Chapter III: The Gallic Provinces (2)

Of far greater significance is the attitude of the Roman government to the religion of the country; in this beyond doubt the Gallic nationality found its most solid support. Even in the south province the worship of non-Roman deities must have held its ground long, much longer than, for example, in Andalusia. The great commercial town of Arelate, indeed, has no other dedications to show than to gods worshipped also in Italy; but in Fréjus, Aix, Nîmes, and the whole coast region generally, the old Celtic divinities were in the imperial epoch not much less worshipped than in the interior of Gaul. In the Iberian part of Aquitania also we meet numerous traces of the indigenous worship altogether different from the Celtic. All the images of gods, however, that have come to light in the south of Gaul bear a stamp deviating less from the usual type than the monuments of the north; and, above all, it was easier to manage matters with the national gods than with the national priesthood, which meets us only in imperial Gaul and in the British Islands,--the Druids (iv. 236) {iv. 225.}. It would be vain labour to seek to give any conception of the internal character of the Druidic doctrine, strangely composed of speculation and imagination; only some examples may be allowed to illustrate its singular and fearful nature. The power of speech was symbolically represented in a bald-headed, wrinkled, sunburnt old man, who carries club and bow, and from whose perforated tongue fine golden chains run to the ears of the man that follows him--betokening the flying arrows and the crushing blows of the old man mighty in speech, to whom the hearts of the multitude willingly listen. This was the Ogmius of the Celts; to the Greeks he appeared as a Charon dressed up as Herakles. An altar found in Paris shows us three images of the gods with annexed inscription; in the middle Jovis, on his left Vulcan, on his right Esus "the horrid with his cruel altars," as a Roman poet terms him, and yet a god of commerce and of peaceful dealing;[55] he is girded for labour like Vulcan, and, as the latter carries hammer and tongs, so he hews a willow tree with the axe. A frequently recurring deity, probably named Cernunnos, is represented cowering with crossed legs; on its head it bears a stag's antlers, on which hangs a neck chain, and holds in its lap a money-bag; before it stand cattle and goats--apparently, as if it were meant to express the ground as the source of riches. The enormous difference of this Celtic Olympus--void of all chasteness and beauty and delighting in quaint and fantastic mingling of things very earthly--from the simply human forms of the Greek, and the simply human conceptions of the Roman, religion enables us to guess the barrier which stood between these conquered and their conquerors. With this were connected, moreover, very serious practical consequences; a comprehensive traffic in secret remedies and charms, in which the priests played at the same time the part of physicians, and in which, alongside of the conjuring and the blessing, human sacrifices occurred, and healing of the sick by the flesh of those thus slain. That direct opposition to the foreign rule prevailed in the Druidism of this period cannot at least be proved; but, even if this were not the case, it is easy to conceive that the Roman government, which elsewhere let alone all local peculiarities of worship with indifferent toleration, contemplated this Druidical system, not merely in its extravagances but as a whole, with apprehension. The institution of the Gallic annual festival in the purely Roman capital of the country, and with the exclusion of any link attaching it to the national cultus, was evidently a counter-move of the government against the old religion of the country, with its yearly council of priests at Chartres, the centre of the Gallic land. Augustus, however, took no further direct step against Druidism than that of prohibiting any Roman citizen from taking part in the Gallic national cultus. Tiberius in his more energetic way acted with decision, and prohibited altogether this priesthood with its retinue of teachers and healing practitioners; but it does not quite speak for the practical success of this enactment that the same prohibition was issued afresh under Claudius: it is narrated of the latter that he caused a Gaul of rank to be beheaded, simply because he was convicted of having brought into application the charms customary in his own country for a good result in proceedings before the emperor. That the occupation of Britain, which had been from of old the chief seat of these priestly actings, was in good part resolved on in order thereby to get at the root of the evil, will be fully set forth in the sequel (p. 185). In spite of all this the priesthood still played an important part in the revolt which the Gauls attempted after the downfall of the Claudian dynasty; the burning of the Capitol--so the Druids preached--announced the revolution in affairs, and the beginning of the dominion of the north over the south. But, although this oracle came subsequently to be fulfilled, it was not so through this nation and in favour of its priests. The peculiarities of the Gallic worship doubtless still exerted their effect even later; when in the third century a distinctive Gallo-Roman empire came into existence for some time, Hercules played the first part on its coins partly in his Graeco-Roman form, partly as Gallic Deusoniensis or Magusanus. But of the Druids there is no further mention, except only so far as the sage women in Gaul down to the time of Diocletian passed under the name of Druidesses and uttered oracles, and the ancient noble houses still for long boasted of Druidic progenitors on their ancestral roll. The religion of the country fell into the background still more rapidly perhaps than the native language, and Christianity, as it pushed its way, hardly encountered in the former any serious resistance.

[Sidenote: Economic condition.]

Southern Gaul, withdrawn more than any other province by its position from hostile assault, and, like Italy and Andalusia, a land of the olive and the fig, rose under the imperial government to great prosperity and rich urban development. The amphitheatre and the sarcophagus-field of Arles, the "mother of all Gaul," the theatre of Orange, the temples and bridges still standing erect to this day in and near Nîmes, are vivid witnesses of this down to the present time. Even in the northern provinces the old prosperity of the country was enhanced by the lasting peace, which, certainly with lasting pressure of taxation, accrued to the land by means of the foreign rule. "In Gaul," says a writer of the time of Vespasian, "the sources of wealth are at home, and flood the earth with their abundance."[56] Perhaps nowhere do equally numerous and equally magnificent country-houses make their appearance,--especially in the east of Gaul, on the Rhine and its affluents; we discern clearly the rich Gallic nobility. Famous is the testament of a man of rank among the Lingones, who directs that there should be erected for him a memorial tomb and a statue of Italian marble or best bronze, and that, among other things, his whole implements for hunting and fowling be burned along with him. This reminds us of the elsewhere mentioned hunting-parks enclosed for miles in the Celtic country, and of the prominent part which the Celtic hounds for the chase and Celtic huntsmanship play in the Xenophon of Hadrian's time, who does not fail to add that the hunting system of the Celts could not have been known to Xenophon the son of Gryllos. To this connection belongs likewise the remarkable fact that in the Roman army of the imperial period the cavalry was, properly speaking, Celtic, not merely inasmuch as it was pre-eminently recruited from Gaul, but also because the manœuvres, and even the technical expressions, were in good part derived from the Celts; we see here how, after the disappearance of the old burgess-cavalry under the republic, the cavalry became reorganised by Caesar and Augustus with Gallic men and in Gallic fashion. The basis of this notable prosperity was agriculture, towards the elevation of which Augustus himself worked with energy, and which yielded rich produce in all Gaul, apart perhaps from the steppe-region on the Aquitanian coast. The rearing of cattle was also lucrative, especially in the north, particularly the rearing of swine and sheep, which soon acquired importance for manufactures and for export; the Menapian hams (from Flanders) and the Atrebatian and Nervian cloth-mantles (near Arras and Tournay) went forth in later times to the whole empire.

[Sidenote: Culture of the vine.]

Of special interest was the development of the culture of the vine. Neither the climate nor the government was favourable to it. The "Gallic winter" remained long proverbial among the inhabitants of the southern lands; as, indeed, it was on this side that the Roman empire extended farthest towards the north. But narrower limits were drawn for the Gallic cultivation of the vine by Italian commercial competition. Certainly the god Dionysos accomplished his conquest of the world on the whole slowly, and only step by step did the drink prepared from grain give way to the juice of the vine; but it was a result of the prohibitive system that in Gaul beer maintained itself at least in the north as the usual spirituous drink throughout the whole period of the empire; and even the emperor Julian, on his abode in Gaul, came into conflict with this pseudo-Bacchus.[57] The imperial government did not indeed go so far as the republic, which placed under police prohibition the culture of the vine and olive on the south coast of Gaul (iii. 175; ii. 398) {iii. 177; ii. 375.}; but the Italians of their time were withal the true sons of their fathers. The flourishing condition of the two great emporia on the Rhine, Arles and Lyons, depended in no small degree on the market for Italian wine in Gaul; by which fact we may measure what importance the culture of the vine must at that time have had for Italy. If one of the most careful administrators who held the imperial office, Domitian, issued orders that in all the provinces at least the half of the vines should be destroyed[58]--which, it is true, were not so carried out--we may thence infer that the diffusion of the vine-culture was at all events subjected to serious restriction on the part of the government. In the Augustan age it was still unknown in the northern part of the Narbonese province (iv. 227, note) {iv. 217.}, and, though here too it was soon taken up, it yet appears to have remained through centuries restricted to the Narbonensis and southern Aquitania; of Gallic wines the better age knows only the Allobrogian and the Biturigian, according to our way of speaking, the Burgundian and the Bordeaux.[59] It was only when the reins of the empire fell from the hands of the Italians, in the course of the third century, that this was changed, and the emperor Probus (276-282) at length threw the culture of the vine open to the provincials. Probably it was only in consequence of this that the vine gained a firm footing on the Seine as on the Moselle. "I have," writes the emperor Julian, "spent a winter" (it was the winter of 357-358) "in dear Lutetia, for so the Gauls term the little town of the Parisii, a small island lying in the river and walled all round. The water is there excellent and pure to look at and to drink; the inhabitants have a pretty mild winter, and good wine is grown among them; in fact, some even rear figs, covering them up in winter with wheaten straw as with a cloth." And not much later the poet of Bordeaux, in his pleasing description of the Moselle, depicts the vineyards as bordering that river on both banks, "just as my own vines wreathe for me the yellow Garonne."

[Sidenote: Network of highways.]

The internal intercourse, as well as that with the neighbouring lands, especially with Italy, must have been very active, and the network of roads must have been much developed and fostered. The great imperial highway from Rome to the mouth of the Baetis, which has been mentioned, under Spain (p. 74), was the main artery for the land traffic of the south province; the whole stretch, kept in repair in republican times from the Alps to the Rhone by the Massaliots, from thence to the Pyrenees by the Romans, was laid anew by Augustus. In the north the imperial highways led mainly to the Gallic capital or to the great camps on the Rhine; yet sufficient provision seems to have been made for other requisite communication.

[Sidenote: Hellenism in south Gaul.]

If the southern province in the olden time belonged intellectually to the Hellenic type, the decline of Massilia and the mighty progress of Romanism in southern Gaul produced, no doubt, an alteration in that respect; nevertheless this portion of Gaul remained always, like Campania, a seat of Hellenism. The fact that Nemausus, one of the towns sharing the heritage of Massilia, shows on its coins of the Augustan period Alexandrian numbering of the years and the arms of Egypt, has been not without probability referred to the settlement by Augustus himself of veterans from Alexandria in this city, which presented no attitude of opposition to Hellenism. It may, doubtless, also be brought into connection with the influence of Massilia, that to this province, at least as regards descent, belonged that historian, who--apparently in intentional contrast to the national-Roman type of history, and occasionally with sharp sallies against its most noted representatives, Sallust and Livy--upheld the Hellenic type, the Vocontian Pompeius Trogus, author of a history of the world beginning with Alexander and the kingdoms of the Diadochi, in which Roman affairs are set forth only within this framework, or by way of appendix. Beyond doubt in this he was only retaliating, which was strictly within the province of the literary opposition of Hellenism; still it remains remarkable that this tendency should find its Latin representative, and an adroit and fluent one, here in the Augustan age. From a later period Favorinus deserves mention, of an esteemed burgess-family in Arles, one of the chief pillars of polymathy in Hadrian's time; a philosopher with an Aristotelian and sceptical tendency, at the same time a philologue and rhetorician, the scholar of Dion of Prusa, the friend of Plutarch and of Herodes Atticus, assailed polemically in the field of science by Galen and in light literature by Lucian, sustaining lively relations generally with the noted men of letters of the second century, and not less with the emperor Hadrian. His manifold investigations, among other matters, concerning the names of the companions of Odysseus that were devoured by Scylla, and as to the name of the first man who was at the same time a man of letters, make him appear as the genuine representative of the erudite dealing in trifles that was then in vogue; and his discourses for a cultivated public on Thersites and the ague, as well as his conversations in part recorded for us "on all things and some others," give not an agreeable, but a characteristic, picture of the literary pursuits of the time. Here we have to call attention to what he himself reckoned among the remarkable points of his career in life, that he was by birth a Gaul and at the same time a Greek author. Although the _literati_ of the West frequently gave, as occasion offered, specimens of their Greek, but few of them made use of this as the proper language of their authorship; in this case its use would be influenced in part by the scholar's place of birth.

[Sidenote: Latin literature in the south province.]

South Gaul, moreover, had so far a share in the Augustan bloom of literature, that some of the most notable forensic orators of the later Augustan age, Votienus Montanus († 27 A.D.), from Narbo--named the Ovid of orators--and Gnaeus Domitius Afer (consul in 39 A.D.) from Nemausus, belonged to this province. Generally, as was natural, Roman literature extended its circulation also over this region; the poets of Domitian's time sent their free copies to friends in Tolosa and Vienna. Pliny, under Trajan, is glad that his minor writings find even in Lugudunum not merely favourable readers, but booksellers who push their sale. But we cannot produce evidence for the south of any such special influence, as Baetica exercised in the earlier, and northern Gaul in the later, imperial period, on the intellectual and literary development of Rome. The fair land yielded richly wine and fruits; but the empire drew from it neither soldiers nor thinkers.

[Sidenote: Literature in imperial Gaul.]

Gaul proper was in the domain of science the promised land of teaching and learning; this presumably was due to the peculiar development and to the powerful influence of the national priesthood. Druidism was by no means a naive popular faith, but a highly developed and pretentious theology, which in the good church-fashion strove to enlighten, or at any rate control, all spheres of human thought and action, physics and metaphysics, law and medicine; which demanded of its scholars unwearied study, it was said, for twenty years, and sought and found these its scholars pre-eminently in the ranks of the nobility. The suppression of the Druids by Tiberius and his successors must have affected in the first instance these schools of the priests, and have led to their being at least publicly abolished; but this could only be done effectively when the national training of youth was brought face to face with the Romano-Greek culture, just as the Carnutic council of Druids was confronted with the temple of Roma in Lyons. How early this took place in Gaul, without question under the guiding influence of the government, is shown by the remarkable fact that in the formerly mentioned revolt under Tiberius the insurgents attempted above all to possess themselves of the town of Augustodunum (Autun), in order to get into their power the youths of rank studying there, and thereby to gain or to terrify the great families. In the first instance these Gallic Lycea may well have been, in spite of their by no means national course of training, a leaven of distinctively Gallic nationality; it was hardly an accident that the most important of them at that time had its seat, not in the Roman Lyons, but in the capital of the Haedui, the chief among the Gallic cantons. But the Romano-Hellenic culture, though perhaps forced on the nation and received at first with opposition, penetrated, as gradually the antagonism wore off, so deeply into the Celtic character, that in time the scholars applied themselves to it more zealously than the teachers. The training of a gentleman, somewhat after the manner in which it at present exists in England, based on the study of Latin and in the second place of Greek, and vividly reminding us in the development of the school-speech, with its finely cut points and brilliant phrases, of more recent literary phenomena springing from the same soil, became gradually in the West a sort of chartered right of the Gallo-Romans. The teachers there were probably at all times better paid than in Italy, and above all were better treated. Quintilian already mentions with respect among the prominent forensic orators several Gauls; and not without design Tacitus, in his fine dialogue on oratory, makes the Gallic advocate, Marcus Aper, the defender of modern eloquence against the worshippers of Cicero and Caesar. The first place among the universities of Gaul was subsequently taken by Burdigala, and indeed generally Aquitania was, as respects culture, far in advance of middle and northern Gaul; in a dialogue written there at the beginning of the fifth century one of the speakers, a clergyman from Châlon-sur-Saône, hardly ventures to open his mouth before the cultivated Aquitanian circle. This was the sphere of working of the formerly-mentioned professor Ausonius, who was called by the emperor Valentinian to be teacher of his son Gratian (born in 359), and who has in his miscellaneous poems raised a monument to a large number of his colleagues; and, when his contemporary Symmachus, the most famous orator of this epoch, sought a private tutor for his son, he had one brought from Gaul in recollection of his old teacher who had his home on the Garonne. By its side Augustodunum remained always one of the great centres of Gallic studies; we have still the speeches which were made before the emperor Constantine, asking, and giving thanks for, the re-establishment of this school of instruction.

The representation in literature of this zealous scholastic activity is of a subordinate kind, and of slight value--declamations, which were stimulated especially by the later conversion of Treves into an imperial residence and the frequent sojourn of the court in the Gallic land, and occasional poems of a multifarious character. The making of verses was, like the supply of speeches, a necessary function of the teaching office, and the public teacher of literature was at the same time a poet not exactly born, but bespoken. At least the depreciation of poetry, which is characteristic of the otherwise similar Hellenic literature of the same epoch, did not prevail among these Occidentals. In their verses the reminiscence of the school and the artifice of the pedant predominate,[60] and pictures of vivid and real feeling, as in the Moselle-trip of Ausonius, but rarely occur. The speeches, which we are indeed in a position to judge of only by some late addresses delivered at the imperial palace, are models in the art of saying little in many words, and of expressing absolute loyalty with an equally absolute lack of thought. When a wealthy mother sent her son, after he had acquired the copiousness and ornateness of Gallic speech, onward to Italy to acquire also the Roman dignity,[61] this was certainly more difficult of acquisition for these Gallic rhetoricians than the pomp of words. For the early Middle age such performances as these exercised decisive influence; through them in the first Christian period Gaul became the seat proper of pious verses and withal the last refuge of scholastic literature, while the great mental movement within Christianity did not find its chief representatives there.

[Sidenote: Constructive and plastic art.]

In the sphere of the constructive and plastic arts the climate itself called forth various phenomena unknown, or known only in their germs, to the south proper. Thus the heating of the air, which in Italy was usual only for baths, and the use of glass windows, which was likewise far from common there, were comprehensively brought into application in Gallic architecture. But we may perhaps speak of a development of art peculiar to this region, in so far as figures and, in progress of time, representations of scenes of daily life emerge in the Celtic territory with relatively greater frequency than in Italy, and replace the used-up mythological representations by others more pleasing. It is certainly almost in the sepulchral monuments alone that we are able to recognise this tendency to the real and the _genre_, but it doubtless prevailed in the practice of art generally. The arch of Arausio (Orange), from the early imperial period, with its Gallic weapons and standards; the bronze statue of the Berlin museum found at Vetera, representing apparently the god of the place with ears of barley in his hair; the Hildesheim silver-plate, probably proceeding in part from Gallic workshops, show a certain freedom in the adoption and transformation of Italian suggestions. The tomb of the Julii at St. Remy, near Avignon, a work of the Augustan age, is a remarkable evidence of the lively and spirited reception of Hellenic art in southern Gaul, as well in its bold architectural structure of two square storeys crowned by a peristyle with conic dome, as also in its reliefs which, in style most nearly akin to the Pergamene, present battle and hunting scenes with numerous figures, taken apparently from the life of the persons honoured, in picturesque animated execution. It is remarkable that the acme of this development is reached--by the side of the southern province--in the district of the Moselle and the Maas. This region, not placed so completely under Roman influence as Lyons and the headquarter-towns on the Rhine, and more wealthy and civilised than the districts on the Loire and the Seine, seems to have in some measure produced of itself this exercise of art. The tomb of a man of rank in Treves, well known under the name of the Igel Column, gives a clear idea of the tower-like monuments, crowned with pointed roof and covered on all sides with representations of the life of the deceased, that are here at home. Frequently we see on them the landlord, to whom his peasants present sheep, fish, fowls, eggs. A tombstone from Arlon, near Luxemburg, shows, besides the portraits of the two spouses, on the one side a cart and a woman with a fruit-basket, on the other a sale of apples above two men squatting on the ground. Another tombstone from Neumagen, near Treves, has the form of a ship; in this sit six mariners plying the oars; the cargo consists of large casks, alongside of which the merry-looking steersman seems--one might imagine--to be rejoicing over the wine which they contain. We may perhaps bring them into connection with the serene picture which the poet of Bordeaux has preserved to us of the Moselle valley, with its magnificent castles, its many vineyards, and its stirring doings of fishermen and of sailors, and find in it the proof that in this fair land, more than fifteen hundred years ago, there was already the pulsation of peaceful activity, serene enjoyment, and warm life.

Footnotes.

[38: The domain of Iberian coins reaches decidedly beyond the Pyrenees, though the interpretation of individual coin-legends, which are among others referred to Perpignan and Narbonne, is not certain. As all these coinings took place under Roman authorisation, this suggests the question whether this portion of the subsequent Narbonensis was not at an earlier date--namely before the founding of Narbo (636 U.C.) {118.}--under the governor of Hither Spain. There are no Aquitanian coins with Iberian legends any more than from north-western Spain, probably because the Roman supremacy, under whose protection this coinage grew up, did not, so long as the latter lasted, _i.e._ perhaps up to the Numantine war, embrace those regions.]

[39: This is shown by the remarkable inscription of Avignon (Herzog. _Gall. Narb._ n. 403): _T. Carisius T. f. pr[aetor] Volcar[um] dat_--the oldest evidence for the Roman organisation of the commonwealth in these regions.]

[40: Noviodunum (Nyon on the lake of Geneva) alone perhaps in the three Gauls may be compared, as regards plan, with Lugudunum (iv. 254) {iv. 242.}; but, as this community emerges later as civitas Equestrium (_Inscrip. Helvet._ 115), it seems to have been inserted among the cantons, which was not the case with Lugudunum.]

[41: The persons earlier driven forth from Vienna by the Allobroges (οἱ ἐκ Οὐιέννης τῆς Ναρβωνησίας ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀλλοβρίγων ποτὲ ἐκπεσόντες), in Dio, xlvi. 50, cannot well have been other than Roman citizens, for the foundation of a burgess-colony for their benefit is intelligible only on this supposition. The "earlier" expulsion probably stood connected with the rising of the Allobroges under Catugnatus in 693 {61.} (iv. 223) {iv. 213.}. The explanation why the dispossessed were not brought back, but were settled elsewhere, is not forthcoming; but various reasons prompting such a course may be conceived, and the fact itself is not thereby called in question. The revenues accruing to the city (Tacitus, _Hist._ i. 65) may have been conferred upon it possibly at the expense of Vienna.]

[42: The ground belonged formerly to the Segusiavi (Plin. _H. N._ iv. 15, 107; Strabo, p. 186, 192), one of the small client-cantons of the Haedui (Caesar, _B. G._ vii. 75); but in the cantonal division it counts not as one of these, but stands for itself as μητρόπολις (Ptolem. ii. 8, 11, 12).]

[43: This was the 1200 soldiers with whom, as Agrippa the king of the Jews says in Josephus (_Bell. Jud._ ii. 16, 4), the Romans held in subjection the whole of Gaul.]

[44: Nothing is so significant of the position of Treves at this time as the ordinance of the emperor Gratianus of the year 376 (_Cod. Theod._ xiii. 3, 11), that there should be given to the professors of rhetoric and of the grammar of both languages in all the capitals of the then subsisting seventeen Gallic provinces, over and above their municipal salary, a like addition from the state chest: but for Treves this was to be on a higher scale.]

[45: In Caesar there appear doubtless, taken on the whole, the same cantons as are thereafter represented in the Augustan arrangement, but at the same time manifold traces of smaller client-unions (comp. iv. 237) {iv. 226.}; thus as "clients" of the Haedui are named the Segusiavi, the Ambivareti, the Aulerci Brannovices, and the Brannovii (_B. G._ vii. 75), as clients of the Treveri the Condrusi (_B. G._ iv. 6), as clients of the Helvetii the Tulingi and Latobriges. With the exception of the Segusiavi, all these are absent from the Lyons diet. Such minor cantons not wholly merged into the leading places may have subsisted in great number in Gaul at the time of the conquest. If, according to Josephus (_Bell. Jud._ ii. 16, 4), three hundred and five Gallic cantons and twelve hundred towns obeyed the Romans; these may be the figures that were reckoned up for Caesar's successes in arms; if the small Iberian tribes in Aquitania and the client-cantons in the Celtic land were included in the reckoning, such numbers might well be the result.]

[46: This is indicated not only by the inscription in Boissieu, p. 609, where the words _tot[i]us cens[us Galliarum]_ are brought into connection with the name of one of the altar-priests, but also by the honorary inscription erected by the three Gauls to an imperial official _a censibus accipiendis_ (Henzen, 6944). He appears to have conducted the revision of the land-register for the whole country, just as formerly Drusus did, while the valuation itself took place by commissaries for the individual districts. A _sacerdos Romae et Augusti_ of the Tarraconensis is praised _ob curam tabulari censualis fideliter administratam_ (_C. I. L._ ii. 4248); thus doubtless the diets of all provinces were invested with the apportionment of the taxes. The imperial finance-administration of the three Gauls was at least, as a rule, so divided that the two western provinces (Aquitania and Lugudunensis) were placed under one procurator, Belgica and the two Germanies under another; yet there were probably not legally fixed powers for this purpose. A regular taking part in the levy may not be inferred from the discussion held by Hadrian--evidently as an extraordinary step--with representatives of all the Spanish districts (_vita_, 12).]

[47: For the _arca Galliarum_, the freedman of the three Gauls (Henzen, 6393), the _adlector arcae Galliarum_, _inquisitor Galliarum_, _iudex arcae Galliarum_, no other province, so far as I know, furnishes analogies; and of these institutions, had they been general, the inscriptions elsewhere would certainly have preserved traces. These arrangements appear to point to a self-administering and self-taxing body (the _adlector_, the meaning of which term is not clear, occurs as an official in _collegia_, _C. I. L._ vi. 355; Orelli, 2406); probably this chest defrayed the doubtless not inconsiderable expenditure for the temple-buildings and for the annual festival. The _arca Galliarum_ was not a state-chest.]

[48: As the total number of the communities recorded on the altar at Lyons, Strabo (iv. 3, 2, p. 192) specifies sixty, and as the number of the Aquitanian communities in the Celtic portion north of the Garonne fourteen (iv. 1, 1, p. 177). Tacitus (_Ann._ iii. 44) names as the total number of the Gallic cantons sixty-four, and so does, although in an incorrect connection, the scholiast on the _Aeneid_, i. 286. A like total number is pointed to by the list given in Ptolemy from the second century, which adduces for Aquitania seventeen, for the Lugudunensis twenty-five, for the Belgica twenty-two cantons. Of his Aquitanian cantons thirteen fall to the region between the Loire and Garonne, four to that between the Garonne and the Pyrenees. In the later one from the fifth century, which is well known under the name of _Notitia Galliarum_, twenty-six fall to Aquitania, twenty-four to the Lugudunensis (exclusive of Lyons), twenty-seven to Belgica. All these numbers are presumably correct, each for its time. Between the erection of the altar in 742 {12.} and the time of Tacitus (for to this his statement is doubtless to be referred), four cantons may have been added, just as the shifting of the numbers from the second to the fifth century may be referred to individual changes still in good part demonstrable.

Considering the importance of these arrangements, it will not be superfluous to exhibit them in detail, at least for the two western provinces. In the purely Celtic middle province the three lists given by Pliny (first century), Ptolemy (second century), and the _Notitia_ (fifth century), agree in twenty-one names: _Abrincates_--_Andecavi_ --_Aulerci Cenomani_--_Aulerci Diablintes_--_Aulerci Eburovici_ --_Baiocasses_ (_Bodiocasses_ Plin., _Vadicasii_ Ptol.--_Carnutes_ --_Coriosolites_ (beyond doubt the _Samnitae_ of Ptolemy)--_Haedui_ --_Lexovii_--_Meldae_--_Namnetes_--_Osismii_--_Parisii_-- _Redones_--_Senones_--_Tricassini_--_Turones_--_Veliocasses_ (_Rotomagenses_)--_Veneti_--_Unelli_ (_Constantia_); in three more: _Caletae_--_Segusiavi_--_Viducasses_, Pliny and Ptolemy agree, while they are wanting in the _Notitia_, because in the meanwhile the _Caletae_ were put together with the Veliocasses or the Rotomagenses, the Viducasses with the Baiocasses, and the Segusiavi were merged in Lyons. On the other hand, instead of the three that have disappeared, there appear two new ones that have arisen by division: _Aureliani_ (Orleans), a branch from the _Carnutes_ (Chartres), and _Autessiodurum_ (Auxerre), a branch from the _Senones_ (Sens). There are left in Pliny two names, _Boi_--_Atesui_; in Ptolemy one, _Arvii_; in the _Notitia_ one, _Saii_. For Celtic Aquitania the three lists agree in eleven names: _Arverni_--_Bituriges Cubi_--_Bituriges Vivisci_ (_Burdigalenses_)--_Cadurci_--_Gabales_--_Lemovici_--_Nitiobriges_ (_Aginnenses_)--_Petrucorii_--_Pictones_--_Ruteni_--_Santones_; the second and third agree in the 12th of _Vellauni_, which must have dropped out in Pliny; Pliny alone has (apart from the problematic _Aquitani_) two names more, _Ambilatri_ and _Anagnutes_; Ptolemy one otherwise unknown, _Datii_; perhaps Strabo's number of fourteen is to be made up by two of these. The _Notitia_ has, besides these eleven, other two, based on splitting up the _Albigenses_ (Albi on the Tarn), and the _Ecolismenses_ (Angoulême). The lists of the eastern cantons stand related in a similar way. Although subordinate differences emerge, which cannot be here discussed, the character and the continuity of the Gallic cantonal division are clearly apparent.]

[49: The four represented tribes were the Tarbelli, Vasates, Auscii, and Convenae. Besides these Pliny enumerates in southern Aquitania no less than twenty-five tribes--most of them otherwise unknown--as standing on a legal equality with those four.]

[50: Pliny and, presumably here too following older sources of information, Ptolemy know nothing of this division; but we still possess the uncouth verses of the Gascon farmer (Borghesi, _Opp._ viii. 544), who effected this change in Rome, beyond doubt in company with a number of his countrymen, although he has preferred not to add that it was so:--

_Flamen, item dumvir, quaestor pagiq[ue] magister
Verus ad Augustum legato_ (sic) _munere functus
pro novem optinuit populis seiungere Gallos:
urbe redux Genio pagi hanc dedicat aram._

The oldest trace of the administrative separation of Iberian Aquitania from the Gallic is the naming of the "district of Lactora" (Lectoure) alongside of Aquitania in an inscription from Trajan's time (_C. I. L._ v. 875: _procurator provinciarum Luguduniensis et Aquitanicae, item Lactorae_). This inscription certainly of itself proves the diversity of the two territories rather than the formal severance of the one from the other; but it may be otherwise shown that soon after Trajan the latter was carried out. For the fact that the separated district was originally divided into nine cantons, as these verses say, is confirmed by the name that thenceforth continued in use, _Novempopulana_; but under Pius the district numbers already eleven communities (for the _dilectator per Aquitanicae XI populos_, Boissieu, _Lyon_, p. 246, certainly belongs to this connection), in the fifth century twelve, for the _Notitia_ enumerates so many under the Novempopulana. This increase is to be explained similarly to that discussed at p. 95, note 2. The division does not relate to the governorship; on the contrary, both the Celtic and the Iberian Aquitania remained under the same legate. But the Novempopulana obtained under Trajan its own diet, while the Celtic districts of Aquitania, after as before, sent deputies to the diet of Lyons.]

[51: There are wanting some smaller Germanic tribes, such as the Baetasii and the Sunuci, perhaps for similar reasons with those of the minor Iberian; and further, the Cannenefates and the Frisians, probably because it was not till later that these became subjects of the empire. The Batavi were represented.]

[52: Thus there was found in Nemausus a votive inscription written in the Celtic language, erected Ματρεβο Ναμαυσικαβο (_C. I. L._ xi. p. 383), _i.e._, to the Mothers of the place.]

[53: For example, we read on an altar-stone found in Néris-les-Bains, (Allier; Desjardins, _Géographie de la Gaule romaine_, ii. 476); _Bratronos Nantonicn Epadatextorici Leucullo Suio rebelocitoi_. On another, which the Paris mariners' guild under Tiberius erected to Jupiter the highest and best (Mowat; _Bull. épig. de la Gaule_, p. 25f.) the main inscription is Latin, but on the reliefs of the lateral surfaces, which appear to represent a procession of nine armed priests, there stand explanatory words appended: _Senani Useiloni ..._ and _Eurises_, which are not Latin. Such a mixture is also met with elsewhere, _e.g._, in an inscription of Arrènes (Creuse, _Bull. épig. de la Gaule_, i. 38); _Sacer Peroco ieuru_ (probably = _fecit_) _Duorico v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)._]

[54: The posting-books and itineraries do not fail to remark at Lyons and Toulouse that here the _leugae_ begin.]

[55: The second Berne gloss on Lucan, i. 445, which rightly makes Teutates Mars, and seems also otherwise credible, says of him: _Hesum Mercurium colunt, si quidem a mercatoribus colitur_.]

[56: Josephus, _Bell. Jud._ ii. 16, 4. There king Agrippa asks his Jews whether they imagined themselves to be richer than the Gauls, braver than the Germans, more sagacious than the Hellenes. With this all other testimonies accord. Nero hears of the revolt not unwillingly _occasione nata spoliandarum iure belli opulentissimarum provinciarum_ (Suetonius, _Nero_, 40; Plut. _Galb._ 5); the booty taken from the insurgent army of Vindex is immense (Tac. _Hist._ i. 51). Tacitus (_Hist._ iii. 46) calls the Haedui _pecunia dites et voluptatibus opulentos_. The general of Vespasian is not wrong in saying to the revolted Gauls in Tac. _Hist._ iv. 74: _Regna bellaque per Gallias semper fuere, donec in nostrum ius concederetis; nos quamquam totiens lacessiti iure victoriae id solum vobis addidimus quo pacem tueremur, nam neque quies gentium sine armis neque arma sine stipendiis neque stipendia sine tributis haberi queunt_. The taxes doubtless pressed heavily, but not so heavily as the old state of feud and club-law.]

[57: This epigram on "barley-wine" is preserved (_Anthol. Pal._ ix. 368):

Τίς πόθεν εἶς Διόνυσε; μὰ γὰρ τὸν ἀληθέα Βάκχον,
οὐ σ' ἐπιγιγνώσκω· τὸν Διὸς οἶδα μόνον.
κεῖνος νέκταρ ὄδωδε· σὺ δὲ τράγου· ἦ ῥά σε Κελτοὶ
τῇ πενίῃ βοτρύων τεῦξαν ἀπ' ἀσταχύων.
τῷ σε χρὴ καλέειν Δημήτριον, οὐ Διόνυσον,
πυρογένη μᾶλλον καὶ βρόμον, οὐ Βρόμιον.

On an earthen ring found in Paris (Mowat, _Bull. épig. de la Gaule_, ii. 110; iii. 133), which is hollow and adapted for the filling of cups, the drinker says to the host: _copo, conditu(m)_ [_cnoditu_ is a misspelling] _abes_; _est reple(n)da_--"Host, thou hast more in the cellar; the flask is empty;" and to the barmaid: _ospita, reple lagona(m) cervesa_--"Girl, fill the flask with beer."]

[58: Suetonius, _Dom._ 7. When it was specified as a reason, that the higher prices of corn were occasioned by the conversion of agricultural land into vineyards, that was of course a pretext which calculated on the want of intelligence in the public.]

[59: When Hehn still appeals (_Kulturpflanzen_, p. 76) for the vine-culture of the Arverni and the Sequani, beyond the Narbonensis, to Pliny, _H. N._ xiv. 1, 18, he follows discarded interpolations of the text. It is possible that the sterner imperial government in the three Gauls kept back the cultivation of the vine more than the lax senatorial rule in the Narbonensis.]

[60: One of the professorial poems of Ausonius is dedicated to four Greek grammarians:--

_Sedulum cunctis studium docendi;
Fructus exilis tenuisque sermo;
Sed, quia nostro docuere in aevo,
Commemorandi._

This mention is the more meritorious, seeing that he had learned nothing suitable from them:--

_Obstitit nostrae quia, credo, mentis
Tardior sensus, neque disciplinis
Appulit Graecis puerilis aevi
Noxius error._

Such thoughts have frequently found utterance, but seldom in Sapphic measure.]

[61: _Romana gravitas_, Hieronymus, _Ep._ 125, p. 929, Vall.]