Vologhda 59 11
Cazan 55 33
Oweke 51 40
Astracan 47 9
At the entrance into the
Caspian sea. 46 42
Manguslaue beyond the
Caspian sea. 45 04
Vrgence in Tartary 20.
dayes iourney from the
Caspian sea. 42 18
Boghar a citie in Tartary
20. dayes iourney from
Vrgcnce. 39 10

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Certaine notes gathered by Richard Iohnson (which was at Boghar with M.
Anthony Ienkinson) of the reports of Russes and other strangers, of the
wayes of Russia to Cathaya, and of diuers and strange people.

The first note giuen by one named Sarnichoke a Tartarian subiect to the
Prince of Boghar, which are also Tartars bordering vpon Kizilbash or
Persia, declaring the way from Astracan, being the furthest part of
Russia, to Cathaya as foloweth.

First from Astracan to Serachick by land, trauailing by leysure as Merchants vse with wares, is 10. dayes iourney.

From Serachick to a towne named [Marginal note: Or Vrgema.] Vrgenshe, 15. dayes.

From Vrgenshe to Boghar, 15. dayes.

From Boghar to Cascar, 30. dayes.

From Cascar to Cathaya, 30. dayes iourney.

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By the same partie a note of another way more sure to traueile, as he
reporteth.

From Astracan to Turkemen by the Caspian sea, 10. dayes, with barkes.

From Turkemen by lande specially with Camels, bearing the weight of 15. poodes for their common burthens, is 10. dayes to Vrgenshe.

From Vrgenshe to Boghar, 15. dayes.

Note. At this Citie of Boghar is the marte or meeting place betweene the Turkes and nations of those parts and the Cathayans.

Also the toll there is the 40. part to be payed of Merchandizes or goods.

From thence to Cascar is one moneths iourney, and from Cascar (being the frontier of the great Can, hauing many townes and fortes by the way) is also a moneths trauel for merchants by land to Cathay.

Further, as he hath heard (not hauing bene in those parts himselfe) ships may saile from the dominions of Cathaia vnto India. But of other waies, or how the seas lie by any coast hee knoweth not.

The instruction of another Tartarian merchant dwelling in the citie of
Boghar, as he hath learned by other his countreymen which haue bene
there.

First from Astracan by sea to Serachick is 15 dayes: affirming also that a man may trauell the other way before written by Turkemen.

From Serachick to Vrgence is 15 dayes.

From Vrgence to Boghar also 15 dayes.

Note. These last 30 daies iourney is without habitation of houses: therefore trauellers lodge in their own tents, carying with them to eate, their seuerall prouisions: and for drinesse there bee many wels of faire water at equall baiting places not farre distant dayly to be had.

From Boghar to Taskent easie travelling with goods, is 14 dayes by land.

From Taskent to Occient 7 dayes.

From Occient to Cascar 20 daies. This Cascar is the head towne or citie of another prince, lying betweene Boghar and Cathaia, called Reshit can.

From Cascar to Sowchick 30 daies iourney, which Sowchick is the first border of Kathay.

From Sowchick to Camchick 5 dayes iourney, and from Camchick to Cathay is 2 moneths iourney, all the way being inhabited, temperate, and wel replenished with innumerable fruits, and the chiefe citie in that whole land is called Cambalu, which is yet 10 dayes iourney from Cathay.

Beyond this land of Cathay, which they praise to be ciuill and vnspeakeably rich, is the countrey named in the Tartarian tongue Cara-calmack inhabited with blacke people: but in Cathay the most part thereof stretching to the sunne rising, are people white and of faire complexion. Their religion also, as the Tartars report, is christian, or after the maner of Christians, and their language peculiar, differing from the Tartarian tongue.

There are no great and furious Beares in trauelling through the waies aforesaid, but wolues white and blacke. And because that woods are not of such quantitie there, as in these parts of Russia, but in maner rather scant then plentiful, as is reported, the Beares breed not that way, but some other beasts (as namely one in Russe called Barse) are in those coasts. This Barse appeareth by a skinne of one seene here to sell, to be nere so great as a big lion, spotted very faire and therefore we here take it to be a Leopard or Tiger.

[Sidenote: Angrim] Note that 20 daies iourney from Cathay is a country named Angrim, where liueth the beast that beareth the best Muske, and the principal thereof is cut out of the knee of the male. [Sidenote: Mandeuille speaketh hereof.] The people are taunie, and for that the men are not bearded nor differ in complexion from women, they have certaine tokens of iron, that is to say: the men weare the sunne round like a bosse vpon their shoulders, and women on their priuie parts. Their feeding is raw flesh in the same land, and in another called Titay: [Marginal Note: or Kitay.] the Duke there is called Can. [Sidenote: Small people.] They worship the fire, and it is 34 dayes iourney from great Cathay, and in the way lyeth the beautifull people, eating with kniues of golde, and are called Comorom, and the land of small people is neerer the Mosko then Cathay.

* * * * *

The instructions of one of Permia, who reporteth he had bene at Cathay the
way before written, and also another way neere the sea coast, as
foloweth, which note was sent out of Russia from Giles Holmes.

[Sidenote: Pechora but sixe days iourney by land or water from Ob.] First from the prouince of Dwina is knowen the way to Pechora, and from Pechora traueiling with Olens or harts, is sixe dayes iourney by land, and in the Sommer as much by water to the riuer of Ob.

The Ob is a riuer full of flats, the mouth of it is 70. Russe miles ouer. And from thence three dayes iourney on the right hand is a place called Chorno-lese, to say in English, blacke woods, and from thence neere hand is a people called Pechey-cony, wearing their haire by his description after the Irish fashion.

From Pechey-cony to Ioult Calmachey three dayes iourney, and from thence to Chorno Callachay three dayes tending to the Southeast.

These two people are of the Tartarian faith, and tributaries to the great Can.

* * * * *

Here follow certaine countreys of the Samoeds which dwell vpon the riuer
Ob, and vpon the sea coasts beyond the same, taken outof the Russe tongue
word by word, and trauailed by a Russe born in Colmogro, whose name was
Pheodor Towtigin, who by report, was slaine in his second voyage in one
of the said countreys.

Vpon the East part beyond the countrey of Vgori, the riuer Ob is the most Westernmost part thereof. Vpon the sea coast dwell Samoeds, and their countrey is called Molgomsey, whose meate is flesh of Olens, or Harts, and Fish, and doe eate one another sometimes among themselues. And if any Marchants come vnto them, then they kill one of their children for their sakes to feast them withall. And if a Marchant chance to die with them, they burie him not, but eate him, and so doe they eate them of their owne countrey likewise. [Sidenote: Travelling on dogs and harts.] They be euill of sight, and haue small noses, but they be swift and shoote very well, and they trauaile on Harts and on dogges, and their apparell is Sables and Harts skinnes. They haue no Marchandise but Sables onely.

2 Item, on the same coast or quarter beyond those people; and by the sea side also doth dwell another kinde of Samoeds in like maner, hauing another language. One moneth in the yeere they liue in the sea, and doe not come or dwell on the dry land for that moneth.

3 Item beyond these people, on the sea coast, there is another kinde of Samoeds, their meate is flesh and fish, and their merchandise are Sables, white and blacke Foxes (which the Russes call Pselts) and Harts skinnes, and Fawnes skinnes.

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The relation of Chaggi Memet a Persian Marchant, to Baptista Ramusius, and
other notable citizens of Venice; touching the way from Tauris the chiefe
city of Persia, to Campion a citie of Cathay ouer land: in which voyage
he himselfe had passed before with the Carauans.

From Tauris to Soltania. 6 dayes iourney From Soltania to Casbin. 4 " " From Casbin to Veremi. 6 " " From Veremi to Eri. 15 " " From Eri to Boghara. 20 " " From Boghara to Samarchand. 5 " " From Samarchand to Cascar. 25 " " From Cascar to Acsu. 20 " " From Acsu to Cuchi. 20 " " From Cuchi to Chialis. 10 " " From Chialis to Turfon. 10 " " From Turfon to Camul. 13 " " From Camul to Succuir. 15 " " From Succuir to Gauta. 5 " " From Gauta to Campion. 6 " "

Which Campion is a citie of the Empire of Cathay in the prouince of Tangut, from whence the greatest quantitie of Rubarbe commeth.

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A letter of Sigismond king of Polonia, written in the 39. yeere of his
reigne to Elizabeth the Queenes most excellent Maiestie of England, &c.

Sigismundus Augustus by the grace of God king of Polonia, great Duke of Lituania, Russia, Prussia, Massouia, and Samogetia, &c. Lord and heire &c. to the most Noble Princesse Ladie Elizabeth by the same grace of God Queene of England, France and Ireland, &c. our deare sister, and kinsewoman, greeting and increase of all felicitie. Whereas your Maiestie writeth to vs that you haue receiued two of our letters, wee haue looked that you should haue answered to them both. [Sidenote: The trade to Narue forbidden by the K. of Poland.] First to the one in which we intreated more at large in forbidding the voyage to Narue, which if it had bene done, we had bene vnburdened of so often writing of one matter: and might haue answered your Maiestie much better to the purpose. Now we thus answere to your Maiestie to those matters of the which you writte to vs the 3 of October from Windsore. [Sidenote: The ancient couenants of trafficke between England and Prussia.] First, forasmuch as your Maiestie at the request of our letters hath discharged the arrest of Marchants goods, and of the names of the men of Danske our subiects, which was set vpon them by the commandement of your Maiestie: and also haue restored the olde and ancient libertie of traffique, we acknowlege great pleasure done vnto vs in the same: and also think it to bee done according to common agreement made in times past. Neither were we euer at any time of any other opinion touching your Maiestie, but that wee should obtaine right and reason at your hands. Forasmuch as we likewise shall at all times be ready to grant to your Maiestie, making any request for your subiects, so farre as shall stand with iustice, yet neither will we yeeld any thing to your Maiestie in contention of loue, beneuolence, and mutuall office, but that we iudge euery good turne of yours to be recompensed by vs to the vttermost: and that shall we prooue as occasion shall serue. [Sidenote: The olde libertie of trafficke.] Therefore we shall commaund the arrests, if any be made by our subiects (as it is vnknowen to vs) of merchants goods and English names to be discharged: and shall conserue the olde libertie of trafficke, and all other things which shall seeme to apperteine to neighbourhood betweene vs and your Maiestie: so that none of the subiects of your Maiestie hereafter presume to vse the nauigation to the Narue forbidden by vs, and full of danger not onely to our parts, but also to the open destruction of all Christians and liberall nations. [Sidenote: The meanes of increase of the power of the Muscouite.] The which as we haue written afore, so now we write againe to your Maiesty that we know and feele of a surety, the Moscouite, enemy to all liberty vnder the heauens, dayly to grow mightier by the increase of such things as he brought to the Naure, while not onely wares but also weapons heretofore vnknowen to him, and artificers and arts be brought vnto him: by meane whereof he maketh himselfe strong to vanquish all others. Which things, as long as this voyage to Narue is vsed, can not be stopped. And we perfectly know your Maiesty can not be ignorant how great the cruelty is of the said enemy, of what force he is, what tyranny he vseth on his subiects, and in what seruile sort they be under him. We seemed hitherto to vanquish him onely in this, that he was rude of arts, and ignorant of policies. If so be that this nauigation to the Naure continue, what shall be vnknowen to him? Therefore we that know best, and border vpon him, do admonish other Christian princes in time, that they do not betray their dignity, liberty and life of them and their subiects to a most barbarous and cruell enemy, as we can no lesse do by the duty of a Christian prince. For now we do foresee, except other princes take this admonition, the Moscuite puffed vp in pride with those things that he brought to the Narue, and made more perfect in warlike affaires with engines of warre and shippes, will make assault this way on Christendome, to slay or make bound all that shall withstand him: which God defend. With which our admonition diuers princes already content themselues, and abstaine from the Narue. The others that will not abstaine from the sayd voyage shalbe impeached by our nauie, and incurre the danger of losse of life, liberty, wife and children. Now therefore if the subiects of your Maiesty will forbeare this voyage to Narue, there shalbe nothing denied to them of vs. Let your Maiesty well weigh and consider the reasons and occasions of our stopping of ships going to the Narue. In which stopping, our subiects of Danske be in no fault, as we haue already written to your Maiesty, neither vse we their counsell in the same. In any other matter, if there be any fault in them against your Maiesty or your subiects, we will gladly do iustice vpon them, that your Maiesty may well vnderstand that we be careful of you and your subiects. Neither thinke we it meet to take Hamburgh, or any other place to iudge the matter: for we have our councell and iudgement seat at Rie, where your Maiesty and your subiects, or any other shal haue iustice administred vnto them, with whom we haue had ancient league and amity. And thus much we haue thought good to let your Maiesty vnderstand. Fare ye well. Dated the sixt of December the 39 of our reigne. [Footnote: A.D. 1559]

Sigismundus Augustus Rex.

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The Queenes Maiesties Letters to the Emperour of Russia, requesting
licence, and safe conduct for M. Anthony Ienkinson to passe thorow his
kingdome of Russia, into Persia, to the Great Sophie, 1561.

ELIZABETHA Dei gratia, Angliae, &c. Regina, serenissimo et potentissimo principi, D. Ioanni Basiliuich, Imperatori totius Russiæ, Magno Duci, &c. Salutem, et omnium rerum prosperarum foelicissimum incrementum. Potentissime Princeps, res est nobis ad memorandum longè gratissima, illa vestræ Maiestatis erga nos et nostros amicitia. Quæ tempore foelicissimæ memoriæ Regis Edwardi sexti, fratris nostri charissimi, Dei benignitate incepta, deinceps verò vestra non solùm singulari humanitate alta atque fota, sed incredibili etiam bonitate aucta atque cumulata, nunc autem omnibus beneuolentiæ vestræ officijs sic firmata est atque constabilita, vt iam minimè dubitemus, quin ea ad laudem Dei, ad gloriam vtriusque nostrum, ad publicam nostrorum vtrobique regnorum immensam commoditatem, ad priuatam singulorum vtrinque subditorum optatam spem, certàmque foelicitatem multis sit deinceps seculis duratura. Et quanquam hæc vestra bonitas, plenissimè sese effudit in omnes nostros subditos, qui sese in ullas imperij vestri partes vnquam receperunt, (pro qua ingentes nostras, vt par est, gratias vestræ Maiestati habemus, vestrísque vicissim in omni opportunitatis loco libentissimè feremus) tamen abundantia benignitatis vestræ, in accipiendo, támque humanitèr tractando nostrum fidelem et perdilectum famulum Antonium Ienkinson, qui has perfert literas, seorsim nobis gratissima existit. Nam præterquam quòd nullis non locis vestri Imperij et magna libertate, et summa humanitate vestræ serenitatis non permissu solùm, sed iussu etiam frueretur, vestra bonitas tamen non in hac domestica benignè feciendi ratione conquieuit, sed perlibentèr et vltrò eundum nostrum hunc perdilectum famulum, varijs exteris princibus, quoquouersus ipse iter suum instituerat, literis suis, suo magno Imperiali sigillo consignatis commendauit. Quod beneficium illi vbiuis gentium, et viam sine vllo periculo, propter publicam vestram fidem, et aduentum cum magno fauore, propter vestram commendationem, optatè quidem et foeliciter communiuit Itaque quemadmodum gemina hæc vestra beneuolentia, cum illa generalis exhibita in vestro regno negotiantibus subditis nostris vniuersis, tum ista seorsim præstita huic Antonio Ienkinson, perfideli nostro famulo, nobis in mente non solùm ad gratam perpetuamque memoriam, verùm etiam ad mutuam, vel opportunam compensationem, firmissimè defixa est: ita, petimus à vestra Maiestate vt vtramque beneuolentiæ vestræ rationem et communem nostris vniuersis, et priuatam huic nostro dilecto famulo, vtrisque deinceps dignetur tueri, atque conseruare. Neque nos quidem diffidemus, quin quem fauorem vestra Maiestas anteà sua sponte Antonio Ienkinson, tum quidem priuato ostendit, eundem nunc nostra rogatu eidem Antonio in nostrum iam famulatum cooptato benignè velit denuò declarere. Et proptereà petimus à vestra Maiestate, vt dignetur iterum concedere eidem nostro famulo literas suas commeatus, publicæ fidei, ac saluiconductus, quarum tenore, authoritate, atque præsidio, sit illi, familiaribus suis, et seruis, tutum, liberumque, cum mercibus, sarcinis, equis, et bonis suis vniuersis, inuehendis euehendísque, per vestra regna, domicilia, atque prouincias, proficisci, ire, transire, redire, abire, et istic morari, quandiu placuerit, et inde recedere quandocunque illi aut suis libitum fuerit. Et sicut non dubitamus, quin vestra Maiestas hæc omnia humanitatis grata officia, pro immensa bonitate suæ naturæ benignè et largiter huic famulo nostro sit concessura ita valdè optamus, adeóque petimus, vt vestra Maiestas eodem nostrum famulum, vnà cum omnibus suis familiaribus, ac bonis, exteris alijs principibus literis suis dignetur commendare, presertim verò atque seorsim Magno Sophi, Persarum Imperatori, in cuius etiam imperia et ditiones idem noster famulus gratia potissimè experiundi peregrina, commercia, proficisci vnà cum suis constituit.

Confidimus igitur hæc omnia nostra postulata pro famuli spe, pro nostra expectatione, pro vestra bonitate, pro nostrorum utrinque subditorum commoditate, fausta illi, grata nobis, acccpta etiam vestræ Maiestati, et nostris vtrobíque perquam vtilia euasura. Deus vestræ Maiestatis, &c. Datum in celeberrima nostra Ciuitate Londini, anno mundi 5523. Domini ac Dei nostri Iesu Christi 1561. regnorum verò nostrorum tertio.

The same in English

Elizabeth by the grace of God, Queene of England, &c. to the right excellent, and right mightie Prince, Lord Iohn Basiliwich, Emperour of all Russia, &c. greeting, and most happie increase in all prosperitie. Right mightie Prince, the amitie of your Maiestie towards vs and our subiects is very pleasant to vs to be remembred, which being begun by the goodnesse of God in the reigne of our most deare brother of happie memorie, King Edward the sixt, and afterwards, through your not onely singular humanitie, fed, and nourished, but also through your incredible goodnesse increased, and augmented, is now firmed and established, with all maner of tokens of your beneuolence, that now we doubt not, but that from hencefoorth, during many ages, the same shall endure to the praise of God, to both our glories, to the publike great commoditie of our Realmes on either part, and to the priuate desired hope; and certeine felicitie of all our subiects. And although that this your goodnesse hath bene abundantly extended to all our subiects that have at any time repaired into any part of your Empire, for the which wee giue (as reason is) your Maiestie right heartie thanks, and will againe shew the like vnto yours, right willingly, whensoeuer opportunitie shall require: yet the abundance of your benignitie both in receiuing, and also in enterteining our faithfull and beloued seruant, Anthonie Ienkinson, the bringer of these our letters, is vnto vs for him priuately very thankefull. For besides this, that in all places of your Empire, he not onely by your Maiesties sufferance, but also by your commandement, enioyed much libertie, and great friendship, your goodnesse not ceasing in this your domesticall disposition of clemencie, did right willingly, and of your owne abundant grace, commend the same our well-beloued seruant, by your letters sealed with your Imperiall seale, to sundrie forren Princes, vnto whom he was minded to iourney: which your magnificence did purchase unto him happily, according to his desire, both passage without all perill, through your notable credit, and also atchieuing of his iourney through your commendation. Therefore like as these your duplicated beneuolences, both that one generally exhibited to all our subiects frequenting that your Realme, and also this the other extended apart to this our right faithfull seruant Anthonie Ienkinson, is right assuredly fastened in our remembrance, not onely for a perpetuall and gratefull memorial, but also for a mutuall and meet compensation: so we desire of your Maiestie, to vouchsafe from hencefoorth to conserue and continue the geminate disposition of your beneuolences, both generally to all our subiects, and also priuately to this, our beloued seruant. And we doubt not, but that at our request, you will againe graciously shew vnto the same Anthony, now admitted into our seruice, the like favor as heretofore your Maiesty of your meere motion did exhibite vnto him, being then a priuate person. And therefore we desire your Maiesty eftsones to grant to the same our seruant, your letters of licence, pasport, and safe conduct, through the tenour, authority, and helpe whereof, he, his seruants, together with their merchandises, baggages, horses, and goods whatsoeuer, that shall be brought in, or carried out, by or thorow all your empire, kingdome, dominions, and provinces, may surely and freely iourney, go, passe, repasse, depart, and there tary so long as it shall please him: and from thence returne whensoeuer it shall seeme good to him or his: and as we doubt not, but that your Maiesty in the goodnesse of your nature will graciously and abundantly grant all these good offices of humanity, so we do heartily desire that your Maiesty wil likewise vouchsafe to commend the same our seruant, together with all his goods, by your letters to other forren Princes, and especially to the great Sophy, and Emperour of Persia, into whose empire and iurisdictions the same our seruant purposeth with his for to iourney, chiefly for triall of forren merchandises.

We therefore doe trust that all these our demands shall tend, and haue effect, according to the hope of our seruant, and to our expectation, for your wealth, for the commodity of both our subiects, lucky to him, thankefull to vs, acceptable to your Maiesty, and very profitable to our subiects on either part. God grant vnto your Maiesty long and happy felicity in earth, and euerlasting in heauen. Dated in our famous city of London the 25 day of the moneth of April, in the yeere of the creation of the world 5523, and of our Lord God Iesus Christ 1561, and of our reigne the third.

* * * * *

The Queenes Maiesties Letters to the great Sophy of Persia, sent by M.
Anthonie Ienkinson. 1561.

ELizabetha Dei gratia, Angliæ, Franciæ, et Hiberniæ Regina, &c. Potentissimo, et inuictissimo Principi, Magno Sophi Persarum, Medorum, Parthorum, Hircanorum, Carmanorum, Margianorum, populorum ris et vltrà Tygrim fluuium, et omnium intra Mare Caspium, et Persicum sinum nationum atque Gentium Imperatori salutem, et rerum prosperarum foelicissimum incrementum. Summi Dei benignitate factum est, vt quas gentes, non solum immensa terrarum spacia, et insuperabiles marium vastitates sed et ipsi etiam cælorum cardines longissimè disiunxerunt, ipsæ tamen literarum bono et mentis certa cogitata, et humanitatis grata officia, et intelligentiæ mutuæ multa commoda facilè inter se et opportunè possint communicare. Itaque cùm perdilectus, et fidelis noster famulus Antonius Ienkinson, qui has literas nostras perfert, cum bona venia, fauore, et gratia nostra hoc Angliæ nostræ regnum excedere, et in Persiam vsque, vestrásque alias ditiones Dei benignitate penetrare constituerit, hoc illius institutum perlaudabile quidem grato nostro fauore prosequi, et promouere studuimus: id quod eo nos libentius facimus, quoniam hoc eius propositum ex honesto studio commercij constituendi potissimum cùm vestris subditis, alijsque peregrinis hominibus, ad vestra regna confluentibus, omninò exortum sit. Propterea nobis et scribendum ad vestram Maiestatem, ab eaque petendum esse duximus, vt nostro rogatu dignetur concedere huic famulo nostro Antonio Ienkinson literas publicæ fidei et salui conductus, quarum authoritate atque præsidio, licitum, liberúmque sit illi, vnà cum suis familiaribus, seruis, sarcinis, mercibus et bonis vniuersis, per vestra regna, domicilia, ditiones, atque prouincias liberè, et sine impedimento proficisci, ire, transire, redire, abire, et istic morari, quamdiu placuerit, et inde recedere, quandocunque illi vel suis lubitum fuerit. Si hæc sancta hospitalitis iura et duleia communis humanitatis officia, inter nos, nostra regna nostrósque subditos libentèr constitui, sincerè coli, et constanter conseruari queant, speramus nos, Deum Optimum Maximum effecturum, vt ab hijs paruis initijs, grandiora rerum momenta, nobis ad magna ornamenta atque decus nostris ad summa commoda atque vsus, aliquando sint oritura: siquidem, vt non, terra, non mare, non coelum, ad nos longissimè sperandos quàm diuina ratio communis humanitatis, et mutuæ beneuolentiæ ad nos firmissimè coniungendos plus virium habuisse videatur. Deus salutem omnem, et foelicem in terris, et perpetuam in coelis, vestræ concedat Maiestati. Datum in Anglia, in celebri nostra vrbe Londino, 25 die mensis Aprilis, anno mundi 5523. Domini ac Dei nostri Iesu Christi, 1561, regnorum vero nostrorum tertio.

The same in English.

[Sidenote: This letter was also written in Hebrew and Italian.] Elizabeth by the grace of God, Queene of England, &c. To the right mightie, and right victorious Prince, the great Sophie, Emperour of the Persians, Medes, Parthians Hircans, Carmanians, Margians, of the people on this side, and beyond the river of Tygris, and of all men, and nations, betweene the Caspian sea, and the gulfe of Persia, greeting and most happie increase in all prosperitie. By the goodness of the Almightie God it is ordeined, that those people which not onely the huge distance of the lands, and the inuincible widenesse of the seas, but also the very quarters of the heavens do most farre separate, and set asunder, may neuerthelesse through good commendation by writing, both ease, and also communicate betweene them, not onely the conceiued thoughts, or deliberations, and gratefull offices of humanitie, but also many commodities of mutuall intelligence. Therefore whereas our faithfull, and right wellbeloued seruant Anthonie Ienkinson, bearer of these our letters, is determined with our licence, fauor, and grace, to passe out of this our Realme, and by Gods sufferance to trauell euen into Persia, and other your iurisdictions; we minde truely with our good favour to set forward, and aduance that his right laudable purpose: and that the more willingly, for that this his enterprise is only grounded upon an honest intent to establish trade of merchandise with your subiects, and with other strangers traffiking in your realmes. Wherfore we haue thought good, both to write to your Maiestie, and also to desire the same, to vouchsafe at our request, to grant to our sayd seruant, Anthonie Ienkinson, good passports and safe conducts, by meanes and authoritie wherof, it may be free and lawfull for him, together with his familiars, seruants, cariages, merchandise, and goods whatsoeuer, thorow your Realmes, Dominions, Iurisdictions, and Prouinces, freely, and without impeachment, to iourney, go, passe, repasse, and tarry so long as he shall please and from thence to retourne whensoeuer he or they shall thinke good. If these holy dueties of entertainment, and sweet offices of naturall humanitie may be willingly concluded, sincerely embraced, and firmly obserued between vs, and our Realmes, and subiects, then we do hope that the Almightie God will bring it to passe, that of these small beginnings, greater moments of things shall hereafter spring, both to our furniture and honours, and also to the great commodities, and vse of our peoples: so it will be knowen that neither the earth, the seas, nor the heauens, haue so much force to separate vs, as the godly disposition of naturall humanity, and mutual beneuolence haue to ioyne vs strongly together. God grant vnto your Maiestie long and happy felicity in earth, and perpetuall in heauen. Dated in England in our famous citie of London, the 25 day of the moneth of April, in the yere of the creation of the world 5523, and of our Lord and God Iesus: Christ, 1561, and of our reigne the third.

* * * * *

A remembrance giuen by vs the Gouernours, Consuls, and Assistants of the
company of Merchants trading into Russia, the eight day of May 1561, to
our trustie friend Anthonie Ienkinson, at his departure towards Russia,
and so to Persia, in this our eight iourney.

First you shall vnderstand that we haue laden in our good ship, called the Swallow, one Chest, the keyes whereof we doe heere deliuer you, and also a bill, wherein are written particularly the contents in the sayd Chest, and what euery thing did cost: and because, as you know, the sayd Chest is of charge, we desire you to haue a speciall regard vnto it, and when God shall send you vnto Mosco, our mindes and will is, that you, with the aduise of our Agents there, doe appoint some such presents for the Emperour and his sonne, either wine, cloth of golde, scarlet, or plate, as to your good discretion shall be thought meet, and when you haue deliuercd vnto him the Queenes Maiesties letters and our sayd present in the name of the Company, we thinke it good that you make your humble sute vnto his Highnesse in our name, to get his licence or safe conduct for you and all other our seruants or Agents at all times hereafter with such wares and merchandise as you at this time, or they hereafter at all other times shall thinke good to passe out of his dominions towards Tartaria, Persia, or other places, and also to retourne vnto Mosco with such wares and merchandises as you shall bring or send from any land or countrey that is not in his dominions, and if it be thought good by you and our Agents there to make composition with the emperor or his officers for some certeine custome or tole vpon such goods as we shall passe that way, to the intent we might be the better fauored, we refer it to your discretion, foreseeing that the opening of this matter be not preiudiciall vnto our former priuileges.

And for the sale of our cloth of gold, plate, pearles, saphyres, and other iewels, we put our trust and confidence in you principally to sell them for ready money, time to good debtors, or in barter for good wares, so that you make our other Agents priuy how and for what price you sell any of the premisses, and also deliver such sums of money, billes or wares, as you shall receiue, vnto our said Agents: thinking good further, that if you perceiue that the plate or other iewels, or any part thereof will not be sold for profit before your departure from the Mosco, that then you cause them to be safe-packed, and set order they may be sent hither againe in our shippes the next yere; except you perceiue that there may be some profit in carrying some part of them into Persia, which we would not to be of any great value.

We have also laden in the sayd Swallow and the other two ships 80 fardles, conteining 400 kersies, as by youre inuoice doth appeare, which fardles be packed, and appointed to be caried into Persia: neuerthelesse, if you chance to finde good sales for them in the Mosco, we thinke it were good to sell part of them there, and to cary the lesse quantity with you, because we be vncertaine what vent or sale you shall find in Persia or other places where you shall come.

If you obtaine the Emperours licence to passe out of his dominions, and to returne, as aforesaid, and that you perceiue you may safely do the same, our minde is, that at such time as you thinke best and most conuenient for that purpose, you do apppoint so many, and such of our hired seruants or apprentices as you thinke necessary and meet for our affaires, and may best be spared, to go with you in your said voyage, whereof we would one to be such as you might make priuy of all your doings for diuers considerations and causes that may happen: which seruants and apprentises, we will and command, by this our remembrance, to be obedient vnto you as vnto vs, not onely to goe with you and to doe such things as you command them in your presence, but also to goe vnto such countreys or places as you shall appoint them vnto, either with wares or without wares and there to remaine and continue so long as you shall thinke good, and if they or any of them will refuse to do such things as you do appoint them, as aforesaid, or that any of them (be he hired seruant or apprentise) do misuse himselfe by any maner of disobedience or disorder, and will not by gentle and faire meanes be reformed, we will that you send him backe to the Mosco, with straight order that he may be sent from thence hither, aad let vs haue knowledge of his euill behauior, to the intent that if he be a hired seruant we may pay him his wages according to his seruice, and if he be an apprentise we may vse him according to his deserts.

We will also that you take with you such kersies, scarlet, and other clothes, or any other such wares of ours, as you shall thinke good, and so in the name of God to take your iourney towards Persia, either by the way of Astracan and Mare Caspium, or otherwise as you shall see cause: and when God sendeth you into Persia, our minde is, that you repaire vnto the great Sophy with the Queenes Maiesties letters, if he be not too farre from the Caspian sea for you to trauell, and that you make him such a present as you shall thinke meet, and if you passe by any other kings, princes, or gouernors, before or after you come to the presence of the Sophy, likewise to make them some present, as you see cause, according to their estate and dignitie, and withall to procure letters of priuilege or safeconduct of the sayd Sophy or other princes in as large and ample maner as you can, for the sure establishing of further trade in merchandise by vs heereafter to be made, frequented and continued in those parts, not onely that we may freely sell in all places within his dominions such wares as we cary thither, but also buy and bring away any maner of wares or merchandise whatsoeuer it be, that is for our purpose and commoditie within his dominions, with free passage also for vs at all times, to passe as often as we will with our goods and merchandise into any part of India or other countreys thereunto adioyning, and in like maner to returne thorow his dominions into Russia or elswhere.

And for the sale of our kersies or other wares that you shall haue with you, as our trust is that you will doe for our most profit and commoditie: euen so we referre all vnto your good discretion, as well in the sale of our sayd goods, as to make our returne in such things as you shall finde there, and thinke best for our profit. [Sidenote: The passage of Noua Zembla.] But if passage cannot be had into Persia by Astracan, or otherwise, the next Summer, which shalbe in the yere 1562, then our minde is, that you procure to sell our kersies, and other such wares as are appointed for Persia, in the Mosco, or other the Emperours dominions, if you may sell them for any reasonable price, and then to employ your selfe with such other of your seruants, as you shall thinke meet for the search of the passage by Noua Zembla, or els you to returne for England as you thinke good. Prouided alwayes, that if you do perceiue or vnderstand, that passage is like to be had into Persia the Summer folowing, which shalbe in the yeere 1563, and that you can not sell our kersies in the Emperours dominions, as aforesayd, at a reasonable price: then we will rather they may be kept till the said Summer in the yeere 1563, and then you to proceed forwards vpon your iourney towards Persia as aforesayd. If passage into Persia cannot be obteined the next yeere, neither good hope of passage in the yeere 1563, neither yet in the meane time good sale of our kersies in the Emperours dominions then we thinke good for you to see if you can practise to carry your said wares by safe conduct thorow Polonia or any other wayes vnto Constantinople, or els where you thinke beter sale may he had, then in Russia.